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HISTORY 



OF THE 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 



BY 



LUCIEN B. CHASE, 

A MEMBER OF THE TWENTY-NINTH AND THIRTIETH 
CONGRESSES. 



NEW-YORK : 
GEORGE P. PUTNAM, 155 BROADWAY. 

M.DCCC.L. 



V 






Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1850, by 

Lucien B. Chase, 

n d|| , - B office of th. District Court lor the Southern District 

.it New- York. 



: 

N ^ 



PREFACE 



It was with a just appreciation of the difficult task 
before me, that I commenced the history of Mr. 
Polk's administration. I have endeavored to de- 
lineate, and I hope with impartiality, the transac- 
tions which signalized that eventful epoch. Having 
been in Congress during the presidential term of 
Mr. Polk, many occurrences recorded in these pages 
passed under my own observation, which greatly 
facilitated my researches. I have incorporated co- 
pious notes, containing arguments upon both sides 
of important questions, for the purpose of present- 
ing the views of Mr. Polk's contemporaries. The 
work is respectfully submitted to the consideration 
of my countrymen, with the hope that they will 
deal gently with its faults, in return for the infor- 
mation which I trust it contains. 

The events which transpired during the admi- 
nistration of James K. Polk will exercise a vast 
influence upon the destiny of this confederacy. 



iv PREFACE. 

Future generations will designate it as an age of 
r r esa and reform. History will preserve the evi- 
dences of the chivalry and military enthusiasm 
which, during: the Mexican war, covered the Amer- 
Lean anus with immortal renown. 

Too brief a period has elapsed since those scenes 
occurred, to justify the belief that they will be 
weighed at the presenl day with an impartial judg- 
ment. Political and personal animosities have not 
been allayed by the soothing hand of time. 
Mr. Polk, but a few months ago, retired from his 
elevated position only to be gathered to the tomb. 
Posterity, however, will regard with unprejudiced 
minds the brilliant career of that administration, 
which for Btartling incidents, bold and comprehen- 
sive policy, and grand and successful design, stands 
unrivalled upon the pages of American history. 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER I. 



Early History of James K. Polk. — His Election to Congress.— Chosen Go- 
vernor of Tennessee.— Influences which produced his nomination for the 
Presidency in 1844.— Presidential contest of 1844.— Elevated to the Pre- 
sidency.— Selection of his Cabinet. .•••.. 9 



CHAPTER II. 

First Annual Message of Mr. Polk.— Annexation of Texas.— Adjustment of 
the Oregon Question. . .30 



CHAPTER III. 

Different races in Mexico. — The information is received there thai Joseph 
Bonaparte was placed upon the throne of Spain. — Course pursued by the 
Mexicans. — Rupture between the Natives and Europeans. — Insurrection 
headed by Hidalgo. — Plan of Igualo. — Iturbide proclaimed Emperor. — He 
is banished, and on his return to Mexico, is shot. — Revolutions. — Santa 
Anna elected President. — Texas Revolution. .... 55 



CHAPTER IV. 

The' Boundaries of Texas. — Becomes a member of the Confederacy of 1824. 
— The Texas which was obtained from France in 1803, and which was 
ceded to Spain in 1819. — Grant of land to Moses Austin.— Settlement of 
Texas. — General Cos with a military force crosses the Nueces. — Colli- 
sion of Arms. — Cos is forced to surrender. — Santa Anna invades Texas in 
person. — The garrison of Alamo slaughtered. — Murder of Fanning's 



v i CO N T E N T S . 

mand —Battle of San Jacinto.— Santa Anna makes a treaty with 
. _The Mexicans evacuate Texas.— The claim of Texas to 

77 



the Kiu Grande. 



CHAPTEE V. 



of Texas —She applies lor admission into the Union.— Acquisi- 
rriloryby Mr. Jefferson.— Transfer of Texas to Spain by the 
1819 —Efforts of President Adams to have the title reconveyed. 
_T, . . [uired while Mr. Webster was Secretary of State.— Efforts 
England and France to prevent annexation.— Passage of the annexa- 
tion resolutions. — Extension of our boundary y 7 



CHAPTEE VI. | 

American Consul at Mexico directed to open negotiations.— The Mexicans 

. .. a commissioner —Mr Slidell appointed Minister Pieni- 

ntiary.— The Mexicans refuse to receive him in that character. — 

rupture which had long existed.— The Mexicans raise troops. 

— Herrera forced to resign i i favor of General Paredes.— Orders issued to 

the Mexican commanders upon the frontiers to attack the Americans. — 

reued by the opposition members of Congress. — Assault upon 

the I ;» ol Mr. Polk. HI 



CHAPTER VII. 

Forward movement of the American troops. — The number and discipline of 

the American army. — General Taylor reaches Point Isabel. — Fort Brown 

ted —The Mexicans cross the Rio Grande. — General Taylor moves 

Poinl Isabel. — Bombardment of Fort Brown. — Battle 

i de la Palma. — The action of Congress. — Reorga- 

■ army. — The object for which the war was prosecuted — 

■nil General Scotl — Requisitions made upon the Governors of 

i- —Plan of campaign.— Action of General 

■s from Camargo in the direction of Mon- 

turt of Monterey. — Internal affairs of Mexico. — Pass granted 

| . i. ral Wool marches upon Monclova. — General Kear- 

: Ci nel Doniphan advances upon Chihuahua. — Vic- 

cromento. — General Kearney starts for California. — Operations 

Fremont and Commodores Sloat and Stockton. Orders issued 

from the Mexicans. — General Taylor advises the 

tve line — Preparations made to attack Vera Cruz. 

ments authorized by tic- President. — Movements of Colonel 

134 



CONTENTS. VU 



CHAPTER VIII. 

General Scott directed to proceed to the seat of war. — General Taylor ad- 
vised to act upon the defensive. — Complaints of General Taylor. — Move- 
ments of Santa Anna. — He advances upon Agua Nueva. — Battle of Bue- 
na Vista. — General Scott takes Vera Cruz and the castle of San Juan 
De Ulloa. — Capture of Alvarado. — Victory of Cerro Gordo. — Jalapa and 
Perote fall into the hands of the Americans. — Appointment of Mr. Trist 
as Commissioner to Mexico. — Puebla is surrendered to General Worth. 
— Arrival of reinforcements from the United States. — The American 
army enter the Valley of Mexico. ...... 187 



CHAPTER IX. 

Battle of Contreras. — Worth's division storms San Antonio. — Victory of 
Churubusco. — Armistice granted. — Negotiations broken off. — Sanguinary 
battle of Molino del Bey. — Storming of Chapultepec. — Surrender of the 
city. — Santa Anna resigns the Presidency. — Attacks Colonel Childs at 
Puebla. — Major Lally forces his way from Vera Cruz to Jalapa. — He is 
joined by General Lane with 2,500 men. — Battle of Huamantla. — Powers 
invested in Mr. Trist revoked. — Contributions exacted. — Treaty concluded 
by Mr. Trist. — General Scott recalled. — General Butler appointed to the 
command of the army. — Treaty of Guada loupe Hidalgo. — Americans 
evacuate Mexico. — The army of the United States. — Territory, acquired 
from Mexico. — Its value 227 



CHAPTER X. 

The Tariff. — Opinions of Messrs. Clay and Polk upon that question. — Mes- 
sage of Mr. Polk. — Report of the Secretary of the Treasury. — Passage of 
the Tariff of 1846. — Arguments of the friends and opponents of free trade. 
— The Constitutional Treasury established. — Discussions in the Constitu- 
tional Convention. — Public Debt of the United States. — Proposed Tax 
upon Tea and Coffee. 307 



CHAPTER XI 

Internal Improvements. — Contest between Congress and the Executive upon 
that question. — Discussions upon the power granted Congress to authorize 
the Stales to lay duties upon tonnage in the Constitutional Convention. — 
Public lands. — Pre-emption rights — Lands granted to several States. — 



\ 111 CONTENTS. 

Land granted to soldiers. — Post- Office Department. — Rates of postage. 
— Foreign mails. — Lines established to Chagres and California. — The 
.Navy 396 

CHAPTER XII. 

The veto power exercised by Mr. Polk. — The instructions to Mr. Slidell. — 
The -lion. — The Wilmot Proviso. — The slavery question in the 
Constitution;! 1 ('< invention. — The Missouri compromise. — Territorial Go- 
vernment for Oregon. — Admission of Wisconsin and Iowa into the Union. 
— Progress made in the arts and sciences. — State of American literature 
and education. — Conclusion 429 



THE POLK ADMINISTRATION. 



CHAPTER I. 



Early History of James K. Polk. — His Election to Congress. — Chosen Go- 
vernor of Tennessee. — Influences which produced his nomination for the 
Presidency in 1844. — Presidential contest of 1844. — Elevated to the Pre- 
sidency. — Selection of his Cabinet. 

James Knox Polk, the eleventh President of the 
United States, was born in Mecklenburgh county, 
North Carolina, on the 2d of November, 1795. 
He was the eldest of ten children. His ancestors 
emigrated from Ireland during the first part of the 
eighteenth century, and settled in the State of 
Maryland. A portion of the family removed, first 
to Pennsylvania, and about the year 1750 they 
located in North Carolina. In 1806, Major Samuel 
Polk, the father of James K. Polk, emigrated to 
Tennessee and settled upon Duck River. It was 
here that young Polk endured the hardships of a 
border life until his constitution, which was then 
quite delicate, came near giving way under the toil 
and fatigue to which he was exposed. Yielding to 
the persuasions of his son. Major Polk enabled ! ' n 



10 HISTOET OF THE 

to enter the college at Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 
in 1815, where he graduated in three years, with 
the highest honors. He was distinguished at col- 

for laborious application to his studies, and by 
a strict conformity to the regulations of the insti- 
tution. He was always present at recitations, and 
invariably attended morning and evening prayers 
in the Chapel. 

When he completed his collegiate education, he 
entered the office of the celebrated Felix Grundy 
ti> prepare himself for the practice of the law. He 
commenced the arduous duties of his profession in 
L820, in the county of Maury, and at once assumed 
a high position at the bar. 

In 1821 he was Clerk to the Legislature of Ten- 
nessee. His political career commenced in 1823, 
when he was elected a member of the Legislature 
of Tennessee. In 1825 he was elevated to a seat in 
Congress. He was re-elected every succeeding two 
years until 1839. In 1835 he was Speaker of the 
House of Representatives, to which position he was 
re-elected in L83T. In 1839, he was chosen Gover- 
nor of Tennessee, and in 1844 President of the 
1 nited Slates. The rapidity with which he was 
elevated, step by step, to the highest position on 
earth, is indeed remarkable, and proves conclu- 
sively that his success was not the result of circum- 
stances alone. 

No one who knew Mr. Polk ever considered 
him a brilliant genius. His mind possessed solidity 
rather than imagination. His perception was intui- 
tive, and his memory retentive to an extraordinary 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 11 

degree, while his judgment rarely led him into 
error. His manners were remarkably affable, and 
always made an impression upon those who knew 
him. Among his intimate friends, he indulged his 
wit and humor with perfect freedom, and they 
always found him a pleasant and instructive com- 
panion. 

The career of Mr. Polk was as remarkable for 
its brilliancy as for the substantial fruits which it 
produced. The prominent trait of his character 
was extraordinary energy. In college, at the bar, 
in his political canvasses, and in the discharge of 
his executive duties, he was alike distinguished for 
his untiring industry and indomitable wil). This 
frequently induced him to devote his attention too 
much to minute details, and had the effect of im- 
pairing his constitution. It was in his canvasses 
that he exhibited all the resources of his mind. 
Disaster only had the effect of arousing his powers, 
and stimulated him to win victory where others 
were subdued by defeat. Three times he canvassed 
the State of Tennessee as a candidate for Governor. 
In 1839 he was elected over Newton Cannon, and 
in 1841 and 1843 he was defeated by James C. 
Jones. No one who has not experienced the 
fatigues of such a struggle, can appreciate its 
labors. Undismayed by the task before him, Col. 
Polk always commenced the contest buoyant with 
hope. He invariably succeeded in inspiring his 
friends with his own enthusiasm ; no obstacle could 
deter him from an energetic discharge of his duty. 
Subsisting upon the plainest food, and perfectly 



1_- BIST OBI OF T 11 E 

temperate in his habits, he accustomed himself to a 
. system of diet, which alone could have sus- 
tained liim in his political conflicts. 

Hi- powers of endurance were taxed to their 
utmost capacity dining his presidential career. Ele- 
! to that responsible position at the age of 
-nine, being younger l>\ several years than 
either of hi- predecessors, he was determined to em- 
all the resources of his intellect in the dis- 
charge of hi- duties. His administration occurred 
in times big with greal events, and his sound judg- 
ment, and inflexibility of purpose, enabled him to 
control them with unparalleled success. 

The amiable and accomplished Mrs. Polk pre- 
sided with -reat dignity and grace over the pre- 
sidential mansion during the term of President 
Polk All who approached her were warmly im- 
I -• d with her unaffected affability of manner, 
and probabl) uo lady ever occupied that position, 
w ho left it w it h so many friends. 

The prominent aspirants for the presidency in 

1844, were Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Clay. The 

tic part} were anxious to atone for the 

Me defeai which \\\r\ sustained in 1840, and 

whig* were determined to do justice to the 

distinguished leader, who was the "embodiment" 

their principles. These two gentlemen, either 

1 thai Mr. Tyler had pressed the question 

ition of Texas to the United States, to 

his own prospects for the presidency, and 

determined to frustrate his designs 

b} t' ' In ir supporters to oppose that measure; 



POLK ADMINISTRATION". 13 

or they were honestly opposed to the consummation 
of that event. And while a large majority of both 
parties, at least in the slave-holding States, were 
anxiously endeavoring to promote a union of the 
two republics, and were taking prompt and decisive 
steps to produce that result, they were astounded 
by the publication of letters from Messrs. Clay and 
Van Buren, in opposition to that measure.* The 
attachment of the whig party to Mr. Clay proved 
more powerful than their desire for the admission 

* " In the future progress of events, it is probable that there will be a 
voluntary or forcible separation of the British North American possessions 
from the parent country. I am strongly inclined to think it will be best 
for the happiness of all parties, that, in that event, they should be erected 
into a separate and independent republic. With the Canadian republic 
on one side, that of Texas on the other, and the United States, the friend 
of both, between them, each could advance its own happiness by such 
constitutions, laws, and measures, as were best adapted to its peculiar 
condition !" 
********* 

" In conclusion, they [his objections to annexation] may be stated in a 
few words to be, that I consider the annexation of Texas, at this time, 
without the assent of Mexico, as a measure compromising the national 
character, involving us certainly in a war with Mexico, probably with 
other foreign powers, dangerous to the integrity of the Union, inexpe- 
dient in the present financial condition of the country, and not called for 
by any general expression of public opinion." — Letter of Mr. Clay, May 
9, 1844. 

" I by no means contend that a formal recognition of Texas by Mexico 
is necessary to justify us in assenting to her annexation to the United 
States. Time and circumstances may work such a change in the rela- 
tions between these two countries as to rentier an act of that character 
on the -part of Mexico unnecessary and unimportant. What I m^an to 
say is, that, from all the information I have been able to obtain on the 
subject, no change has yet taken place that would make the objections I 
have here detailed inapplicable." — Letter of Mr. Van Buren, April 20, 
1844. 



1 [ || l BTO B V OF THE 

of Texas into the Union; while the doctrines of 
Mr. Van Buren, meeting with no sympathy from a 
majority of the democratic party, resulted in Ins 
defeat in the Baltimore Convention, and produced 
the nomination of Mr. Polk. At the meeting of 
that convention, the claim- of the latter gentleman 
were alone pressed for the oilier of Vice President, 
and it was <»nly when there was danger that vio- 
and anarchy would produce a dissolution of 
the body, that be was selected as the compromise 
candidate* AJbout the same time the Whig Con- 

■ The Baltimore Convention assembled on the 27th of May, 1844. 
Mr. Hendricks U. Wright of Pennsylvania was appointed President, 
vo-thirds rule was adopted by a vote of 148 to 116. This was re- 
i tesl vote, the Van Buren men going in a mass against it. 
first ballot resulted in the following vote : Van Buren, 146; Cass, 
J ,bnson, 2 l ; Buchanan, I ; Woodbury, 2 ; Stuart, 1 ; Calhoun, 6. 
dlot: Van Buren, 127: Cass, 94; Johnson, 33; Bu- 
chanan. U ; Stuart. 1 : ( !alhoun, 1 . 

! ballot: Van Buren, 121; Cass, 92; Johnson, 33 ; Buchanan, 
11 ; Woobury, 2; Calhoun, -J. 

rth ballot: Van Buren, ill ; Cass, 105; Johnson,32; Buchanan, 
17; Ci Ihoun, l . 

Fifth i ot: Van Buren, 103; Cass, 107; Johnson, 29 ; Buchanan, 

• Van Buren, 101; Cass, 116; Johnson, 23 ; Buchanan, 
in, 1. 
nth ballot : Van Buren, 99; Cass, 123; Johnson, 21 ; Buchanan, 
1 lalhoun 1. 
Tic ii ■' now became intense, and disorder and confusion 

now made to establish the majority rule, hut failed; 118 
i igain i On Wednesday the Convention again met. 
E Van Buren, 104; Cass, ill; Buchanan, 2; Polk, 44; 

' in, 2. 

Polk, whole number of votes, 266. 

nominated fur the Vice Presidency, but declined 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 15 

vention, with great unanimity and enthusiasm, nomi- 
nated Mr. Clay, and thus the two aspirants were 
placed before the American people. Accusations 
were made by each party against the other, of un- 
fairness in conducting the canvass. It was asserted 
by the whigs, that the northern democracy touched 
lightly upon the question of annexation, and in- 
scribed uj)on their flags the motto of " Polk, Dallas, 
and the Tariff of 1842 ;" the democrats as posi- 
tively declared that the southern whigs did not 
hesitate to denounce the question of the annexation 
of Texas after the publication of Mr. Clay's letter, 
although they had most zealously advocated that 
measure while his opinions were unknown. 

It is but justice to both parties to say, that the 
canvass was the most exciting since the organiza- 
tion of our Government, and was conducted with 
as much fairness as usually characterizes those strug- 
gles. It is an evil which is an inevitable result of 
all elections where parties are zealously supporting 
their favorite candidates, that all the oj)inions, even 
if frankly promulgated by the aspirants, are not as 
frankly reiterated by partisan orators and the press 
of the country. Still this conduct upon the part 
of the politicians does not prevent the people from 
honestly giving their support to that individual 



accepting the nomination, and on Thursday the Convention proceeded to 
elect another candidate. 

First ballot: Fairfield, 87; Woodbury, 56; Cass, 29 ; Johnson, 26; 
Stewart, 23; Dallas, 13; Marcy, 5. 

Second ballot : Dallas, 220 ; Fairfield, 30 ; Woodbury 6. 



16 HISTORY OF THE 

who will illustrate, in the administration of public 
affairs, the political opinions which tliey advocate. 
It cannot be denied that it was known to the Ame- 
rican people, that Mr. Polk was in favor of the im- 
mediate annexation of Texas to the United States, 
and in triumphantly electing- him, they consequently 
sanctioned that measure.* 

The prominent questions discussed during the- 
canvass of L844 were the currency, the tariff, the 
annexation of Texas, the veto power, and the dis- 
tribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public 
land-. The I democratic Convention which nominated 
Mr. 1'olk at Baltimore, in May, 1844, laid down a 

• •• You request from me an explicit expression of opinion upon this 

i ni annexation. Having at no time entertained opinions upon 

public subjects which I was unwilling to avow, it gives me pleasure to 

coal ply with your request. I have no hesitation in declaring that I am in 

i| the immediate re-annexation of Texas to the territory and govern- 

l il States. I entertain no doubts as to the power or ex- 

ol the re-annexation. * * * * * 

•• It i- a part of the great valley of the Mississippi, directly connected 

navigable waters with tin' .Mississippi River, and having once been 

a part df our Union, it should never have been dismembered from it. 

1 overnmenl and people of Texas, it is understood, not only give 

their consent, bul are anxiously desirous to be re-united to the United 

ll 'In' application of Texas for a re-union and admission into 

all be rejected by the United States, there is imminent 

■ will become a dependency, if not a colony of Great 

—an event which no American patriot, anxious for the safety and 

r tj of this country, could permit to occur without the most stren- 

lance. L< t Texas be re-annexed, and the authority and laws of 

,1 "■ ' 1 Stablished and maintained within her limits, and 

Terril ry, and let the fixed policy of our government 

I to permil Great Britain, or any other foreign power, to plant a 
hold dominion over any portion of the people or territory of 
1 f James K. Pot I pril 23, 1844. 



POLK ADIIIKISTEATION. 17 

platform for the campaign.* The whig party at 
the time they nominated Mr. Clay at Baltimore, on 

* Resolved, That the Federal Government is one of limited powers, 
derived solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power shown 
therein, ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents 
of the Government, and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise 
doubtful constitutional powers. 

2. That the Constitution does not confer upon the Federal Govern 
ment the power to commence and carry .on a general system of interna.. 
improvement. 

3. That the Constitution does not confer authority upon the Federal 
Government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the several 
States contracted for local or internal improvements, or other state pur- 
poses, nor would such assumption be just and expedient. 

4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government to 
foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to cherish 
the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our com- 
mon country ; that every citizen of the country has a right to demand and 
insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and to compel an ample 
protection of persons and property from domestic violence and foreign 
aggression. 

5. That it is the duty of every branch of the Government to enforce 
and practise the most rigid economy in conducting our public affairs, and 
that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to defray the 
necessary expenses of the Government. 

6. That Congress has no power to charter a national bank ; that we 
believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of 
the country, dangerous to our republican institutions and the liberties of 
the people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the 
control of a concentrated money power, and above the laws and will of 
the people. 

7. That Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere 
with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that 
such States are the sole and proper judges of every thing appertaining to 
their own affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution ; that all efforts of the 
abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with the 
question of slavery, or take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calcu- 
lated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences, and that 
all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of 
the people and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and 
ought not to be countenanced by any friend to our political institutions. 

2 



Is IIISTOKY OF THE 

the Ls1 of May, 1844, adopted certain resolu- 

The struggle was fiercely contested, and almost 
every expedient was resorted to tor the purpose of 
winning rotes. The friends of both the candidates 

8. That the separation of the moneys of the government from banking 
institul pen ibli ■ for the safety of the funds of the government 

and th' eople. 

R . That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly 

applied to the national objects specified in the Constitution; and that we 
I to the law lately adopted, and to any law for the distribution 
proceeds among t lie States, as alike inexpedient in policy and 
rnanl to the < institution. 
Resolutions were also adopted against taking from the President the 
ercising the veto power; and proclaiming our title to the whole 
t Oregon and against surrendering any portion of it to 
:. and also in favor of the annexation of Texas. 
.Mr. Benjamin F. Butler was chairman of the committee who reported 
ulutions. 

WMl: Convention assembled at Baltimore, May 1st, 1844. 
I Ambrose Spencer, of New-York, was appointed President. Henry 

1 ninated for the Presidency, and Theodore Frelinghuysen for 

ncj . 

olutions were unanimously adopted at the Whig 

ntion of Ma . 1844. 

" R ed, Thai in presenting to the country the names of Henry 

for President, and Theodore Frelinghuysen for Vice President, the 

ctuated by the conviction that all the great, principles of 

rty— principles inseparable from the public honor and pros- 

— will be maintained and advanced by the election of these candi- 

• 

l: '■ Tna( these principles may be summed as comprising a well 

''•■'i national currency, a tariff for revenue to defray the necessary 

the government, and discriminating with special reference to 

,h " r ' < ! "' domestic labor of the country, the distribution of the 

from the sales of the public lands, a single term for the Pre- 

b reform ol executive usurpations, and generally such an admin- 

iffaira of the country as shall impart to every branch of 

the greatest practicable efficiency, controlled by a well 

■nd wise economy." 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 



19 



were conndent of success, and were animated with 
the greatest ardor and enthusiasm. The result was 
the election of Messrs. Polk and Dallas to the Pre- 
sidency and Vice Presidency of the United States, 
by a majority of sixty-five electoral votes.''' 

On the 4th of March, 1845, the President elect 
of the United States delivered his Inaugural Ad- 
dress in the presence of the assembled representa- 
tives of the American people, the Supreme Court 
of the United States, the diplomatic corps, and an 



* 












i 


For President. 


For Vice President. 


m a 

2 '" S 

•Z B - 

SS-" 


STATES. 


SB'S 


a 
O 

a 


go 
o 




9 


Maine, .... 


9 




9 




6 

12 


New Hampshire, 
Massachusetts, 












6 


12 


6 


12 


4 


Rhode Island, 














4 




4 


6 


Connecticut, 














6 




6 


6 


Vermont, 














6 




6 


36 


New York, 












36 




36 




7 

26 
3 


New Jersey, 

Pennsylvania, 

Delaware, 












26 


7 
3 


26 


7 
3 


8 


Maryland, 














8 




8 


17 


Virginia, 












17 




17 




11 


North Carolina, 














11 




11 


9 


South Carolina, 












9 




9 




10 
12 


Georgia, 
Kentucky, 












10 


12 


10 


12 


13 


Tennessee, 














13 




13 


23 


Ohio, 














23 




23 


6 


Louisiana, 












6 




6 




6 


Mississippi, 












6 




6 




12 


Indiana, 












12 




12 




9 


Illinois, 












9 




9 




9 


Alabama, 












9 




9 




7 


Missouri, 












7 




7 




3 


Arkansas, 












3 




3 




5 


Michigan, 






5 




5 




— _ _ 




— — 





I 


1 


275 














170 


105 


1 170 


105 



EIST0E1 OF X HE 

of spectators, and toot the oath 
of office, which was administered by the Chief 

Ju-ti 

Mr. Clay, tin- unsuccessful candidate of the whig 
party for the presidency, had for a long period been 
an aspirant for that office. As early as L 824, he 
supported for that position by many warm 
admirers. Perhaps no man in the Union has won 
the attachment of so many ardent and enthusiastic 
»nal friends as Mr. Clay. No disaster can 
dampen their zeal, and each successive defeat only 
ha- tip- baching them still more closely 

to his person and his fortunes. He is, indeed, a 
noble leader. His bold and impassioned eloquence, 
his aflability and fascination of manner, and his 
unwavering devotion to his friends, altogether con- 
stitute him one of the mos1 influential .statesmen 
u li'nli this country has ever produced. 

His patriotism lias been too often put to the 

to admit of doubt. Upon two occasions he 

interposed his form between the exasperated 

citizens of the North and South. When the ex- 

Miit raged with frightful violence before the 

admission of Missouri, and threatened to destroy 

the Union itself, with a promptness and sincerity 

which proved that a patriot's heart beat within his 

he poured oil upon the troubled waters 

and assisted to allay the storm. And now, when 

danger thickens, and a dark and thnatening cloud 

hovt the Temple of Liberty, his tall and 

1 in is again Been protecting from sacri- 

the Inaugural Address, see Appendix. 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 21 

lege and violence our glorious Constitution, and in 
tones which are tremulous with age, he implores 
our distracted countrymen to pause in their career, 
and save the American Confederacy from the fright- 
ful horrors which must flow from its dissolution. 

The difficult and delicate duty now devolved 
upon Mr. Polk of selecting his cabinet, and upon 
a wise choice of those persons much of the popu- 
larity and success of his administration depended. 
Not only was it necessary to call around him states- 
men whose ability and experience would enable 
them to illustrate the broad and comprehensive 
platform which he had laid down in his inaugural 
address, but whose commanding talents and popu- 
larity with the American people would recommend 
its adoption by their representatives. Among the 
names which Mr. Polk presented to the Senate as 
his cabinet officers, were some of the most distin- 
guished statesmen in the Union, and in their selec- 
tion he exhibited a thorough knowledge of those 
men, whose great abilities and remarkable energy 
greatly assisted in erecting that splendid super- 
structure which has given an undying reputation 
to his administration. 

The loner service of Mr. Buchanan in the Sen- 
ate, where he had encountered in debate the 
profoundest statesmen in the land, qualified him 
thoroughly for the department of State. Logical 
and sound in his reasoning, with a sagacity which 
could discover dangers in the future, and the ability 
to avoid them, however threatening and sudden 
their approach, he was always a formidable foe to 



HIS TO BY OF Til E 

lli< diplomatic communications gave evi- 
dence of thorough preparation, and in every con- 
flict a himself and the representatives of 
foreign powers, they retired confounded and dis- 
comfited before his unanswerable arguments. His 
judgment was sound and comprehensive, and his 
mind was enriched by a course of long and painful 
study. In the Senate he never wielded the glit- 
tering blade of Clay, nor the ponderous falchion of 
iter. But whenever he addressed that body 
it was with a majesty of diction, an amplitude of 
information, and an iron and irresistible strength of 
ming which seldom tailed to convince, where 
it did not control. He was as successful in the 
cabinel as he had been in the Senate, and his vast 
i \ er equal to the responsibilities which 
devolved upon the department of State, while his 
opinions were always received with marked atten- 
tion in cabinel council. The policy which he unde- 
Lvocated in the settlement of our diffi- 
culties with England and Mexico, was bold and 
While the delicate; position he occupied 
in relation to the interests of Pennsylvania, after 
the i which he pursued in the campaign of 
idered him somewhat timid upon the great 
question of free trade. 

• I. Walker, who was assigned to the 

iirj Department, had also for many years been 

••' di lied Member of the Senate, where his 

were illustrated and gave indications of 

hi be expected from his extraordinary 

n the responsible position to which he was 



POLK ADMINISTKATION. 23 

called in the Cabinet of Mr. Polk. He possessed 
solidity, without being brilliant, and always ex- 
hausting the subject which he was investigating, he 
rarely failed to produce an impression upon the 
Senate. It was only when he was aroused by the 
magnitude of the subject under discussion, that he 
employed all that was gorgeous, yet pointed, in 
the arts of oratory. At such moments his sarcasm 
and irony told with great effect upon his adversary. 
Ordinarily, however, his power consisted in argu- 
mentation, and in that field he had but few equals. 
It was chiefly upon his labors as Secretary of the 
Treasury, that he will rest his claims to an endur- 
ing feme. It was in that department that he em- 
ployed all the energies of his nature, and the re- 
sources of his vast and varied acquirements, in the 
advocacy of free trade. We have only to look 
over the voluminous pages which he submitted to 
Congress, crowded with facts and arguments, to be- 
come satisfied that his mind was absorbed with the 
one idea which his pen so faithfully illustrated. 
The subject was greatly embarrassed by the war 
with Mexico, and the success with which he carried 
the financial credit of the country through that 
contest, proved him incontestably the ablest finan- 
cier whom our country has produced since the days 
of Robert Morris. The opposition of Webster and 
Evans, and the denunciations of the whig party, 
could not arrest the success of that policy, which 
triumphed over the assaults of its enemies, and 
more than realized the warmest anticipations of 
its friends. 



BIS TOBY !■" T ill. 

appointmenl of Mr. Marcy as Secretary of 
was another fortunate movement for Mr. Polk. 
As Governor of* the State of New York, and one 
of her judges, he bad obtained a high reputation. 
With a grasp of comprehension which enabled him 
at once to master a subject, and a force and appo- 
reas »ning which demonstrated Ids views, 
of judgment, and an intimate know- 
he was well fitted by nature and. 
ition to become the confidential adviser of the 
' lent, and the head of the War Department. 
Mexican war served to develope the great 
of his character. The adoption of the 
celebrated plan of the campaign, and its successful 
cution, in all its parts, required tin; resources 
u intelled of no ordinary description. The 
nee with which lie received and replied to the 
plaints which the officers of the army made to 
him, were generally characterized by frankness and 
urbanity, and it was only in liis response to the 
charges made by General Scott against the admin- 
I and the War Department, that lie in- 
dulged in a bitterness of sarcasm which added 
• and force t,. the crushing and irresistible 
reply. 

Bancroft, the historian, was appointed 

f the Navy. He occupied that position 

n brief period, however, when he was appointed 

r of Mr. Everett at the Court of St. 

[lis selection by Mr. Polk as one of the 

iibors of hi-; Cabinet, was not only a proper 

tribu is vasl and varied acquirements as a 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 25 

scholar, but to Iris ability as a man. Deeply versed 
iu the lore of ancient and modern times, his writ- 
ings display evidences of profound thought and 
thorough study ; and without possessing transcen- 
dent abilities, or a brilliant genius, his works bear 
evidence of careful preparation and logical and 
argumentative power. As a speaker, his manner 
is not prepossessing. Nature has not favored him 
with a rich and melodious voice, or a dignified and 
attractive presence. But the gorgeous imagery 
and the sparkling gems which ornament his lan- 
guage, gild the philosophical thought and classical 
erudition, and display the intellectual wealth which 
years of research have enabled him to acquire. 

Not only has he obtained great celebrity as an 
essayist and historian, but the policy which he 
advocated while at the head of the Navy Depart- 
ment gave him the character of an accomplished 
statesman. While his views were sufficiently en- 
larged and liberal, they received the approbation 
of one of the most ultra economists and reformers 
in the House of Representatives.* 

Twice have individuals who had illustrated the 
pages of English literature, been called to preside 
over the Navy Department^ and the same honor 
should have been conferred upon another,!}; whose 
experience in early life and subsequent investiga- 
tions, eminently qualified him for the discharge of 
its duties. His pen has not only adorned the annals 

* James J. McKay, of North Carolina. 
f James K. Paulding and George Bancroft. 
J J. Fenimore Cooper. 



26 H I STOE V OF Tli E 

of our country with his splendid naval history, Imt 
has contributed to American literature its brightest 
gems, and which will only perish with the English 
language. 

The Post Office Department was filled by Cave 
Johnson, of Tennessee, who had been for many 
years one of the most influential Members of the 
House of Representatives. He had obtained great 
celebrity for bis inflexible honesty, Laborious indus- 
try, and for the vigilance with which he guarded 
the public treasury. Gifted with an integrity which 
ispicion, he was a terror to all who are 
endeavoring to obtain the sanction of Congress to 
fraudulent claims; and whenever his tall and vener- 
able form was seen to rise for the purpose of ad- 
dressing the House in opposition to private claims 
which were not founded in justice, the agents who 
had been preparing them knew that their fate was 
1. Perhaps no member exercised s<» great an 
influence over the House of Representatives during 
his Congressional career as Mr. Johnson. His long 

ice in that body, his standing and ability, and 
the argumentative and persuasive eloquence which 
characterized his speeches, always produced a re- 
markable effect upon that body. Mild and cour- 

is in his manner, he won the respect of his po- 

! opponents, while his unshaken attachment to 

bis friends hound them to him by the warmest ties. 

constancy of his affection for men was only 

surpassed by bis devotion to principle; and nothing 

less than a thorough conviction of utter worthless- 

would induce him to abandon a man whom he 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 27 

had once called his friend. As an orator, lie 
was generally calm and argumentative, his promi- 
nent characteristic being convincing and irresistible 
power. He never studied the arts of declamation, 
and did not seek to gild his speeches with the cor- 
uscations of genius. A splendid exordium and 
brilliant peroration cannot be found in one of his 
efforts. He appealed to the reason and not to the 
imagination, and always with effect. Yet upon 
several occasions, when unwarrantable attacks were 
made upon him, or when his indignation was aroused 
by conduct which he reprobated,* his retorts were 
terrible, and his anathemas annihilating. Upon 
such occasions his majestic form towered, and his 
stern glance was fixed upon the offender, who 
writhed beneath the "bitinsr and withering sarcasms 
which were poured from the lips of the speaker. 
"With a facility of illustration, and a fiery and im- 
passioned eloquence, he returns again and again to 
the assault, until his blasting irony has pierced the 
shield in which the delinquent supposed himself 
encased, and he lies prostrate and bleeding before 
the indignant orator. 

Under his administration of the Post Office De- 
partment commenced the reduction of the postage, 
which he opposed while a Member of Congress, but 
to which he subsequently gave the influence of his 
name and popularity. He infused his own energy 
into the public service, and not only were contracts 
made for conveying the mail through the several 

* See his reply to Messrs. Hoge, Hammett, and Holmes, 28th Congress. 



28 HIS T BY OF Til E 

g .-tn.1 Territories, but for transmitting it to 

pe. No combination could force him to yield 
to demands which he thought unjust. Repeatedly 
and violently assailed by the press for discharging 
his duty, his firmness continued unshaken, and he 
witnessed unmoved, alike the flattery and the abuse 
of those who attempted to control him. Immova- 
bly fixed in the honesty of his purposes, he faith- 
fully discharged his duties; and when he retired 
from the position which he had so ably occupied, 
the country lost the services of an honest man. The 
which he filled brought him more immedi- 
ately in contact with the people than any other 

• the Government; and those persons whose 
letter- were delayed, no matter what the cause, 
ready to attribute it to the fault of 
I Johnson. It is always convenient to have 

• ■ blame; and those gentlemen who were 
so querulous while he was at the head of the De- 
partment, continued to pour the vials of their wrath 
upon the head of his successor. 

John Y. Mason of Virginia, a member of Mr. 

i*'s Cabinet, received at first from Mr. Polk 
the office of Attorney General, but subsequently 
was transferred to the position of Secretary of the 

.. This gentleman i- the very soul of convi- 
viality. Bland and urbane in his manners, he was 
always ver) popular with both political parlies, 
while he gave almost universal satisfaetion to the 
officers of the Navy. [lis judgment was sound and 
discriminating, and withoui obtaining as much char- 

■ for energy and industry as the other members 



POLK AD MINI ST RATION. 29 

of the Cabinet, still his grasp of intellect and sound 
practical common sense, enabled him to seize upon 
the strong points of a question with remarkable 
facility. He possessed a thorough knowledge of 
the masses, and was, therefore, a safe Cabinet coun- 
sellor. 

Messrs. Clifford of Maine, and Toucey of Con- 
necticut, also occupied the position of Attorney 
General in Mr. Polk's Cabinet, and proved safe and 
wise counsellors, and profound and able lawyers. 
The former gentleman was appointed a Commis- 
sioner to Mexico, and the latter continued in office 
until the close of the administration. 



30 H IBTOEY* OF THE 



CHAPTER II. 

First Annual Message of Mr. Polk. — Annexation of Texas. — Adjustment of 
the Oregon Question. 

Ox the lirst day of I )erenil>er, 1S45, the members 
Qf the 29th Congress assejnbkd at Washington. 
The Hon. John W. Davis of Indiana was elected 
Speaker of the House, and the accomplished Vice 
i Len1 of the United States presided over the 
deliberations of the Senate. On the following day, 
Mr. Polk delivered his first annual message to Con- 
At that time, although many difficulties 
were unadjusted between the United States and 
several foreign powers, still our country was at 
peace with all the world.* The policy which gov- 
erned the administration was that upon which alone 
the honor of the country can be maintained.f To 
do exacl justice to all nations, wins their good 

•■ In calling the attention of Congress to our relations with foreign 

i n gratified to be able to state that, though with some of them 

there I since your last Session serious causes of irritation and 

lerstanding, yel no actual hostilities have taken place." — Message 

of Mr. Polk to Congress, December ^I. 18-15. 

the maxim in the conduct of foreign affairs, to 'ask 

nothing thai is not right, and submit to nothing that is wrong,' it has 

been mj anxious dee-ire to preserve peace with all nations, but at the same 

time, to be prepared to resisl aggression, and to maintain all our just 

— Ibid. For this message see Appendix. 



POLK ADMINISTEATION". 31 

opinion, while a determination to enforce it in re- 
turn, commands their respect. 

The message! called the attention of Congress to 
the question of the annexation of Texas, and in- 
formed that body that he had approved the selec- 
tion made by his predecessor of the 1st and 2d 
sections of the resolution for annexing Texas to the 
United States. It only remained for Congress to 
admit that State into the Union under the consti- 
tution Avhich had been established by the people, 
and a bill for that purpose was enrolled on the 27th 
of December, 1845. A liberal course towards that 
State was recommended by the President, that her 
citizens might never regret a re-union with the land 
of their nativity. 

The settlement of the boundary between the 
United States and Great Britain, occupied the at- 
tention of the administration at an early day. The 
bold and decisive language used by Mr. Polk in his 
inaugural address," produced quite a sensation in 
England, and the British ministry were satisfied 
that the period for procrastination and delay had 
passed, and that the question must be promptly 
met. 

The attention of Congress was called to the sub- 
ject by Mr. Polk in his first annual message, and 



* "Nor will it become in a less degree my duty to assert and main- 
tain by all constitutional means, the right of the United States to that por- 
tion of our territory which lies beyond the Rocky Mountains. Our title to 
the country of Oregon is ' clear and unquestionable,' and already are our 
people preparing to perfect that title by occupying it with their wives 
and children." — Mr. Polk's Inaugural Address. 



HISTOEY OF THE 

the speedy adjustment of the boundary was strongly 
tended.* 
In connection with the Oregon question, Mr. 
Polk committed a fatal error, amounting to what 
Talleyrand would call a "blunder," and which, 
having the effect of alienating some of his warmest 
friends, greatly embarrassed his administration 
throughout. In his first communication to the 
American people, he proclaimed to the world, that 
our title to the country of the Oregon was "clear 
unquestionable." In that assertion lie was but 
fating the opinions of his constituents, solemnly 
expressed at the ballot-box. The statement was 
still more solemnly uttered in his message to 
jress.f In the same communication lie an- 
nounced a principle which should control the Gov- 
ernment of the United States. J If it is the un- 

at compromise having fulled, it becomes the duty of 

Congr der what measures it may he proper to adopt for the 

tection of our citizens now inhabiting', or who may here- 

u.l for the maintenance of our just title to that 

territory. This notice it would, in my judgment, be proper to give, and 

I mmend thai provision be made by law for giving it accordingly, 

and terminating, in this maimer, the convention of the Gth of August, 

f Ml Con^nss, Dfcrmbcr, 1845. 

'Iii- conviction the proposition of compromise which had 

mde and rejected, was by my direction, subsequently withdrawn, 

and our title to the whole Oregon territory asserted, and as is believed, 

ile lads and arguments." — Ibid. 

a quarter o ry ago, the principle was distinctly an- 

d l" the world in the annual message of one of my predecessors, 

that ■' on continents, by the free and independent condition 

imed and maintained, are henceforth not to be con- 

br future colonization by any European power.' 

i apply with greatly increased force, should any Euro- 

iblish any new colony in North America. In 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 33 

changeable policy of this country to prevent Euro- 
peans from colonizing any portion of this continent, 
it applies to territory to which we have no claim, 
as well as to that which belongs to us ; and if we can- 
not suffer them to colonize parts of the American 
continent to which we have no claim, how can we 
surrender territory to which our title is "clear and 
unquestionable ?"* 

It is true, Mr. Polk stated that he proposed to 
the British Government to settle the boundary 
upon the 49th° of north latitude, in deference to' 
what his predecessors had done ; yet by that offer 
he agreed to surrender nearly 200,000,000 acres 
of land which rightfully belonged to the United 
States.f It is difficult to reconcile this course of 



the existing circumstances of the world, the present is deemed a proper 
occasion to reiterate and reaffirm the principle avowed by Mr. Monroe, 
and to state my cordial concurrence in its wisdom and sound policy. The 
re-assertion of this principle, especially in reference to North America, is 
at this day but the promulgation of a policy which no European power 
should cherish the disposition to resist." — Message of Mr. Polk to Con- 
gress, December, 1845. 

* " The proposition thus offered and rejected, repeated the offer of 
the parallel of 49° of north latitude, which had been made by two pre- 
ceding administrations, but without proposing to surrender to Great Bri- 
tain, as they had done, the free navigation of the Columbia River." — Ibid. 

f " Upon the whole : From the most careful and ample examination 
which the undersigned has been able to bestow upon the subject, he is 
satisfied that the Spanish American title, now held by the United States, 
embracing the whole territory between the parallels of 42° and 54° 40', 
is the best title in existence to this entire region ; and that the claim of 
Great Britain to any portion of it has no sufficient foundation. Even 
British Geographers have not doubted our title to the territory in dispute. 
There is a large and splendid globe now in the Department of State, 
recently received from London, and published by Malby and Company, 
3 



H 1 8 T B T OF THE 

action with the principle which was proclaimed by- 
Mr. Monroe, and which Mr. Polk himself had so 
forcibly reiterated, especially when his offer ex- 
tended privileges to Great Britain never offered by 
his predecessors, consisting in the use of free ports 
en the southern extremity of Vancouver's Island. 
But when the proposition which he made to Great 
Britain was almost insultingly rejected," there was 
no reason why that boundary should be accepted 
l.\ our Government, it' tendered by England. I 
know it lias keen asserted by high authority, that 
Mr. Polk could not refuse a proposition which he 
had himself offered to that power. If the offer 
made by the Executive had been accepted, then it 
would have been binding, but it was rejected, and 
then withdrawn; the two Governments, therefore, 

■ manufacturers and publishers to the Society for the Diffusion of Useful 
Knowledge,' which assigns this territory to the United States. 

■ Notwithstanding such was and still is the opinion of the President, 

yet in the spirit of compromise and < cession, and in deference to the 

predecessors, the undersigned, in ohedience to his instruc- 

proposed to the British Plenipotentiary to settle the controversy by 

dividing the territory in dispute by the -19th parallel of latitude, offering 

to make free to Great Britain any port or ports on Van- 

I land south of this latitude which the British Government might 

The British Plenipotentiary has correctly suggested that the free 

1 the Columbia River was not embraced in this proposal to 

Britain; but, on the other hand, the use of free ports on the 

milir-m extremity oi this island had not been included in former offers." 

'■ v ■-</ of State to the British Minister, August 30lh, 

- The English Ambassador expressed the wish that the Government 

of the United States would make 'some further proposal for the settle- 

tion, more consistent with fairness and equity, 

and with the reasonable expectations of the British Government.' "—Mr. 

Pom's M i Congress, December, 1845. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 35 

occupied the same position which they did before 
it was made. The argument is, that we could not 
refuse an offer we were blind enough to make our- 
selves. All agree that the President could not 
have made a more liberal proposition ; and still, in 
1818 and in 1826, our Government tendered to 
Great Britain the 49th° of north latitude, together 
with the free navigation of the Columbia Kiver 
south of that line. Now if we were bound to 
accept as liberal an offer as we had made, we 
should be forced to accede to the proposition which 
we proposed in 1818 and in 1826. If that would 
not have been admissible, then the argument fails 
to exculpate the administration. 

The announcement by Mr. Polk that our title 
was good to the whole of the Oregon Territory, 
was supported by the facts which were fully illus- 
trated in that celebrated debate in Congress, which 
Mr. Adams pronounced the ablest he had ever 
listened to. The territory west of the Rocky 
Mountains, and between latitude 42° and 61°, un- 
questionably belonged to Spain prior to the Ncotka 
Convention between that country and England, in 
1790; and it is important to ascertain whether 
Spain conveyed the sovereignty which she pos- 
sessed in Oregon to Great Britain by the terms of 
that convention. To determine that fact it is only 
necessary to examine the third, fourth, and fifth 
articles * By the third article it was simply agreed 

* " Art. 3. In order to strengthen the bonds of friendship, and to pre- 
serve in future a perfect harmony and good understanding between the 
two contracting parties, it is agreed that their respective subjects shall 



TO RT OF T H B 

that the subj ' < ] wt w< 1 1 1 igl i c< 1 1 1 tracti ug parties 

should ! ' right of trading with the Indians 

and navigating the waters in that portion of the 

world, and to make settlements, subject to thi 

strictions specified in the subsequent articles. Ar- 

1 that the subjects of Great Britain 

should no1 navigate or carry on their fishery within 

'rom any part of the coasts occupied 

' l. It is difiicult to imagine what rights 

aid have had where such particular 

uard the privileges of Span- 

5th stated that all islands, 

and if the northwestern coasts of North 

the north of the part* of the 

! idy occupied by Spain, should be 



! either in navigating or carrying on 

or in the South seas, or in landing on the 

as in places not already occupied, for the purpose of 

carrying on their commerce with the natives of the country, or of making 

—the whole subject, nevertheless, to the restrictions 

i in the two following articles." 

His Britannic Majesty engages to take the most effectual 

enl the navigation and the fishing of his subjects in the 

from being made a pretext for illicit 

iments; and wi ew, it is moreover 

ted, that British subjects shall not navigate, or carry on 

. within the space of ten sea leagues from 

already occi 

'I in the places which arc to be restored to the British 

' arl cle, is in all other parts of the north- 

i, or of the islands adjacent, situate to 

; the parts of the said ci mpied by Spain, 

ler of the two powers shall have made 

\|uil. 1789, or shall hereafter make any, the 

ind shall carry on their trade 

with"' m." 



POLK ADMIKISTEATION. 37 

open to the subjects of both nations to cany on 
their trade without disturbance or molestation. It 
becomes important to ascertain what was the most 
northern point "occupied" by Spain in 1700. Lieu- 
tenant Meares, a subject of Great Britain, estab- 
lishes conclusively that eighteen months before the 
convention of 1790 was signed, the Spaniards occu- 
pied Nootka,* and that place is north of latitude 
49£°. All that England can make, then, out of 
that convention, is a joint right of trade with Spain 
in the country north of latitude 49^°. At the 
time this treaty was made between England and 
Spain, the former power was only anxious to enable 
her subjects to trade with the Indians, and engage 
in the fisheries ; there is not the slightest evidence 
to be gathered from the terms of the convention, 
that she was desirous of securing for her subjects 
the permcment possession of the country. This is 
apparent from the fact that the principal object of 
the convention appears to have been to place restric- 
tions upon the right of trade and fishing, so that 
the subjects of the two nations might not interfere 
with each other, and the limits of these rights were 
defined by the settlement of the two powers. This 
convention contained no provisions impairing the 
sovereignty of Spain. 

All the rights which Spain possessed upon the 



* Meares' expressions are that Martinez " took possession of the 
lands belonging- to your memorialist, hoisting thereon the standard of 
Spain, and performing such ceremonies as your memorialist is informed 
are visual on such occasions. He then proceeded to build batteries, store- 
houses, &c." — Memorial of Lieut. Meares to the British Government. 



HISTOEY OF TB E 

northwest coast were ceeded by that power to the 
United States by the treaty of L819* 

The title which we acquired to that country 
from Spain does not preclude us from joining to it 
the claim which was made by the United States 
upon the ground of discoveries, explorations, and 
settlements. In May. L792, Captain Grey, in the 
ship Columbia from Boston, entered the month of 
the Columbia River, sailed up the stream for sev- 
eral miles, and gave it the name which it has since 
borne. It is true that the British commissioners in 
L826, in the statement annexe;! to the protocol 
of the sixth conference, asserted that Lieutenant 
Meares, in 17 VN \ entered the bay of the Columbia. 
That he had never entered the mouth of the Co- 
lumbia River is evident from the statement which 
he made in his journaLf Tradition had located 
the mouth of that stream in the latitude where it 
was afterwards found by Captain Grey, and Lieu- 
tenant Meares having failed to discover it, expressed 
his dissatisfaction by giving to the promontory 



" The two high contracting parties agree to cede and renounce all 

claims, and pretensions to the territories described by the 

said line: that is to say, the United States hereby cede to his Catholic 

• : ""1 ren< ce tor ever all their rights, claims, and pretensions to 

- lying west and south of the above described line, (42°,) 

and in :r his Catholic Majesty cedes to the United States all 

nd claims and pretensions to any territory east and north of 

■ hue. and for himself, his heirs, and successors, renounces all 

-Treaty of 1819, between the United 

s Spain. 

H now s ifely assert thai there is no such river as that of St. 

laid down in the Spanish charts." — Journal of Lieut. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 39 

the name of Cape Disappointment, and the bay 
obtained the appellation of Deception Bay. But 
admitting that he did discover the mouth of the 
Columbia Biver, the Portuguese and not the Eng- 
lish were entitled to its benefits.* 

The next question is, whether we followed up 
our discovery soon enough by exploration and set- 
tlement, to perfect our title ; and in coming to a 
conclusion upon this subject, we must take into con- 
sideration the great distance to that country, and 
the obstacles which nature has thrown in our way. 
The valley of the Mississippi was not then, as now, 
thronged with a hardy and adventurous population. 
Those vast prairies which spread out far to the west- 
ward, had never been traversed by the white man. 
The solitude of those gloomy forests had never been 
disturbed by any thing but the Indian warwhoop, and 

* " For the expedition in question, two vessels were fitted out at the 
Portuguese port of Macao, near Canton, in China, from which, as already 
mentioned, several voyages had been previously made to the northwest 
coasts of America, in search of firs. They were both placed under the 
direction of John Meares, a lieutenant in the British navy, on half pay. 
who sailed in the ship Felice, as supercargo ; the other vessel, the brig 
Iphigenia, also carried a British subject, William Douglass, in the same 
capacity ; both vessels, were, however, commanded, ostensibly at least, by 
Portuguese captains ; they were both furnished with passports and other 
papers in the Portuguese language, granted by the Portuguese autho- 
rities of Macao, and showing them to be the property of Juan Cavallo, a 
Portuguese merchant of that place. The instructions for the conduct of 
the voyage were written only in the Portuguese language, and contained 
nothing whatsoever calculated to afford the slightest grounds for suspi- 
cion that other than Portuguese subjects were interested in the enter- 
prise. Finally, the vessels sailed from Macao on the 1st of January, 
1788, under the Portuguese flag, and there is no sufficient proof that any 
other was displayed by them during the expedition." — Greenhoiv's His- 
iory of Oregon, p. 172. 



HISTORY OF T EE 

the trackless regions of the Rocky Mountains 
the grisly bear roamed unmolested. With all these 
difficulties, common sense would lead us readily to 
lusion, that in the exploration and settle- 
• of Oreeron, it was done in a reasonablt time. 
the discovery of the mouth of the St. Roc by 
Captain Grey. In Ma}', 1804, Lewis and Clark, 
missioned by the Government of the United 
States, began the ascent of the Missouri, and on the 
15th of November, 1 805, they arrived at the mouth 
of the Columbia. This was evidence to the nations 
of the earth, that our Government had asserted her 
title to the territory. Tn March, 1811, Astoria was 
»ny sent from New-York. 
From tin 4 admissions and acts of England, our 
title to the whole of < >regon can be adduced. First. 
When the negotiations of 1818 were in progress 
i this country and England, no claim was 
1 by the latter power to the territory of Ore- 
eron under the Nookta Convention. As eager as the 
English an- to seize every pretext for the extension 
of their boundaries, it is not to be supposed that 
ild suffer any opportunity to pass, without 
apprising the nations of the earth of the rights 
which they possess. 

Second. Astoria was surrendered to the United 
States underlie, firsl article of the Treaty of Ghent, 
and \\:t> accepted by the American Commissioner* 

mmands of liis Royal Highness, the Prince 

tch from the Right Honorable the Karl Ba- 

; '" 'I' 1 ' pml rents of the Northwest Company, 

I I - and in obedience to a subsequent 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 41 

Third. In 1819 we acquired all the rights of 
Spain to the northwest coast, north of the 42d de- 
gree of north latitude, without any protest upon 
the part of Great Britain, who well knew that Spain 
claimed the sovereignty of the soil as far north as 
latitude 61°. 

Fourth. By the convention between the United 
States and Russia in 1821, the boundary between 
the two powers was fixed in latitude 51° 40'*. We 
thus ceded to Russia 6° and 20', or an extent of 
country along the coast of 360 miles. If England 



order, dated the 26th of July, from W. A. Sheriff, Esq., captain of his 
Majesty's ship Andromache, we the undersigned, do, in conformity to the 
first article of the Treaty of Ghent, restore to the Government of the Uni- 
ted States, through its agent, J. B. Prevost, Esq., the settlement of Fort 
George, on the Columbia river. 

" Given under our hands, in triplicate, at Fort George, (Columbia 
river,) this 6th day of October, 1818. 

"F. HTCKEY, 
" Captain of his Majesty's ship Blossom. 
"J. KEITH, 
" Of the Northwest Company." 

" I do hereby acknowledge to have this day received, in behalf of the 
Government of the United States, the possession of the settlement desig- 
nated above, in conformity to the first article of the Treaty of Ghent. 
Given under my hand, in triplicate, at Fort George, (Columbia river,) this 
6th day of October, 1818. 

"J. B. PREVOST, 
" Agent of the United States." 

* " It is moreover agreed, that, hereafter, there shall not be formed by 
the citizens of the United States, or under the authority of the United 
States, any establishment upon the northwest coast of America, nor in 
any of the islands adjacent to the north of fifty-four degrees and forty 
minutes of north latitude ; and in the same manner, there shall be none 
formed by Russian subjects, or under the authority of Russia, south of the 
same parallel." — Convention between the United States and Russia, 1824. 



42 HISTORY OF THE 

had p ss ssed title to this soil, would she have calmly 
and quietly suffered it to be traded off by one power 
lother \ 

Fifth. So far from objecting to the establishment 
of the boundary between the United States and 
ia, upon the parallel of 54° 4-0', and a conse- 
quent conveyance to Russia of G° of territory 
which we obtained from Spain, England, in 1825, 
established her boundary with Russia, making the 
parallel of .VI 40' the basis. By that convention 
England obtained from Russia an extent of country 
three hundred and sixty miles in length, which the 
I ; tans derived from the United States — the latter 
| er holding under Spain. And yet the English 
Governmenl dispute the validity of our Spanish 
title* 

Sixth. By the convention of 1818, England had 
a j«>int righl <>r trade with the United States, in the 
territories possessed by both powers west of the 



■'riii' line of demarkation between the possessions of the 
ting parties upon the coast of the continent, and the islands 
to the northwest, shall be drawn in the manner following: 
Commencing from the northernmost point of the Island called Prince of 
^ id, which point lies in ike parallel of 54° 40' north latitude, 

and between the 131sl and 133d degree of west longitude (meridian of 
1 T le said line shall ascend to the north along the channel 

Portland channel, as far as the point of the continent where it 
degn e of north latitude. From this last mentioned point 
ie of demarkation shall follow the summit of the mountains situate 
far as the point of intersection of the 141st degree 
the same meridian). And, finally, from the said 
the d meridian line of the 141st degree, in its pro- 
far as the Frozen Ocean, shall form the limit between Rus- 
"■i 11 " 01 ona on the continent of America to the north- 

." — Treaty i: and and Russia, 1825. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 43 

Stony Mountains.* The convention of 182*7, in- 
definitely extended and continued in force the con- 
vention of 1818, giving, however, to either of the 
contracting parties the right to abrogate it upon 
giving to the other party twelve months' notice. 

England, under the convention of 1818, had a 
right to trade between the 42d and the 61st degrees 
of north latitude, as our title embraced the terri- 
tory between these parallels. But between the 
conventions of 1818 and 1827, the convention of 
1824 was adopted between Eussia and the United 
States, by which we transferred the soil north of 
54° 40' to Russia, and consequently when the con- 
vention of 1827 was adopted, England had not the 
right of trade even, north of 54° 40'. It is not to 
be supposed that England, if she had rights in Ore- 
gon at that time, would have suffered them to be so 
grossly violated. 

But there is another treaty which precludes 
Great Britain from setting up a claim to territory 
west of the Mississippi river. By the seventh arti- 
cle of the treaty between Great Britain and France 



* " It is agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party 
on the northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony Mountains, 
shall, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of 
all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from 
the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citi- 
zens, and subjects of the two powers ; it being well understood that this 
agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which 
either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of said 
country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or 
State to any part of the said country, the only object of the high contract- 
ing parties, in that respect, being to prevent disputes and differences 
among themselves." 



44 H I STORY OF TB E 

in 1763, the boundary between the two countries in 
, world was feed irrevocably in the middle 
of \\_ ij.pi river, from its source to the river 

le, and from thence by a line drawn along 
middle of this river, and the lakes Maurepas 
hartrain, to the sea." In 1803, France 
conveyed to the United States whatever rights she 
uired to the territory lying west of the Missis- 
sippi river from England, by the treaty of Hi 

A determination to enforce the claim which we 
had to the territory of Oregon, had been solemnly 
announced in various forms by the Government of 
the United States. The recommendation contained 
in the Pr< message to Congress, to give no- 

I Britain that the joint occupancy of 
the territory of Oregon should cease, was discus 
reat length in Congress. A debate remarkable 
its ability, and the display of varied and exten- 
quirements, followed the introduction of reso- 
lving the twelve months' notice, in pursu- 
ance of the convention of L82T. Masterly inacti- 
was proclaimed by the distinguished Senator 
h Carolina, as the true policy of the Uni- 
Pecuniary interests and sectional feel- 
ing characterized the progress of that discussion. 
Fears were manifested that the country would be 
involved in a war with Great Britain, resulting in 

"The confines between the dominions of his Britannic Majesty in 

that (the o itinent of America) shall be fixed irrevoca- 

Mi along the middle of the river Mississippi, from its 

Iberville, and froi bj a line drawn along the 

■ this river, and the repas and Pontchartrain, to the 

and Great Britain. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 45 

the destruction of our commerce, and financial em- 
barrassment and ruin. Southern representatives 
gave indications of a willingness to surrender a por- 
tion of the territory, to destroy the growing ascen- 
dency of the north. The characteristics of the 
members from the two great sections of the Con- 
federacy seemed to have changed, and impassioned 
eloquence, and fiery denunciation breathed through 
every sentence which was uttered by the represen- 
tatives from the Northern States ; while a tempori- 
zing, if not a timid policy, controlled many of the 
representatives from the South. After a long and 
protracted discussion, the resolutions passed the 
House of Representatives on the 9th of February, 
1846,* 163 members voting in the affirmative, and 
54 in the negative. Of the affirmative votes, 124 
were democrats, and 39 were whigs: 38 whigs 
voted in the negative, and 16 democrats. It will 

* " Joint resolution of notice to Great Britain to" annul and abrogate 
" the convention between Great Britain and the United States, of the sixth 
of August, eighteen hundred and twenty-seven, relative to the country 
" on the northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony Mountains, 
commonly called Oregon. 

" Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America, in Congress assembled, that the President of the Uni- 
ted States cause notice to be given to the Government of Great Britain, 
that the convention between the United States of America and Great 
Britain, concerning the territory of the northwest coast of America, west 
of the Stony or Rocky Mountains, of the sixth day of August, eighteen 
hundred and twenty-seven, signed at London, shall be annulled and abro- 
gated twelve months after giving said notice. 

" Resolved, That nothing herein contained is intended to interfere with 
the right and discretion of the proper authorities of the two contracting 
parties, to renew or pursue negotiations for an amicable settlement of the 
controversy respecting the Oregon territory." — Resolutions tvhich passed 
the House of Representatives, U. S., February 9th, 1849. 



HISTORY OF THE 

be discovered that a large majority of those who 
! for the resolutions were democrats, while a 
large majority of those who recorded their names 
in the negative, were whigs. 

The resolutions were transmitted to the Senate 
and were amended in that body by a vote of 30 to 
24, and, as amended, they passed the Senate on the 
16th of April, 1846. Forty Senators voting in the 
affirmative and fourteen in the negative.* It will 
be discovered that there was a striking difference 
between the resolutions passed by the House and 
by the Senate. The former were mandatory, and 
directed the President to cause notice to be given, 
while the latter threw upon the Executive the en- 
tile responsibility of performing that act. The 
House resolutions specified that it was not the in- 
tention of that body to interfere with the right 
and discretion of the proper authorities to renew 
or pursue negotiations for an amicable settlement 
of the controversy respecting the Oregon territory. 
The resolutions of the Senate asked the earnest 
and immediate attention of both Governments to 
renewed efforts for the amicable settlement of all 



'. therefore, steps be taken for the abrogation of the said con- 
vention of the 6th of August, 1827, in the mode prescribed in its second 
article, and that the attention of the Governments of both countries may 
more earnestly and immediately directed to renewed efforts for the 
amicable .-••ttlement of all their differences and disputes in respect to the 
Baid territory. 

• \ rid be ii further resolved, That the President of the United States 
be, and he ie hereby, authorized, at his discretion, to give to the British 
Government, the notice required by its said second article for the abroga- 
tion of the said convention of the 6th of August, 1827." — Seriate Reso- 
lutions. 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 47 

their differences and disputes in respect to said ter- 
ritory. On the 18th of April the House proceeded 
to amend the amendment of the Senate * by a vote 
of 100 to 87, and as amended they passed by a 
vote of 144 to 40. A motion was made on the 
20th of April, by Mr. Allen of Ohio, that the 
Senate agree to the amendments, which was nega- 
tived by a vote of 29 to 21. A committee of con- 
ference was appointed by ballot, and resulted in 
the selection of Messrs. Berrien, Haywood, and 
Corwin. Those who were in favor of enforcing our 
rights to the whole of Oregon, saw in the selection 
of this committee a surrender of a portion of that 
territory. There was much more in the parliamen- 
tary tactics of the opposition members of the Sen- 
ate, and the reserve who acknowledged John C. 
Calhoun as their leader, than was generally sup- 
posed. Those who did not absolutely deny our 
title to the whole of the Oregon territory, still 
managed by an evasive and subtle policy to throw 
obstacles in the way of a prompt adjustment of the 
question. Instead of assuming the power which 
justly belonged to Congress of giving the notice to 
Great Britain, they were determined to throw the 
entire responsibility upon the Executive. 

The Senate committee met the one appointed 
by the House, consisting of Messrs. C. J. Ingersoll, 
Owen, and Hilly ard, and their joint efforts pro- 

* " And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States 
is authorized and requested to give to the British Government the notice 
required by its said second article for the abrogation of the convention of 
the 6th of August, 1827." — Amendment of the House to the Amendment 
of the Senate, Congressional Globe, 1st Session 29th Congress, p. 692. 



- T E Y O F T II E 

I what v rcely regarded as a compromise 

the two Houses .* The Senate agreed to 
t- of the committee by a vote of 42 to 10, 
and the Hon vote of 142 to 46. Although 

p rt which thus received the sanction of Con- 
threw the responsibility upon Mr. Polk of 
• ; many members who voted for it 
determined to enforce our claim 
to e\ fc of territory to which we were enti- 

tled. r J" e a reluctant vote for the resolu- 

. because there was no probability that the 
bandon the position which they had 
: . i had a perfect reliance in the 

firmness and decision of the Executive. And be- 
iiat the termination of the joint occupancy 

* <• \ re, that steps be taken for the abrogation of 

on of the 6th of August, 1827. in the mode pre 

le, and that the attention of the Governments of both 

the more earnestly directed to the adoption of all proper 

peedy and amicable adjustment of the differences and 

dispu ard to the said territory — 

Senate and House of Representatives of the United 

■ President of the 
ithorized, at his discretion, to give 
Great Britain tli required by the second 

i .... ii ion of the 6th of August, 1827, for tin 

■ 
"C. J. INCERSOLL, 
"ROBERT DALE OWEN, 
"HENRY \V. HILLYARD, 
" Committee upon the part of the House. 

"JOHN McPHERSON BERRIEN, 
"THOMAS CORWIN, 
"WILLIAM H. HAYWOOD, Jr., 
hi the part of the Senate." 

on 29//t Congress, p. 720. 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 49 

of that territory was the only means of settling the 
qustion, they sanctioned the resolutions. 

The notice which Congress had authorized the 
President to give the English Government for the 
termination of the joint occupation of Oregon was 
communicated soon after through the American 
Minister at London.* This was followed by an 
offer upon the part of Mr. Packenham, to settle 
the question upon the basis of the proposition made 
by Mr. Polk in 1845. On the 10th of June, 1846, 
the Executive transmitted the proposal to the Sen- 
ate, and solicited the advice of that body as to 
the course he should pursue. He stated in his mes- 
sage that the opinions which he had expressed in 
December, 1845, were unchanged; and that if the 
Senate should decline, by the constitutional majo- 

* " Now, therefore, after a careful consideration of the premises, I, 
James K. Polk, President of the United States, in the exercise of the 
authority and discretion vested in me by the said ' joint resolution con- 
cerning the Oregon Territory,' and in pursuance of the second article of 
the convention of the 6th of August, 1827, therein mentioned, do hereby, 
in behalf of the United States, give notice to her Majesty, the Queen of 
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, that at the end of 
twelve months from and after the delivery of these presents by the Envoy 
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Lon- 
don to her Britannic Majesty, or her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State 
for Foreign Affairs, the said convention shall be entirely annulled and 
abrogated. 

In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United 
States to be hereunto affixed, given under my hand at the 
[l. s.] City of Washington, this twenty eighth-day of April, A. D. 
1846, and of the Independence of the said States the sev- 
entieth. 

" JAMES K. POLK. 
" By the President, 

" James Buchanan, Secretary of State." 
4 



1 1 I S T K Y OF THE 

rity, to advise him to accept the proposition, lie 
should reject it. If, on the contrary, they should, 
by the majority required to ratify a treaty, advise 
him to accept the offer of the British Government, 
he v, ould do so.* 

In this communication he committed himself to 
the action of the Senate, and it was well understood 
at Washington what advice that body would give 

■ - To of the United States. 

■■ I lay before the Senate a proposal, in the form of a convention, pre- 
on the sixth instant, by the Envoy Ex- 
traordinary and .Minister Plenipotentiary of her Britannic Majesty, for the 
mi question, together with a protocol of this pro- 
I submit this proposal to the consideration of the Senate, and 
their advice as to the action which, in their judgment, it may be 
ke in reference to it. 
•• \n the early periods of the Government, the opinion and advice of 
taken in advance upon important questions of our 
ral Washington repeatedly consulted the Senate, 
their previous advice upon pending negotiations with foreign 
. and the Senate in every instance responded to his call by giving 
. to which lie always conformed his action. This practice, 
ly resorted to in later times, was, in my judgment, eminently 
i- of great importance, be properly n 
a branch of the treaty-making power; and, hy consult- 
of his own action upon important measures of for- 
■vhich may ultimately come before them for their considera- 
P sident secures harmony of action between that body and 

pinions and my action on the Oregon question were fully made 

- in my annual message of the 2d of December last, 

therein expre ed remain unchanged. Should the Sen- 

tutional majority required for the ratification of treaties. 

of this proposition, or advise it with such modifica- 

roper, 1 shall conform 

Should the ever, decline bj such 

1 majority I or to express an opinion on 

it my duty to reject, the offer."— 

. 1846. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 51 

him. To reject the proposal of the English Gov- 
ernment would have brought him into collision 
"with a large majority of the Senate. The nerves 
which had remained unmoved during many polit- 
ical struggles, and the firmness which had often 
overcome the most fiery opposition, where the 
cheeks of the resolute and bold blanched with ter- 
ror, were shaken at the prospect of a rupture with 
Great Britain unsanctioned by one branch of the 
legislative power. 

Upon the receipt of the Executive message, 
Mr. Allen moved that it be referred to the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Relations, of which he was chair- 
man. This proposition w r as rejected by the deci- 
sive vote of 37 to 9. A resolution was then intro- 
duced advising the President to accept the pro- 
posal of the British Government. Mr. Mies moved 
to amend that proposition* by providing that the 
right to navigate the Columbia River by the Hud- 
son Bay Company, and all British subjects trading 
with them, be limited to the year 1863. This 
amendment was rejected by a vote of 31 to 10, and 
the resolution as originally introduced was passed 
by a vote of 38 to 12.+ / Two more than the re- 
quisite number of votes were given in favor of the 

* " Resolved, That the right of navigating the Columbia River, se- 
cured to the Hudson Bay Company, and to all British subjects trading 
with the same, be limited to the year A. D. 1863, when it shall cease and 
determine." — Congressional Globe, 1st Session 29th Congress, p. 1223. 

f ' : Resolved, (two-thirds of the Senators present concurring,) That 
the President of the United States be. and he is hereby, advised to accept 
the proposal of the British Government, accompanying his message to the 
Senate, dated 10th June, 1846, for a convention to settle boundaries be- 
tween the United States and Great Britain, west of the Rocky or Stony 
Mountains." — Ibid. 



52 COET (» 1' T II E 

acceptance by the President of the offer made by 
I I Britain. 

On th«' L6th of June a message was received 
from the President of the United States announcing 
the fact, that a convention between the two Gov- 
ernments for the settlement of the Oregon "boun- 
dary, had been signed on the day before* On the 

■ i ' invention between the United States of America and her Ma- 
the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britian and Ireland, 
concluded at Washington, the 15th of June, 1846. 

dted States of America and her Majesty, the Queen of the 

United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, deeming it to be desirable 

for the future welfare of both Governments, that the state of doubt and 

dnty which has hitherto prevailed respecting the sovereignty and 

■ of the territory on the northwest coast of America, lying 

ird of the Rocky or Stony .Mountains, should be finally terminated 

by an amicable compromise of the rights mutually asserted by the two 

the -aid territory, have respectively named plenipotentiaries 

(concerning the terms of such settlement: that is to 

!it of the United States of America has on his part 

furnished with full powers James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the 

United States, and her Majesty, the Queen of the United Kingdom of 

Britain and Inland, lias mi her part, appointed the right honorable 

Richard Packenham, a member of her Majesty's most honorable Privy 

I, and her Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- 

t>> tli • f'niti'd States, who, after having communicated to each 

other their respective full powers, found in good and due form, have 

agreed upon and concluded the following articles: 

■ A I From the point on the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude 
where the boundary laid down in existing treaties and conventions be- 
the United States and Greal Britain terminates, the line of boun- 
dary between the territories of the United States and those of her Bri- 
tannic hall be continued westward along the said forty-ninth 

el of north latitude to the middle of the channel which separates 
itinent from Vancouver's Island, and thence southerly through the 
middle ol the said channel and of Puca's Straits to the Pacific Ocean. 
. that the navigation of the whole of the said channel 
and -trait-. ,,wth of the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, remain free 
and open to l*>th part ■ 

•■ Am. II. From the point at which the forty-ninth parallel of north 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 53 

18tli of June, 1846, the Senate, by a vote of 41 to 
14, advised and consented to the ratification of the 
treaty.* 

latitude shall be found to intersect the great northern branch of the Co- 
lumbia River, the navigation of the said branch shall be free and open to 
the Hudson's Bay Company and to all British subjects trading with the 
same, to the point where the said branch meets the main stream of the 
Columbia, and thence down the said main stream to the ocean, with free 
access into and through the said river or rivers ; it being understood that 
all the usual portages along the line thus described shall in like manner 
be free and open. In navigating the said river or rivers, British subjects, 
with their goods and produce, shall be treated on the same footing as 
citizens of the United States ; it being, however, always understood that 
nothing in this article shall be construed as preventing, or intending to 
prevent, the Government of the United States from making any regu- 
lations respecting the navigation of the said river or rivers, not incon- 
sistent with the present treaty. 

" Art. III. In the future appropriation of the territory south of the 
forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, as provided in the first article of this 
treaty, the possessory rights of the Hudson's Bay Company, and of all 
British subjects who may be already in the occupation of land or other 
property, lawfully acquired within the said territory, shall be respected. 

" Art. IV. The farms, lands, and other property of every description, 
belonging to the Paget's Sound Agricultural Company, on the north side 
of the Columbia River, shall be confirmed to the said company. In case, 
however, the situation of those farms and lands should be considered by 
the United States to be of public and political importance, and the United 
States Government should signify a desire to obtain possession of the 
whole or any part thereof, the property so required shall be transferred to 
the said Government, at a proper valuation to be agreed upon between the 
parties. 

" Art. V. The present treaty shall be ratified by the President of the 
United States, by and with the advice of the Senate thereof, and by her 
Britannic Majesty, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at London at 
the expiration of six months from the date hereof, or sooner if possible. 

In witness whereof, the respective plenipotentiaries have signed the 
same, and have affixed thereto the seals of their arms. 

Done at Washington the fifteenth day of June, in the year of our 
Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-six. 

[l. s.] " JAMES BUCHANAN. 

[l. s.] " RICHARD PACKENHAM." 

* Those who voted in the affirmative were Messrs. Archer, Ashley, 



5 I HISTOBI OF THE 

. Henton, Berrien, Calhoun, Chalmers, Thomas Clayton, 

Jolni M. Clayton. Colquitt, Corwin, Crittenden, Davis, Dayton, Dix, Evans, 

Huntington, Johnson of .Maryland, Johnson 

is, McDuffie, Mangum, Miller, Moorehead, Niles, Pearce, 

acker, Phelps, Husk. Sevier, Simmons, Speight, Turney, Upham, 

. Woodbridge, and ^i 

Those who voted in the negative were Messrs. Allen, Atchison, 

Atherton, Breese, Bright, Cameron, Cass, Dickenson, Fairfield, Hannegan, 

Jenness, Semple, Sturgeon, and Westcott. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 55 



CHAPTER III. 

Different races in Mexico. — The information is received there that Joseph 
Bonaparte was placed upon the throne of Spain. — Course pursued by the 
Mexicans. — Rupture between the Natives and Europeans. — Insurrection 
headed by Hidalgo. — Plan of Igualo. — Iturbide proclaimed Emperor. — He 
is banished, and on his return to Mexico, is shot. — Revolutions. — Santa 
Anna elected President. — Texas Revolution. 

The Avar with Mexico occupied much of the atten- 
tion of the administration. Mr. Polk had no sooner 
taken the oath of office, than he found our relations 
with that country were extremely delicate. No 
efforts which he could make, appeared to appease 
the Mexicans, or to induce them to act in good faith 
towards us. 

It is now my purpose to trace the events which 
preceded the commencement of hostilities upon the 
Rio Grande, and to follow our victorious troops 
through their triumphant progress, until the capital 
of Mexico surrendered to their prowess and valor. 

Before examining into the immediate causes of 
the war with Mexico, I will briefly refer to the 
prominent revolutions which occurred in that coun- 
try previous to that event. The contest was waged 
with a so called republic ; yet Mexico hardly de- 
serves the name. Since the struggle terminated, 
which produced a separation from Spam, Mexico 
has been the theatre of anarchy and blood. Revo- 



HISTORY OF T II E 

iution and violence have succeeded each other in 
rapid succession. The existence of each govern- 
ment has seldom la-ted longer than two years, and 
Instability and misrule have always controlled the 
fortunes of the Mexicans. This result, so fatal to 
law and order, lias undoubtedly been produced by 
the peculiar mental organization of that people, and 
the amalgamation of the different races which are 
found within the borders of Mexico. 

The people are divided into seven great classes: 
Lst, the Europeans; -2d, t lie Creoles or whites, of 
pure European Mood, but Lorn in America; 3d, the 
Indians; 4th, the mestizos, or mixed breeds of 
whites and Indian-; 5th, the mulatto'es, or descend- 
of whites and negroes; 6th, the negroes; and 
7th, the descendants of negroes and Indians. The 
pure Indians, in l!su:>, exceeded two millions and a 
half, and at the time of the revolution there were 
only eighty thousand Europeans. Among such a 
:ollection, perhaps it would be too much to 
anticipate the prevalence of republicanism. 

The first manifestation of excessive zeal exhi- 
bited by the Mexicans in the affairs of the mother 
country, was upon the reception of the news that 
the Spanish Bourbons had been dethroned, and the 
crown usurped by a Bonaparte. 

In .July, L808, a determination was manifested 
throughout Spanish America, to sustain the cause 
of the dethroned princes, [turrigaray, the viceroy, 
proclaimed the establishment of the Spanish Junta, 
and required the ayuntamiento to yield obedience 
to its orders. Although they were true to Ferdi- 



POLK AD MINIS TEAT ION. 57 

nand, still they refused obedience to the junto, and 
proposed the creation of a similar body in Mexico, 
and Iturrigaray was inclined to yield to their wishes. 
Probably this determination was manifested upon 
the part of the ayuntamiento, because a majority 
of them were natives of the soil; and there was 
exhibited a jealousy of the mother country. The 
audiencia was composed of the civil and military 
officers sent out from Spain ; there w r as a natural 
antipathy, then, between this body and the natives 
of Mexico. Finding the remonstrances ineffectual, 
which they urged against the course of the ayunta- 
miento, the audiencia seized the person of Iturri- 
garay, and confined him in the palace. This act of 
violence rendered the rupture complete between 
the Europeans and the natives of the soil ; and from 
that time commenced those dissensions which termi- 
nated in tearing from the crown of Spain its bright- 
est jewel. For the time, however, the audiencia 
triumphed and overcame all opposition to the cen- 
tral junto. About this time, Don Francisco Xavier 
Vauegas was appointed to the viceroyalty of Mex- 
ico. This appointment proved most unfortunate for 
the interest of Spain in the new world. Passion- 
ate, headstrong and violent, he was totally unfitted 
for a position of so much importance, and hastened 
the crisis, which even the most prudent could not 
long delay. At this moment there appeared upon 
the stage, a man whose genius and patriotism at 
once aroused the slumbering energies of the Mexi- 
cans, and gave an impetus to the revolutionary spi- 
rit, which soon involved the whole country in the 
turmoils and violence of an insurrection. 



E IS TO BY OF THE 

Thai man was Don Miguel Hidalgo Y Costilla. 
Be was the cura or priest of Dolores. He was 
thoughtful and inquiring, possessing undoubted abi- 
lity, and whatever arts of barbarity be may have 

oitted in his subsequent career, be was never- 
theless a man of kindly and generous impulses. 
His attention bad been turned to agricultural pur- 
suits. He had introduced the silk-worm, and bad 
planted around his habitation the vine. These were 
I, and this act of injustice aroused bis re- 
sentment. The barbarities which be daily saw in- 

I upon his countrymen, were now illustrated in 
his own case. By his eloquence and fiery ardor, be 
aroused the indignation of his neighbors, who nocked 
to his standard, and he soon found himself at the 
head of fifty thousand raw and undisciplined troops. 

,-al battles were lost and avou; victory alter- 

ly crowned the efforts of the Spaniards and 
Mexicans, until duly, 1811, when Hidalgo was taken 

i mi- and shot. With his death almost expired 
the hopes of the patriots. It is true, in different 
parts of the country the contest was continued by 
broken divisions of the Mexican army, with varied 
success, until the Congress was forcibly dissolved by 

Mexican General Teran. This resulted in the 
overthrow, in quick succession, of Victoria, Bravo, 

.hi. < ruerrero, and Teran. 

These disasters were, to a certain extent, com- 
bated by the introduction into Mexico of the 
Spanish constitution, in L812. This event for a 
whili satisfaction to the Mexicans, but the 

; of Independence which began to bud during 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 59 

the first insurrection gradually expanded into full 
bloom, and on the 24th of February, 1821, Iturbide, 
then in the service of Spain, assembled the chief 
officers of his army at Iguala, and presented them 
a set of propositions for the institution of a national 
government, which are termed in the history of 
that country, "the plan of Iguala." It proposed 
that Mexico should form an independent empire, 
the throne being offered to the king of Spain, and 
in the event of his refusal, to the other princes of 
his family, in succession.* 

The independence of Mexico dates from this 
movement. Not satisfied with the establishment of 
a republican form of government, Iturbide usurped 
the supreme authority. In 1824 he was proclaimed 
Emperor. A revolution which quickly succeeded, 
expelled him from power, and he was banished from 
the land. Returning, however, against his express 
stipulations, he was arrested in July, 1824, and im- 
mediately shot.f 

* 1. "That Mexico should form an independent empire, the crown of 
which should be offered to the king of Spain, and in the event of his re- 
fusal, to the other princes of his family in succession, on condition that 
the person accepting should reside in the country, and should swear to 
observe a constitution to be fixed by a congress. 

2. " That the Roman Catholic religion should be supported, and the 
rights, immunities, and property of its clergy should be preserved and 
secured. 

3. " That all the actual inhabitants of Mexico, whatever might be 
their birth-place or descent, should enjoy the same civil rights." 

STATEMENT OF ITURBIDE. 

f " The epoch in which I have lived has been a critical one ; equally 
critical is the moment at which I am about to submit to the world a sketch 
of my political career. The public are not uninformed of my name, or 



BIS TO BY OF TIIE 

Subsequently to that event, and previous to the 
year L828, one revolution succeeded another in 
quick succession. Violence, misrule and mob law 

of my actions ; but they have known both through a medium greatly dis- 

: by the interests of those persons who have transmitted them to 
distant countries. There is one great nation particularly, in which seve- 
ral individuals have disapproved of my conduct, and have misrepresented 
my character. It becomes my duty, therefore, to relate my own history. 
I shall tell, with the frankness of a soldier, both what I have been and 
what 1 am. My actions and their motives may thus be fairly judged by 
impartial person of the present age, still more by posterity. I know 
no oth> i or interest save that of transmitting- to my children a 

• which they need not be ashamed to bear. 
■■ [I -. mid be an idle waste of time to set about refuting the various 
which have been circulated against me ; they are framed in terms 
ited only to reflect dishonor upon their authors. 
•• It was my good fortune to break the chains which enthralled my 
country : I proclaimed her independence : I yielded to the voice of a grate- 
ful and - people, and allowed myself to be seated on a throne 
which I had created, and had destined for others : I repressed the spirit of 
rder. These are my crimes ; notwithstanding which I 
now appear, and shall continue to appear, with as sincere a countenance 
rds and their kino-, as 1 have worn before the .Mexicans 
and their new rulers. To both countries I have rendered important servi- 
ber knew how to profit by the advantages which I acquired 
for them. 

ir 1810, 1 was simply a subaltern officer; a lieutenant in 
vincial regiment of Valladolid, my- native city. It is well known, 
e individuals who serve in those troops receive no pay. The mili- 
tary profession was not the principal object of my pursuit. I possessed an 
■•• and attended to the improvement of my property, without 

'• mind with the de I obtaining public employments. I 

in need of them, either tor the purpose of affording me a 

of adding distinction to my name, as it pleased Providence 

I in-' an honorable origin, which my forefathers have never stained, 

and which down to my tune all my kinsmen have supported by their 

cond 

■ n the revolution, sel on fool by Don Miguel Hidalgo, curate of 

t, he offered me the rank of lieutenant-general. The 

1 ' have tempted any young man without experience, 

when his ambition might be excited. I declined it, howev- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 61 

prevailed throughout the laud. Iu 1828, Sauta 
Anna, who was theu Governor of Vera Cruz, insti- 
gated a revolt in the city of Mexico, and was, by 

er, because I was satisfied that the plans of the curate were ill contrived, 
and that they would produce only disorder, massacre, and devastation, 
without accomplishing the object which he had in view. The result 
demonstrated the truth of my predictions. Hidalgo, and those who fol- 
lowed his example, desolated the country, destroyed private property, deep- 
ened the hatred between the Americans and Europeans, sacrificed thou- 
sands of victims, obstructed the fountains of public wealth, disorganized 
the army, annihilated industry, rendered the condition of the Americans 
worse than it was before, by exciting the Spaniards to a sense of the dan- 
gers which threatened them ; they moreover corrupted the manners of the 
people, and far from obtaining independence, increased the obstacles which 
were opposed to it. 

" If, therefore, I took up arms at that epoch, it was not to make war 
against the Americans, but against a lawless band who harassed the coun- 
try. The Mexican Congress, at a later period, proposed that statues 
should be erected to the leaders of that insurrection, and that funeral 
honors should be paid to the ashes of those who perished in it. I have 
warred with those chiefs, and I should war with them again under similar 
circumstances. The word insurrection in that instance did not mean in- 
dependence and equal liberty ; its object was, not to reclaim the rights of 
the nation, but to exterminate all the Europeans, to destroy their posses- 
sions, and to trample on the laws of war, humanity, and religion. The 
belligerent parties gave no quarter : disorder presided over the operations 
on both sides, though it must be acknowledged, that one party are censu- 
rable, not only for the evils which they caused, but also for having pro- 
voked the other party to retaliate the atrocities which were perpetrated 
by their enemies. 

" About the month of October, in the year 1810, 1 was offered a safe 
conduct for my father and family, together with assurances that his pro- 
perty and mine should be exempted from conflagration and plunder, and 
that the people attached to them should not be subject to assassination 
(which was at that time a matter of ordinary occurrence), on the sole 
condition that I should quit the standard of the king and remain neutral. 
These propositions were made to me by the leaders of that disastrous in- 
surrection, and are well known to the Mexicans. I was then at San 
Felipe del Obraje, commanding a small detachment of infantry, and at a 
distance of four leagues from me was Hidalgo with a considerable force. 
I gave the same answers to these overtures, as to the propositions already 



62 ■' I STORY OF Til E 

the I 3S of the Republic, proclaimed an out- 

law. Even a1 that early period in his career, he 
remarkable for his wily and subtle policy, and 

mentioned. I always looked upon that man as criminal, who. in a 
of political convulsions, sheltering himself in cowardly indolence, re- 
mained a cold spectator of the evils which oppressed his country, and 
made no effort to n .if ho could not. remove, the suff 

fellow-citizens. I therefore kept the field, with a view equally to 
■lie king, the Spaniards, and the Mexicans. 
•• 1 was in conseque d in several expeditions, and had the 

good fortum ctory never desert the troops under my command, 

• .in on,, inconsiderable occasion (in 1815), whim I made an 

iro, a military point which was well fortified, and inaccessible from 
ture of the ground. 1 then served under the orders of Llanos, a 
ieral. He commanded me to attack the place ; delicai 
bad.' me to offer any opposition to his mandate, though 1 was fully con- 
vinced that the result could not be favorable. As soon as I was on the 
march. 1 communicated my opinion to the o- C ncral by dispatch: I retreat- 
d do. but 1 had the good fortune to pn 
mj force, in an action in which f apprehended that I should 
have losl the u I 

■• I engaged with the enemy as often as he offered battle, or as I came 

|U sntly with inferior number- on my part. I led the sieges 

, From which I dislodged the enemy, and 1 ren- 

them incapable of serving afterwards as asylums for the discon- 

l I no other opponents than those of the cause which I defend- 

r rivals than those who were envious of my success. 

: Guanajuato and Valladolid, and the army 

of the north, I ir my command ; but 1 resigned my office through 

:y, and retired to pursue my natural disposition, in the 

Tl ■ reason of my resignation was this: two 

inhabit Q,uerataro, who were subsequently assisted by four or live 

three of which c of the families of three 

'it therefore t.> be r one, -.'nt a memorial 

Many wen of which they ai 

'.! not, however, find one witness to support their cb 

I I .! for the purpo i. viii^- every obstacle to 

ward, by taking away the motives of hope on the one 

, 'bo other. The families of the countess dowager of 

bj abandoning the accusation, that they 

and i been deceived. The vice- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 63 

sustained by the gallant and ever-faithful citizens 
of the province of Vera Cruz, he made a bold stand 
against the authorities of the country. Alternately 

roys, Calleja and Apodaca, took cognizance of the matter, and after hear- 
ing the reports of the ayuntamientos, the curates, the political chiefs, the 
commandants and military chiefs, and of all the most respectahle persons 
in the two provinces, and the army (who not only made my cause their 
own, but gave me tokens of their unqualified approbation), they affirmed 
the dictamen of their auditor, and of the two civil ministers, declaring that 
the accusation was false and calumnious in all its parts, that I had per- 
mission to institute an action of damages against the slanderers, and that 
I might return to discharge the functions of the office which I had re- 
signed. 1 did not choose to resume the command, nor to exercise my 
right of action, and I gave up the pay which I enjoyed. 

" The ingratitude which I experienced from men had wounded my 
feelings deeply ; their insincerity, to call it by no severer name, made me 
shun every opportunity of again becoming the object of their attacks. 
Besides, the anger of the contending parties having expended itself, and 
the country having returned to a state of comparative tranquillity, T was 
relieved from that sense of obligation which six years before had com- 
pelled me to have recourse to arms. My country no longer stood in need 
of my services, and without betraying my duty, I thought that I might 
now rest from the toils »f the camp. 

" In 1820 the constitution was re-established in Spain. The new order 
of things, the ferment in which the Peninsula was placed, the machina- 
tions of the discontented, the want of moderation amongst the supporters 
of the new system, the vacillation of the authorities, and the conduct of 
the Government and Cortes at Madrid„(who, from the decrees which they 
issued, and the speeches which some of the deputies pronounced, a]>- 
peared to have determined on alienating the colonies) , filled the heart of 
every good patriot with the desire of independence, and excited amongst 
the Spaniards established in the country, the apprehension that all the hor- 
rors of the former insurrection were about to be repeated. Those v. ho 
exercised the chief authority, and had the forces at their command, took 
such precautions as fear naturally dictated ; and those persons who at the 
former epoch had lived by disorder, made preparations for again turning it 
to advantage. In such a state of things the richest and most bea tiful 
part of America was about to become again the prey of contending fac- 
tions. In every quarter clandestine meetings took place, for the purpose 
of discussing the form of government which ought to be adopted. Among 
the Europeans and their adherents, some wished for the establishment of 



64 JI I 8 TO ET OF T II E 

successful, and a refugee, he managed for several 

years to create revolutions and counter-revolutions. 

To repress the demonstrations under Santa 

inish constitution. Tl ided in realizing their views to a 

certain extent, but the system was badly understood, and the loose manner 
in which it was obeyed, indicated the shortness of its duration. There 
-une who conceived that it ought to undergo modifications, inas- 
much as the constitution framed by the Cortes at Cadiz was inapplicable 
w Spain. 1 Others there were who sighed after the old absolute 
government, as the best support of their lucrative employments, which 
sercised in a despotic manner, and by which they had gained a 
oly. The privileged and powerful classes fomented these different 
parties, attaching themselves to the one or the other, according to the ex- 
tent of their political information, or the projects of aggrandizement which 
their imaginations presented. The Americans wished for independence, 
but they were not agreed as to the mode of effecting it, still less as to the 
form of government which they should prefer. With respect to the for- 
ij were of opinion that in the first place, all the Europeans 
should be exterminated, and their property given up to confiscation. The 
mguinary would have been contented with banishing them from the 
country, thus reducing thousands of families to a state of orphanage. 
The nun] rate party suggested only that they should be excluded from all 
public offices, ami degraded to the condition in which they had kept the 
of the country for three centuries. As to the form of govern- 
me party proposed a monarchy, tempered by the Spanish, or some 
on; a second party wished for a federative republic; a 
third for a central republic; and the partisans of each system, full of 
enthusiasm, were impatient for the accomplishment of their different 
■ 

" I had friends in the principal towns, many of whom had been long 

with my family; others I had known in my expeditions, and 

ben I held my command. The army, I had reason to 

i. .'!a< lied to me. All those who knew me did their 

i i| ply me with information. I had visited the best provinces, 

information as to the nature of the country and the 

' the inhabitants, the points capable of being fortified, and the 

pon which dependence might be placed. I saw new revolu- 

I breaking out; my country was about to be drenched 

eve that I had the power to save her, and I did 

not I. ike so sacred a duty. 

ny plan, known under the title of 'the plan of Iguala.' 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 65 

Anna, Bustamente, then President of Mexico, dis- 
patched General Calderon with an effective force, 
who defeated Santa Anna on the 3d of March at 

pamphlet, which I have seen, has asserted that that project was the work 
of a club of serviles, who held their meeting at the profesa, a building 
belonging to the congregation of St. Philip, in Mexico. Any person who 
reads the document must be convinced, from its contents alone, that it 
could not have been dictated by servilism ; I put out of the question the 
opinions of those persons to whom it is attributed, and shall only say that 
they are matters upon which the multitude is very commonly mistaken. 
For me, I look upon those persons as men eminently respectable for their 
virtues and their knowledge. After the plan had been drawn out, I con- 
sulted upon it with distinguished individuals of different parties ; not one 
of them disapproved of it ; it was not modified in any manner ; nothing 
was added or erased. 

" In tracing out this project, my aim was to give independence to my 
country, because such was the general desire of the Americans ; a desire 
founded on natural feelings, and on principles of justice. It was, besides, 
the only means by which the interests of the two nations could be secured. 
The Spaniards would not allow themselves to be convinced that their de- 
cline began with their acquisition of the colonies, while the colonists were 
fully persuaded that the time of their emancipation had arrived. 

" The plan of Iguala guarantied the religion which we inherited from 
our ancestors. To the reigning family of Spain, it held out the only pros- 
pect which survived for preserving those extensive and fertile provinces. 
To the Mexicans, it granted the right of enacting their own laws, and of 
having their government established within their own territory. To the 
Spaniards, it offered an asylum, which, if they had possessed any foresight, 
they would not have despised. It secured the rights of equality, of pro- 
perty, and of liberty, the knowledge of which is within the reach of every 
one, and the possession of which, when once acquired, every man would 
exert all his power to preserve. The plan of Iguala extinguished the 
odious distinction of castes, offered to every stranger safety, convenience, 
and hospitality ; it left the road to advancement open to merit ; conciliated 
the good opinion of every reasonable man ; and opposed an impenetrable 
barrier to the machinations of the discontented. 

" The operation of putting the plan into execution was crowned with 
the happy result which I had anticipated. Six months were sufficient to 
untwist the entangled knot which had bound the two worlds. Without 
bloodshed, without fire, robbery, devastation, without a tear, my country 
was free, and transformed from a colony into an empire. In order to ren- 
5 



n I S T E Y OF Til I . 

Talome, and besieged him in the city of Vera Cruz. 

Fortune, however, did not Long desert him. Cal- 

>n was forced 1" retreat. Bustamente resigned. 

work conformable to received customs, only one additional circum- 
stance was required — a treaty, which the diplomatists would add to the 

Ltalogue of those which they already possess, and which commonly 

turn out to he only so many proof's of the bad faith of men, as they are 

Idom violated wh interest of one of the parties, and he 

happens to be the strongest. Nevertheless, it is right to follow the laws 

• 'in. < In the 24th of August, I had an interview with that most 

worthy Spanish general, Don Juan de O'Donoju; and on the same day 

stween us a treaty, which bears the name of the place 

i il. and was sent off to his majesty, Ferdinand VIL, by 

I I'Donoju's suit. 

•■ The treaty of Cordova opened to me the gates of the capital, which 

other, ! have forced. But it is always delightful tome to be 

ssity of exposing my men, and of .shedding the blood of 

a my companions in arms. 

"T : pi rsons who raised questions on the treaty of Cordova, 

my authority, as well as that of O' Donoju, to enter into a 

compact upon a matter of so much delicacy. It would be easy to answer 

them.: that in me was deposited the will of the .Mexican people 

id; in the first place, because that which I signed in their 

brmable to what they must have desired; and secondly, 

• they had already given proofs of their sentiments; such as were 

bear arms, by joining me, and others by assisting me in every way 

lay in their pi wer. In every place through which I passed, I was 

1 in i nthusiastic manner. Seeing that no one was forced 

e demon trations, it is to be inferred that they approved ot 

accorded with mine. With respi 

O'Donoju, he was the principal authority furnished with creden- 

1 even though lie might not have received 

I particular case, the circumstances authorized 

: be could for his country. 

inded an army superior to mine, and pos- 

ufficienl to enable him to carry on war against me. he 

erly refused to sign the treaty of Cordova, without first 

Mi hi- Government, and receiving its answer. I!ut 

'•■ tb scarcelj a dozen officers, the whole country 

"- hi m\ dverse to the sentiments of the 

: '■ ,l1 " nti nee of the state of things, without any 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 67 

the Presidency, and was succeeded by Pedraza. In 
1833, Santa Anna himself was elected President of 
Mexico. The dissolution of Congress by the Pre- 

knowledge of the localities, shut up in a weak fortress, which was ex- 
posed to our fire, with an army in front of him, and the few troops of the 
king who had remained in Mexico, commanded by an intrusive chief ; 
under such circumstances, let those persons who disapprove of the con- 
duct of O'Donoju say what they would have done if they had been in his 
place, or what they imagine he ought to have done ? He must have 
signed the treaty of Cordova, or have become my prisoner, or have re- 
turned to Spain ! he had no other alternative. If he had chosen either of 
the latter, all his countrymen would have been compromised, and the 
Government of Spain would have lost every hope of those advantages 
which it then obtained ; advantages which it never would have acquired, 
if I had not been in the command, and if O'Donoju had not been an able 
politician as well as a faithful Spaniard. 

" I entered Mexico on the 27th of September, 1821 ; on the same 
day was installed the Junta of Government which is spoken of in the 
plan of Iguala, and the treaty of Cordova. It was nominated by me, but not 
according to my arbitrary choice ; for I wished to assemble together such 
men of every party as enjoyed the highest reputation amongst their 
friends. This was the only means which could be resorted to in such 
extraordinary circumstances for consulting the public opinion. 

" Up to this point my measures gained general approbation, and in no 
instance were my hopes deceived. But as soon as the junta began to 
exercise its functions, it perverted the powers which had been granted to 
it ; and within a few days after its installation, I saw what was likely to 
be the issue. From that moment I shuddered for the fate that awaited my 
fellow-citizens. It was in my power to resume the whole authority, and 
I asked myself, ought I not to resume it, if such a step be essential to 
the safety of my country ? I considered, however, that it would have 
been rash in me to resolve on undertaking such an enterprise, relying 
solely on my own judgment. If I were to consult with others, my design 
might transpire, and intentions, which had sprung solely from my love 
for my country, and from a desire to promote its happiness, might be 
attributed to ambitious views, and construed into a violation of my pro- 
mise. Besides, even if I were to accomplish every thing which I pro- 
posed, I could not have done it without infringing on the plan of Iguala, 
which it was my great object to maintain, because I looked upon it as the 
zegis of the public welfare. These were the true reasons which, to- 
gether with others of less importance, restrained me from taking any de- 



68 HISTORY OF THE 

sidenl was quickly followed by a change in the 
form of government. The State Legislatures were 
dissolved, and a Central Government, whole and in- 
cisive measures. They would have brought me into collision with the 
favorite feelings of the cultivated nations of the world, and have rendered 
me, for some time, an object of hatred to a set of men, who were infatu- 
ated by chimerical ideas, and who had never learned, or had soon forgotten, 
that the republic which was most jealous of its liberty, possessed also its 
rs. I may add. that I have always endeavored to be consistent in 
my principles ; and as 1 had proposed to form a junta, I fulfilled my pro- 
luctant to undo the work of my own hands. 
- There were al this time some deputies in Mexico who set little value 
on the public happiness, when it is opposed to their private interest, and 
who had acquired reputation by some actions that appeared generous to 
those who were benefited by them without knowing the secret views by 
which they had been prompted. They were well acquainted with the 
mysteries of intrigue, ever ready to stoop to servility when they found it 
expedient, and to assume insolence when their star was in the ascendant. 
!i si iked me because I had hitherto been successful in my 
i to foment those parties which were afterwards 
known under the titles of Republicans and Bourbonists, and which, 
er they differed on other points, were united in their opposition 
to me. 

■■ The republicans were hostile to me, because they well knew they 

could never bring me to contribute to the establishment of a government, 

which, whatever might be its attractions, did not suit the Mexicans. 

produces nothing by sudden leaps; she operates by intermediate 

The moral world follows the laws of the physical. To think 

that v. • all at once from a state of debasement, such as that 

nt slavery, and from a state of ignorance, such as had been inflicted upon 

u- for three hundred years, during which we had neither books nor in- 

irs, and the possession of knowledge had been thought a sufficient 

ution ; to think that we could gain information and refine- 

menl in a moment, as it by enchantment; that we could acquire every 

virtue, forge) prejudices, and give up false pretensions, was a vain ex- 

pectal only have entered into the visions of an enthusiast. 

mists, on the other hand, wished for my fall, because, as 

of the government of Madrid was made known, 

throng the 13th of February, which was subsequently 

transmitted by the minister for the colonics, and in which the conduct of 

proved, the treaty of Cordova became null 



POLK ADMISTISTKATION. 69 

divisible, was established. This act produced re- 
sistance upon the part of Coahuila, Texas, and 
Zacatecas. The latter State was reduced to sub- 

and void, as to that part of it which invited the Bourbons to the crown of 
Mexico, and effective with respect to the nation's entering into the full 
enjoyment of its right to elect as sovereign the individual whom it would 
deem most worthy of that high office. The Bourbonists, therefore, no 
longer expecting that a Bourbon would reign in Mexico, thought only of 
our returning to our former state of dependence ; a retrogression which 
was impossible, considering the impotence of the Spaniards, and the 
determination of the Americans. 

" Hence I became the object of attack to both these parties, because 
as I had the public force at my command, and was the centre of general 
opinion, it was necessary to the preponderance of either party that I 
should cease to exist. 

" The leaders of the factions spared no pains to gain proselytes ; and 
certainly they found many to adhere to them. Some who were the least 
experienced, suffered themselves to be easily led away ; because they saw 
nothing more in the projects on foot than what was represented to them, 
and there is no design of which different views may not be given ; some 
hoped that by the subversion of the Government they might advance their 
own fortunes ; and others, the natural enemies of established order, in 
whatever system it prevails, were anxious only for a change. Among 
the latter, one might be named who values himself on his literary accom- 
plishments, and has made himself conspicuous in the revolution.* 

" The first duty of the junta after its installation, was to frame the 
convocatoria, or proclamation for the assemblage of a Congress, which 
was to give a constitution to the monarchy. The j unta took more time 
to perform this duty than the urgency of the case permitted, and com- 
mitted several errors in framing the convocatoria. It was extremely de- 
fective, but with all its imperfections it was accepted ; I could do no more 
than perceive the evil, and lament it. The census of the provinces was 
not consulted ; hence, for instance, one deputy was appointed for a pro- 
vince containing a hundred thousand inhabitants, and four for a province 
scarcely peopled by half that number. Nor did it at all enter into the 
calculations of the junta, that the representatives ought to be in propor- 
tion to the civilization of the represented. Three or four individuals 
might be easily selected from among a hundred well-educated citizens, 
who might possess the qualifications necessary to constitute good deputies ; 

The individual here referred to is probably Don Lucas Alaman. 



II IS TO It Y OF T II i: 

mission by Santa Anna in person, while General 

ras dispatched for the purpose of forcing the 

Texans to yield. Thus violence and fraud pro- 

whilst anions a thousand, who are without education, and are ignorant of 
ircely one man can be met with of sufficient ability 
to know what is conducive to the public welfare — whose mind is suffi- 
ciently enlarged to take accurate views of public affairs, or at least to 
save him from extravagant errors respecting them ; who has sufficient 
firmness of character to vote according to what he thinks best, and not to 
from his opinion when once convinced of its truth ; and whose 
enables him to perceive the grievances which atllict his pro- 
vince, as well as the remedy which they require. For, although that 
. might not always be within his reach, such experience would 
him, on hearing others proposed, to form a sound judgment upon 
them. 

" These defects were quite sufficient to extinguish every hope, that any 
- would be derived from the convocatoria of the junta. It had 
many other faults which I have not mentioned, as I do not mean to com- 
ment upon them. But there is one which I cannot pass over in silence, 
that of having the deputies nominated at the will, not of a district (parlido), 
for that would be of a majority of the citizens, but of the ayuntamientos 
of the principal towns. See the injury thus done to the country people 
at large ! In the elections a vote was given by the junta, to the electors, 
i by the country people ; and a voice was also given to the indivi- 
who composed the ayuntamiento of the principal town of each de- 
nt. Bui in electing the ayuntamientos. it was possible to get into 
them by a little management, as was in fact frequently done ; because the 
wish of aspiring to the functions of these I as not so general 

ambition of obtaining a seal in Congress. The ayuntamientos 
filled up at their own pleasure, and were consequently 
ill the memb p< ed a vote in the elections for de- 

the ayuntamientos became almost, the only electors. This is evi- 
how thinly the population is distributed over 
thai country, and how great a disproportion exists between the number of 
inhabitant! in a town, and in its dependencies. 

this clearer. lei it be supposed that a principal town of a 

thousand inhabitants, leaving out of 

the question the city of .Mexico, the population of which exceeds one 

hundred and se\ iuls, ami other cities densely inhabited. 

The ayuntamiento • ■!' . uch a town consists, perhaps, of fifty or sixty mem- 

ave to send electors to the principal town, 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 71 

duced a radical change in the internal affairs of 
Mexico, and the sovereignties of the States were 
substituted by the establishment of a Central Gov- 

name no more than eight or ten. This small number, therefore, acting in 
conjunction with all the members of the ayuntamiento, is reduced to a 
cipher, and the election terminates according to the pleasure of that body. 
Thus the people were deceived by being told, that in them resided the 
sovereignity, which they were to delegate to the deputies whom they were 
about to name ; when in fact there was no such nomination, except on 
the part of the ayuntamiento, or rather, indeed, of the directors of the 
junta, who, after the dissolution of that body, passed into the Congress, in 
order to continue their manoeuvres. 

" To this system, so framed, was added intrigue in the elections ; the 
most worthy men were not sought for, nor even those who were decided 
for any particular party. It was quite sufficient if the candidate were my 
enemy, or so ignorant that he might easily be persuaded to become so. If 
he possessed either of these requisites, he was deemed competent to dis- 
charge the sacred functions which were to be intrusted to him. 

" If the archives of state have not been spoliated, remonstrances may be 
found amongst them from almost all the provinces, pointing out the nullity 
of the powers conferred on the deputies. Several individuals were elected 
who had been accused of conduct notoriously scandalous ; some had been 
prosecuted as criminals : others were men of broken fortunes, tumultuous 
demagogues, officers who had capitulated, and who, violating the laws of 
war and their paroles, had again taken up arms against the cause of 
liberty, and after suffering defeat had surrendered a second time. Some 
of the new deputies were obstinate anti-independents, and one was an 
apostate monk, although by law no member of the religious orders could 
have a seat in Congress. The authors of the remonstrances offered also 
to prove, that the rules for the conduct of the elections, as they were laid 
down in the convocatoria, had been infringed ; and that the persons re- 
turned were not those whom the majority approved, but those who were 
the most skilful in intrigue. These documents were all sent to my depart- 
ment, when I was generalissimo and admiral-in-chief; when I became 
Emperor, I directed them to be transmitted to the department of the 
interior, for the purpose of being deposited in the archives. I did not wish 
to lay them before the Congress, because, even if justice were done, which 
could hardly be expected, I saw that they would be productive only of 
odium, and of legal prosecutions. 1 considered that time would be lost in 
new elections, as it would be necessary to have the most of them renewed, 
and I felt that our most important care was first to organize the govern- 



7u HIS Id 1: Y F T II E 

eminent. Stability did not follow this event. The 
history of the country from the insurrection under 
Hidalgo has presented a succession of revolutions. 

merit. I thought that the errors into which this Congress might 

fall, might be corrected by that which should succeed it. This mode of 
ng, which would have been questionable, perhaps under any other 
circumstances, was suil >se which then existed, because the ob- 

ject was to avoid greater evils. 

"The result of the elections, therefore, was the formation of a Congress, 
perfectly conformable to the wishes of the party who influenced its nomi- 
nation. A few men of undoubted virtue and wisdom, and of the purest 
patriotism, whose fair reputation was so widely extended that no machina- 
,uld prevent them from having a majority of suffrages, found them- 
coAfounded with a multitude of intriguers, of assuming manners 
and sinister intentions. 1 do not desire to be credited on my mere asser- 
examine th the Congress during the eight months that 

from its installation until its suspension. The principal object of 
draw up a constitution h..- the empire : not a single 
line of it was written. In a country, naturally the richest in the world, the 
treasury was exhausted ; there were no funds to pay the army or the public 
functionaries ; there was do revenue, not oven a system of finance estab- 
. as that which had existed in the time of the Spanish rule had been 
abolished, without any other system having been substituted for it. The 
Congress would not occupy itself in matters of such essential importance, 
notwithstanding the repeated and urgent solicitations which I made to it in 
. and through the secretaries of state. The administration of justice 
liolly neglected ; in the changes which had taken place, some of the 
had left the empire, some died, others had embraced new avoca- 
id tribunals were nearly deserted. Upon this sub- 
declined to take an) steps: in short, although the 
empire was in the weakness of infancy, and wanted their assistance at 
'. they did nothing. The speeches which were pronounced, 
turned on matters of tin- most trifling description, and if any of them hap- 
to touch on topics deserving of consideration, they were, to say the 
:n. foreign to the exigencies of the moment. What honors 
■'■■ paid to the chiefs of the insurrection who had fallen? What 
be tli" form for the oath of an archbishop? Who ought to nomi- 
ireme tribunal of justice .' Such, together with a demand for 
friar, who was a prisoner in the castle of San Juan de Ulua, 
i rave occupations of a body so au- 
m ! Add to this, thai not a single regulation was made 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 73 

The people would now yield voluntary submission 
to a crown, and then become zealous supporters of 
popular liberty. But short intervals of calm would 
occur between the scenes of anarchy and violence. 

for the government of the interior. The result was, that the Congress 
became the opprobrium of the people, and fell into a state of abject con- 
tempt. The public prints exposed its defects, and even one of the depu- 
ties stated his opinion, that it stood in need of reformation. 

" It soon became manifest that the object of those who gave all its 
movements to that machine, was only to gain time, and to deceive each 
other until they found an opportunity, for the arrival of which they se- 
cretly labored, in order to throw off the mask. Notwithstanding the cun- 
ning which they used, and the dissimulation with which they endeavored 
to carry out their designs, the people and the army saw through their real 
views. Neither the army nor the people desired slavery on one hand, or 
republicanism on the other ; nor did they wish to see me deposed, or even 
in any manner offended, and from these feelings arose that distrust with 
which the whole nation received all the resolutions that originated in so 
vitiated a body. 

" About the month of April, 1822, a state of agitation was observable, 
which threatened to end in anarchy. A public measure, effected in a 
scandalous manner, discovered the hypocrisy of its authors. The Con- 
gress deposed three of the regents, leaving in office with me only one, 
who was well known to be my enemy, for the purpose of reducing my 
vote in the executive to a nullity. They did not attempt to depose me, 
from an apprehension that they would be resisted by the army and the 
people, of my influence with whom they were well aware. This resolu- 
tion was passed in the most precipitate and singular manner. The ques- 
tion was proposed, discussed, agreed to, and carried into execution in one 
sitting, whereas it had been previously settled by decree, that every pro- 
position which was submitted to the Congress, should be read three times, 
at three distinct sittings, before it should be discussed. After this step 
they proposed another ; a commission, appointed for that purpose, pre- 
sented a regulation concerning the regency, in which the command of the 
army was declared incompatible with the functions of the executive power. 
They were jealous of my having the soldiery at my disposal : to such 
men fear was very natural. This regulation, although it did not receive 
the sanction of the legislature on account of the want of time, left no 
doubt of the designs which were entertained against me, and was the im- 
mediate cause which accelerated the event of the 18th of May. At ten 
o'clock, on that memorable night, the people and garrison of Mexico pro- 



7 , BISTOET OF THE 

[ndeed, from L828 to 1833, Mexico witnessed 

tlif ascendency of Simla Anna, the triumphs of 

ate, tie elevation of Guerrero, the popu- 

Emperor. " Live Agustin the First !" was the univeral cry. 
.. ire actuated by the same sentiment, that extensive 
capital was illuminated ; the balconies were decorated, and tilled with the 
inhabitants, who joyously echoed back (he acclamations 
rowds of people which throngedall the streets, especial- 
ly those near the house where I resided. Not one citizen expressed any 
disapprobation, a decided proof of the weakness of my enemies, and of the 
of the public opinion in my favor. .No accident or disorder 
of any kind occurred. The first impulse of my mind was to 20 forth and 
mination not to yield to the wishes of the people. If I 
m appearing before them for that purpose, it was 
in compliance with the counsel of a friend who happened at the mo 
■They will consider it an insult," he had scarcely 
. •• and the people know no restraint when they are irrita- 
I ou musl make this fresh sacrifice to the public good ; the country 
; remain 1 moment longer undecided, and you will hear their 
3 turned into death-shouts." [fell it necessary to resign my- 
. and 1 spent the whole of that night in allaying the 
! enthusiasm, and persuading the troops to give time for my deci- 
id in the meanwhile to render obedience to the Congress. 1 went 
ue : hem, and wrote a short proclamation, which 
rculated the following morning, and in which I expressed the same 
sentiments as thosi I addr ed to the people. I convened the regency, 
snerals and superior officers, communicated what had oc- 
curred by dispatch to the president of the Congress, and requested him to 
Bummon immediately an extraordinary sitting. The regency was of 
opinion thai 1 ought to yield to public opinion ; the superior officers of the 
army added, that such also was their unanimous opinion, that it was ex- 
■ 1 should do so, and that i was not at liberty to act according to my 
own di I had dedicated myself entirely to my country; that their 

ind sufferings would be useless if I persisted in my objections; 
ing compromised themselves through me. and having yielded 
Si d obedience, they bad a claim to my compliance. They sub- 
up a memorial which they presented to the Congress, re- 

to take this import. ml matter into its consideration. This 

: ledalsob] the individual who subsequently officiated as pre- 

1 sa-Mata, and by one of the present members of the 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 75 

larity of Gomez Farias, the victories of Bravo, tlie 
Presidency of Pedraza, and the disgrace of each 
and all in succession. In 1834 Santa Anna forced 

" The Congress met on the following morning ; the people crowded to 
the galleries and the entrance to the chamber : their applauses were in- 
cessant ; a joyous agitation was observable in every face ; the speeches 
of the deputies were interrupted by the impatience of the multitude. It 
is difficult to obtain order in moments like these ; but such an important 
discussion required it, and in order to attain that object, the Congress re- 
quired that I should be present at the sitting. A deputation was appoint- 
ed, who communicated the invitation to me. I declined it, because as they 
were about to treat of me personally, my presence might be considered as 
a restraint on the freedom of debate, and an impediment to the clear and 
frank expression of each individual's opinion. The deputation and several 
general officers, however, prevailed on me to accept the invitation, and I 
immediately went out in order to proceed to the place where the Congress 
were assembled. The streets were scarcely passable, so crowded were 
they with the inhabitants of the capital ; they took the horses from my 
carriage, and I was drawn by the people, and amidst their enthusiastic ac- 
clamations, to the palace of the Congress. On entering the hall where 
the deputies were assembled, the vivas were still more enthusiastic, and 
resounded from every quarter. 

" The question of the nomination was discussed, and there was not a 
single deputy who opposed my accession to the throne. The only hesi- 
tation expressed by a few, arose from a consideration that their powers 
were not extensive enough to authorize them to decide on the question. 
It appeared to them that it would be necessary to notify the subject to 
provinces, and to require from them an enlargement of powers already 
granted, or new powers specifically applicable to this case alone. I sup- 
ported this opinion, as it afforded me an opportunity of finding out some 
means for evading the acceptance of a situation which I was most anx- 
ious to decline. But the majority were of a contrary opinion, and I was 
elected by seventy-seven voices against fifteen. These latter did not deny 
me their suffrages ; they confined themselves simply to the expression of 
their belief, that the provinces ought to be consulted, since they did not 
think their powers ample enough, but at the same time they said that they 
were persuaded that their constituents would agree with the majority, and 
think that what was done was in every respect conducive to the public 
welfare. Mexico never witnessed a day of more unmixed satisfaction ; 
every order of the inhabitants testified it. I returned home as I had pro- 
ceeded to the Congress, my carriage drawn by the people, who crowded 



76 HIS TO BY OF THE 

the Congress to suspend its Sessions, and while that 
body were engaged in remodelling the constitution, 
commenced the Texas revolution, which ended in 
the independence of that country, thus severing for 
ever from Mexico a large portion of her territory, 
and which subsequently produced results of the 
greatest magnitude, involving two great republics 
in the conflict of arms, and terminating in the con- 
quest of Mexico and the dismemberment of her 
territory. This brings us to the important question 
of the Texas iv volution, the independence of that 
country, its anuexatiou to the United States, and 
the war which ensued, which will be examined 
more in detail. 



around to congratulate me, expressing the pleasure which they felt on 
seeing their wishes fulrilled." 



POLK ADMINISTKATION. 77 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Boundaries of Texas. — Becomes a member of the Confederacy of 1824. 
— The Texas which was obtained from France in 1803, and which was 
ceded to Spain in 1819. — Grant of land to Moses Austin. — Settlement of 
Texas. — General Cos with a military .force crosses the Nueces. — Colli- 
sion of Arms. — Cos is forced to surrender. — Santa Anna invades Texas in 
person. — The garrison of Alamo slaughtered. — Murder of Tanning's 
command. — Battle of San Jacinto. — Santa Anna makes a treaty with 
the Texans. — The Mexicans evacuate Texas. — The claim of Texas to 
the Rio Grande. 

The Texas Revolution, and its consequences, were 
pro m inent causes of the war with Mexico; and 
therefore the settlement of Texas, its independence 
and annexation to the United States, must be brief- 
ly examined. It has been unjustly asserted by 
those whose position entitled their opinions to some 
consideration, that the first settlers of Texas were 
outlaws from their native land. That their object 
in emigrating to Texas was to seek an asylum, and 
when they had obtained sufficient strength, to sever 
from Mexico by force that portion of her territory. 
This charge is as unfounded as unjust. 

In the investigation of this branch of the sub- 
ject, it becomes important to ascertain what were 
the boundaries of Texas, at the date of her revolu- 
tion. 

It has been asserted, that, as the independence 
of that country was accomplished by revolution, 



HISTORY OF THE 

only so much as was forcibly wrested from Mexico 
by the sword, was annexed to this country. On 
the other side, it has been as strenuously insisted, 
that the country known as Texas, has always been 
bounded on the south and west by the Rio Bravo; 
and to the extent of these boundaries was incorpo- 
rated as a State into the Mexican confederacy. The 
several States of Mexico, in 1824, adopted a consti- 
tution similar to our own ; and it has been insisted, 
that Texas, as one of those States, becoming a party 
to the compact, was bound by its provisions only so 
Long as they remained in force. That the constitu- 
tion of 1824 was a compact of States, there can be 
no doubt.* Santa- Anna, subsequently to that pe- 
riod, having by force and fraud violated that con- 
stitution, each State in the confederacy was resolved 
into its original element.f It is not easily con- 
ceived how this reasoning can be successfully con- 
troverted. It is strongly fortified by analogy. 

i . I. The Mexican nation adopts for its government the form of 
republican itive, popular, federal. 

.5. The parts of this federation are the States and Territories. 

. 171. The articles of this Constitution, and the constitutional 

act which establishe: the liberty and independence of the Mexican nation, 

[ion, form of government, liberty of the press, and division of the 

supreme powers of die federation and the States, can never be reformed. 

— \[t vican Constitution of 1821. 

It is free and independent of the other United Mexican 
rery other foreign power and dominion." Passed March 
11th, 1827, and accepted by Mexico. — Constitution of Texas. 

it is. a truth " acknowledged by every sensible writer, 

■" laved fr fear or sold for hire, that as soon as a prince 

attacks the constitution of the slate, he breaks the contract which bound 

ile to him; the people become free by the act of the sovereign, 

and cni no longer view him but as a usurper, who would load them with 

ion." 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 79 

When the effort was made to form our own Consti- 
tution as a substitute for the old articles of confede- 
ration, delegates from the several States assembled 
in convention. The instrument which was then 
drawn up, until sanctioned by nine States, was not 
more obligatory than so much blank paper. Pre- 
viously to becomiug parties to the instrument, the 
States were independent sovereignties. They were 
known to possess certain limits, not always, it is 
true, very well defined, so far as the territories were 
concerned which belonged to them, but sufficiently 
so for all practical purposes. Suppose, then, these 
States had refused to become parties to the Con- 
stitution, each would have preserved its sove- 
reignty entirely independent of the rest. Again, 
suppose that nine States — the number required by 
the Constitution to give it life, had become parties 
to it, and the three remaining States, had uncondi- 
tionally refused to sanction it, there was no power 
to force them. They might: have remained to this 
day separate and independent sovereignties. \ But 
for a still further illustration : suppose at this day 
the Union, which is composed of thirty States, and 
has expanded in power and grandeur until it has 
become one of the first powers on the earth, should 
be violently assailed by a victorious chieftain, fresh 
from the battle-field, with his trained bands obedient 
to his will, and the Constitution should be destroyed, 
will any one insist that the States would be bound 
by the decrees of the usurper ? On the contrary, 
all would admit that the bonds which bound the 
Union together, having been violently dissevered, 



80 HI STOET OF THE 

eadi Stale would become free and independent. If 
this reasoning, from analogy, be conclusive, no 
one can deny that when the Constitution of 1824, 
to which Texas had become a party, was destroyed 
by Santa Anna, that Texas at once resumed the 
rights which she possessed before becoming a party 
to that compact. The country known as Texas, 
was ceded by Prance to the United States by the 
treaty of 1803. We have the authority of some of 
the most distinguished American, French, and Spa- 
nish statesmen, for saying, that the southern and 
western boundary of Texas was the Eio Bravo* 

* Mr. Adams in 1818 says: "The claim of France always did extend 

westward to the 11 io Bravo. She always claimed the territory which you 

call Texas, as being within the limits, and forming a part of Louisiana." 

Mr. Clay, in his Raleigh letter, written in 1844, said : "The United 

acquired a title to Texas, extending, as I helieve, to the Rio del 

Norte, by the treaty of Louisiana." 

In Spain. Texas has gone to the Rio Bravo ever since the beginning of 
Mr. Cevallos, negotiating with Pinckney and Monroe, writes at 
Aranjuez, April 13th, 1805: "The limits between Louisiana and the 
have been always known, even when the French possessed Lou- 
isiana. Near the beginning of the last century, the venerable Alanzet, of 
the order of San Francisco, founded in the province of Texas, towards the 
confines of Louisiana, different missions, among them Nacogdoches*" And 
a few years after he wrote, " it was generally known in the writings of 
those times, thai the province of Texas, or new Philippines, had its boun- 
daries about the middle of the Gulf of Mexico, to Pocenes, the Rio Grande, 
and tn the Ea I I ioni iana." 

Lei u hear Don Onis to Mr. Adams, January 16, 1817: " You did 

h mor to applaud a proposition so frank and liberal, as dictated by 

equity and <_ r '»»l faith, and made known to me with the same frankness, 

that the United States desired to unite to its dominions all the territories 

which belong to Spain to the east of the Mississippi ; and that, for them, 

mldofferto Spain those which were between the Rio del Norle 

and the Colorado. But as not only these lands, but all those which lie 

n the Colorado an. I Can'' North, drawing a line by the river Mer- 

mento, or Mermentao, towards the Presidio of Adias, and from thence, by 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 81 

Unfortuuately that Territory was ceded to Spain 
by the treaty of 1819, and subsequently to that pe- 
riod was wrested from that Government with the 

the Arryo Onda, towards Natchitoches, are a part of the province of Texas, 
belonging to, and in the uninterrupted possession of, his Majesty, without 
there having been, in relation thereto, any dispute between France and 
Spain, (that dispute being solely as to Natchitoches, which fort the 
French raised unjustly in the territory of his Catholic Majesty,) it results 
that this proposition not only does not offer compensation to his Majesty 
for West and East Florida, whose cession to the United States you inti- 
mate would be very agreeable, but it involves the relinquishment of the 
property and possession which his Majesty has of the territory in the pro- 
vince of Texas, which lies between the Colorado and the vicinity of Natch- 
itoches." (For Foreign Relations, 438.) There is no pretence that 
Spain altered the boundaries of provinces, between 1821 and 1824. At 
the latter date the Confederation of Mexico was established, taking the 
provinces as they then stood. (SeeW kite's Recapitulation, 375, Title X.) 

CONSTITUTIVE ACTS OF THE MEXICAN FEDERATION. 

FOKM OF GOVERNMENT AND RELIGION. 

Art. 1. The Mexican nation is composed of provinces formally 
known as the Viceroyalty of New Spain, the Captain-generalship of Yu- 
catan, and the internal provinces of the east and west. 

Art. 6. The integral parts are free, sovereign, and independent 
States, in as far as regards exclusively its internal administration, accord- 
ing to the rules laid down in this Act, and in the General Constitution. 

Art. 7. The States at present composing the federation are as 
following, viz. : Guanajuato, the internal State of the west, composed of the 
provinces of Sonora and Sinaloa ; the internal State of the east comprising 
the provinces of New Leon, Coahuila, and Texas ; the internal State of 
the north, containing the provinces of Chihuahua, Durango, and New Mex- 
ico ; Mexico ; Michoacan, Oajaca, Puebla de los Angeles, Queretaro, San 
Luis Potosi, New Santander, called also Tamaulipas, Tabasco, Lascala, 
Vera Cruz, Jalisco, Yucatan, and Zacatecas. The Californias and the 
district of Coluira, (except the town of Fomiela, which remains annexed 
to Jalisco,) will for the present be territories of the federation, and direct- 
ly subject to its supreme power. 

Dated Mexico, January 31, 1824. 

John Gazenan. 

Page 380. The Federal Constitution of the United Mexican States, 
sanctioned the General Constituent Congress on the 4th of October, 1824. 
—388, Title 11. Only section. 
6 



HISTORY OF THE 

remainder of the Mexican provinces. After the 
cession of Texas to Spain, it was well understood by 
smen and intelligent men of every party, that 
the western boundary of that country continued to 
be the Rio Grande;* at all events, for a consider- 

Ai.t. -1. The Mexican nation adopts for the form of its Govern- 
ment a popular, representative, and federal republic. 

. 5. The constituent parts of the federation are the following 
and Territories, viz. : The States of Chiapas, Chihuahua, Coahuila, 
and Texas. Durango, Guanajuato, Angeles, Queretaro, San Luis Potosi, 
Sonora and Sinaloa, Tabasco, Tamaulipas, Vera Cruz, Jalisco, Yucatan, 
and Zacatecas ; the Territories of Upper California, Lower California, 
Colima, and ! : de Nuevo Mexico. A constitutional law will fix 

the character of Tlascula. 

Dated 4th of October, 1824, fourth year of independence, third of li- 
berty, and second of confederation. 

Lorenzo De Zavala, President. 

I , nrs and Decrees of the State of Coahuila and Texas. 

DECREE NO. I. 

The Territory of the State shall be that recognized as both provinces, 
until the present time. August 15, 1824. 

429. DECREE NO. 13. 

.1. In that pari of this State known as the Province of Texas, 

apolitical authority shall be provisionally established, styled "Chief of 

■ ', : i sas." February 1, 1825. 

Mr. Madison says, January 31, 1804, to Mr. Livingston, "With re- 

em extent of Louisiana, Mr. Laussat held a language 

1 1 ■ considered the Rio Bravo, or Del Norte, as far as 

die thirtieth degree of north latitude, as its true boundary on that side." — 

! R alions, page 57 I. 

lunded southeast by the Gulf of Mexico ; west and south- 
Rio del Norte." — Morse's Geographical Dictionary, edition 

.province oi Mexico, b ided southwest by the Rio Grande 

.'" — Brooks's Universal Gazetteer, edition 1823. 

claimed by Spain as a part of the internal provinces, and 
Del Norte," &c— Worcester Gazetteer, 1823. 
"I Mexico, in the former provincios internos, 



POLK ADMINISTRATION". 83 

able distance up that stream.* It cannot be denied 
then, that the Texas which became a party to the 
compact of 1824, was the Texas which was acquired 
from France in 1803, and which was ceded to Spain 
in 1819. The Rio Grande was regarded as the 
western boundary of Texas, not only by well-in- 
formed persons in this country, but was not dis- 
puted by the Mexican authorities. 

No claim had been made by the Government of 
Mexico, or by any of her military chieftains to the 
Nueces as the eastern boundary of the Mexican 
Republic previous to the battle of Palo Alto. In 
their pronunciamentos they have demanded the 
Sabine as the boundary of their possessions. They 
have claimed " the whole or none." And whenever 
they have given any evidence of being wearied of 
the attempt to re-conquer Texas, they have indi- 
cated the Rio Del Norte as the extent of their 
sacrifice.f In 1821 a large party of American citi- 

bounded southwest by the Rio Grande del Norte. — Darby's Gazetteer, 
edition 1827. 

" Texas, province of Mexico in the former internal provinces, is bound- 
ed southwest by the Rio Grande." — Davenport'' s Gazetteer, edition 1832. 

In his letter to Aaron V. Brown, General Jackson says : " Remember 
also, that if Texas be annexed to the United States, our western boundary 
would be the Rio Grande, which is itself a fortification, on account of its 
extensive barren and uncultivated plains." 

"The real Texas which we acquired by the treaty of 1803, and 
flung away by the treaty of 1819, never approached the Rio Grande, ex- 
cept near its mouth," &c. 

* Again : " I draw a broad line of distinction between the Province 
of Texas and the Republic of Texas. The province laid between the 
Sabine and the lower Rio del Norte, and between the Gulf of Mexico and 
the Red River. The republic of Texas stretches to the whole extent of 
the left bank of the Rio del Norte. Of the two Texases, I go for the reco- 
very of the old one." 

f Proclamation of General Adrian Woll, June 20th, 1844. Dispatch 



& I S T O E T OF THE 

zens formed the determination of settling upon a large 
tract of land, granted by Mexico to Moses Austin. 
They were not a lawless band of outlaws, deter- 
mined i" plunder Mexico of her territory, but were 
invite 1 to go thither. The Mexicans, finding it ex- 
ceedingly inconvenient to contend against the wild 
and desperate bands of Indians who were continu- 
ally m airing incursions and carrying fire and slaugh- 
ter among their defenceless hamlets, sought the 
protection of the western rifle against their terrible 
foes, and when they had formed a barrier between 
the Indians and Mexicans, the latter sought to dis- 
arm and render defenceless those who had gener- 
ously proved their protectors. To submit to this 
cowardly aggression was impossible. The reniorse- 
lesa bands of savages, who hung like a dark and 
threatening cloud around their settlements, were 
only kept aloof l»y the dreaded rifle; and if the 
os had been disarmed, the tomahawk and 
scalping-knife would have carried death and dis- 
may into every dwelling in Texas. Resistance or 
indiscriminate ma— acre was the only alternative. 
That Santa Anna had resolved upon their destruc- 
tion they had no reason to doubt. The members 
of the Legislature of Coahuila were seized and im- 
prisoned tor merely protesti/ng against the acts of 
the Central (iovernment. In this state of excite- 
ment. Burrounded bj dangers upon all sides, the 
I in- elected delegates to meet in convention at 

G 3lBt, 1836. Articles of agreement signed May 

1 nli. i inta Anna, Gen. Filisola, Don Jose Urea, Don Antonio 

and l>'.!i Joachin Etai i 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 85 

San Felipe in October, 1835. About this time 
General Cos, with, a considerable body of troops, 
crossed the Rio Grande, and leaving a j)ortion of 
his forces at Lipantitlan, on the west side of the 
Nueces, and at Goliad, marched with his main force 
to San Antonio. And while the delegates were 
quietly assembling, General Cos sent a body of two 
hundred cavalry to Gonzales, a small town in the 
neighborhood of that place, and demanded of the 
citizens the surrender of a small cannon which they 
used as a defence against the Indians. Their reply 
was grape and canister, and thus the Texas revo- 
lution commenced. The news of this collision at 
once aroused the people of Texas to the defence of 
their homes. They shouldered their rifles and hur- 
ried to the scene of contest. They rallied from 
both sides of the Nueces, and from the banks of 
the Rio Grande. In a few days Goliad and Lipan- 
titlan had fallen into their possession. The conven- 
tion which had assembled at San Felipe issued a 
declaration against the Central Government, and 
declared in favor of the Constitution of 1824. De- 
termined that not a Mexican soldier should degrade 
the soil of Texas, they concentrated their forces 
around San Antonio and forced General Cos to 
surrender. Among the number who left their fire- 
sides to drive from the province the Mexican inva- 
ders, as I have already stated, were persons who 
resided between the Nueces and the Rio Grande. 
In the moment of peril they gallantly shared the 
dangers which threatened all ! In the hour of tri- 
umph gratitude was not forgotten; they were not 



J! [STOEY OF T fl E 

the men basely to disregard the interests of that 
ion of the people of Texas. Many of them fell 
lie struggle. The rights of the widow and 
orphan have sserted, and to the honor of the 

nation be it said, that they would have haz- 
arded their national existence in the defence of he] 
citizens residing in every portion of her dominions. 
V>y the terms of the capitulation of General Cos. 
the rights of those citizens were guaranteed. 

Thus ended the first conflict between the Mexi- 
cans and the people of Texas. Not only did they 
manifest a determination to resist all attempts to 
subjugate them, but the result proved their ability 
to do so. The terms of the capitulation of Gen. 
blishes the first link in the revolutionary 
chain of title of Texas to the Rio Grande, as her 
western boundary.* 

General Cos, with his soldiers and convicts, re- 
crossed the Rio Grande. To this date, then, al- 
though assailed without any justification whatever, 
by those who should have been actuated by feelings 
of -latitude, the Texans exhibited a determination 

* " Capitulation entered into by < r< ru ral Martin Prefccto De Cos, of the perma- 
nent troops, and dim ml Edward Burleson, of the Colonial Troops of Texas. 
1 the further /fusion of blood, and the ravages 
tr, ice hare agreed on the 1 !':ons : 

" 1st. Thai General Cos and his officers retire with their arms and 
property into the interior of the republic, under parole of honor 
thai they will not in any way oppose the establishment of the Federal 
i of 182 1." 

ha1 the General take the convicts lately brought in by Colonel 
nd the river Rio Grand 
"14th. General Burleson will furnish General Cos with such provi- 
be obtained, necessary for his troops to the Rio Grande, at 
tic- i price "I the country." 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 87 

to adhere to the constitution of 1824. Reared un- 
der the beneficent institutions of the United States, 
they were attached to the liberal principles which 
the constitution of 1824 guaranteed. They were 
willing to shed their blood in its defence. But 
Santa Anna as resolutely prepared to enforce their 
obedience to his despotic will. He gathered a large 
and well appointed army, resolved to subdue the 
spirit of the Texans, or ravage their country with 
fire and sword. All Mexico lay prostrate at his 
feet. No voice was raised in the defence of consti- 
tutional liberty ; and it was left for the gallant little 
band of Texan heroes to battle alone with the for- 
ces of the usurper. It was then that a convention 
was called in haste, and a declaration of independ- 
ence was issued* and appealing to the God of bat- 

* " It has dissolved, by force of arms, the State Congress of Cohuila 
and Texas, and obliged our representatives to fly for their lives from the 
seat of Government ; thus depriving us of the fundamental political right 
of representation. 

" It has demanded the surrender of a number of our citizens, and or- 
dered military detachments to seize and carry them into the interior for 
trial, in contempt of the civil authorities, and in defiance of the laws and 
the constitution. 

" It denies us the right of worshipping the Almighty according to the 
dictates of our own conscience, by the support of a, national religion, cal- 
culated to promote the temporal interest of its human functionaries, rather 
than the glory of the true and living God. 

" It has demanded us to deliver up our arms, which are essential to our 
defence— the rightful property of freemen, and formidable only to tyran- 
nical governments. 

" It has invaded our country both by sea and by land, with the intent to 
lay waste our territory and drive us from our homes ; and has now a large 
mercenary army advancing to carry on against us a war of extermination. 

" It has, through its emissaries, incited the merciless savage, with the 
tomahawk and scalping knife, to massacre the inhabitants of our defence- 
less frontiers."— Texan Declaration of Independence, March 2d, 1836. 



11 I STO B V OF THE 

ties for the justice of their cause, they prepared for 
the conflict. The first blood which was shed in this 
struggle, watered the territory between the Nueces 
and the Rio Grande. The Alamo was surrounded 
by 9,000 Mexicans, and the fort was only taken 
after a terrible struggle, in which everyone of its 
defenders perished. This victory was won by the 
Mexicans at a dreadful sacrifice of life. The Tex- 
an- were armed with the much dreaded rifle, which 
produced dreadful havoc in the ranks of their foes. 
Colonel Fanning, unable to defend Goliad, accepted 
terms of capitulation which guaranteed the lives of 
his command. These stipulations were violated by 
Santa Anna, who ordered about four hundred pri- 
soners to be shot ; an act of cold-blooded barbarity 
which f< >r all time will place the seal of infamy upon 
his character. 

The bands of Santa Anna swept like the besom 
<>f destruction across that portion of Texas lying 
wesl of the Nueces. Nearly allot' the; male inha- 
bitants in that part of the country found bloody 
but honorable graves. The Mexican army contin- 
ued rapidly to advance, spreading fire and devasta- 
tion in their terrible career, until Santa Anna was 
encountered upon the battle field of San Jacinto by 
780 Texans on the 21st of April, 1836, and after 
a short I. ui desperate conflict, was defeated and ta- 
ken prisoner. The punishment which he deserved 
was death. lie had violently overturned the con- 
stitution of Iih country, and sought at the point of 
the bayonet, tosubjugatea people who had protected 
'he Mexicans against the inroads of the savages. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 89 

He had conducted the contest as only a savage 
could be capable. He had disregarded the rules 
by which civilized nations are governed, and murder 
and indiscriminate slaughter marked his progress. 
But the Texans not only wielded their glittering 
blades upon the field of battle with terrible effect, 
but could treat with humanity a prostrate foe. A 
treaty was entered into with Santa Anna, 12th of 
May, 1836.* By the terms of this treaty Texas 

* " Articles of agreement and solemn compact made and adopted by David G. 
Burnett, President of the Republic of Texas, and the undersigned, members 
of the cabinet thereof, on the one part, and Don Antonio Lopez De Santa 
Anna, President of the Republic of Mexico, and Don Vincente FiUsola, gene- 
ral of division, Don Jose Urea, Don Joachin Ramyres Y Sesma, and Don 
Antonio Gaona, generals of brigades of the armies of Mexico. 

" 1st. That the armies of Mexico shall, with all practical expedition, 
evacuate the territory of Texas, and retire to Monterey, heyond the Rio 
Grande." 

" 3d. That the army of Texas are to march westwardly, and to occupy 
such posts as the commanding general may think proper on the east side 
of the Rio Grande, or Rio Bravo del Norte." 

" 5th. That the following be, and the same are hereby, established and 
made the lines of demarkation between the two Republics of Mexico and 
Texas, to wit : The line shall commence at the estuary or mouth of the 
Rio Grande, on the western bank thereof, and shah pursue the same bank 
up the said river, to the point where the river assumes the name of Rio 
Bravo Del Norte ; from which point it shall proceed on the same western 
bank to the head waters, or source of said river, it being understood that 
the terms Rio Grande and Rio Bravo Del Norte apply to and designate 
one and the same stream. From the source of said river, the principal 
head branch being taken to ascertain that source, a due north line shall be 
run until it shall intersect the boundary line established and described in 
the treaty negotiated by and between the Government of Spain and the 
Government of the United States of the north ; which line was subse- 
quently transferred to and adopted in the treaty of the limits made be- 
tween the Government of Mexico and that of the United States ; and 
from this point of intersection the line shall be the same as was made and 
established in and by the several treaties above mentioned, to continue to 
the mouth or outlet of the Sabine river, and from thence to the Gulf of 
Mexico. 



90 II IS TOUT OF TJI.K 

was to be evacuated, and the Rio Grande was to be 
established as the boundary line between the two 
republics. This is the second link in the revolu- 
tionary chain of title which Texas won to that 
river. I knowithas been asserted that Santa Anna 

y at that time a prisoner, all stipulations which 

lie might agree to, were void. This objection seems 

more to be relied upon by certain American Mem- 

i »f Congress than by the Mexicans themselves. 

Santa Anna commenced the war, and it is a 
principle of the law of nations that he had the right 
to terminate it.'"' The tact that he was a usurper 
does not affect the principle.*! 

The only question to be inquired into is, did he 

nluittdrii ij. There is abundant evidence to 

prove that he did.J If the law of nations was 

•■ 9th. The release of the President Santa Anna shall be made imme- 

ing the signatures of the Generals Don Viente Filisola, 

I 'ii. Din Joachin llamyres Y Sesma, and Don Antonio Gaona, 

in this agreement, and his conveyance to Vera Cruz as soon afterwards as 

may be convenient." 

■■ The same power who has the right of making war, of determining 

on it. of declaring it. and of directing its operations, has naturally that 

likewise of making and concluding a treaty of peace." — Vatlel, p. 432. 

states, as having no right to interfere with the domestic 

is of that nation, or to interfere in her government, are bound to 

abide by her decisions, and to look no further than the circumstances of 

- Tiny may, therefore, broach and conclude a treaty of 

with the usurper.'* — Valtel, p. 436. 

"When I offered to treat with this Government (Texas), I was 

:ed thai it was useless for Mexico to continue the war. I have 

id information respecting the country which I did not possess 

four m o. I have too much zeal for the interests of my country 

i for any thing which i- nol compatible with them. Being always 

' ; : -'■ and advantage, I never would have 

' mj self to torments of death rather than consent to any 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 91 

different it would lead to the most disastrous con- 
sequences. In that event, exterminating war might 
be the result. Suppose all the members composing 
the Government at Washington, should be taken 
prisoners by an invading foe. If they had no power 
to make a binding treaty, peace would never be 
made, and a perpetual war would be the conse- 
quence. If General Scott had captured the Mexi- 
can authorities when he took possession of the city 
of Mexico, will any one assert that they would not 
have had the power to make a peace \ If not, Mex- 
ico must have remained a subjugated province of 
this country. But again, to put a stronger case: 
suppose an absolute monarch should fall into the 
hands of his foes, unless he could make a treaty, 
the contest would be protracted for years. Until 
mankind become as remorseless and savage as 
beasts of prey, no such sanguinary rules could be 
adopted for the government of nations. The Tex- 
ans complied faithfully with all the articles which 
the treaty contained. The Mexicans availed them- 
selves of all the advantages which resulted from it. 
They not only in that way ratified the treaty, but 

compromise, if Mexico could thereby obtain the slightest benefit. I am 
firmly convinced that it is proper to terminate this question by political 
negotiaton." — Letter of Santa Anna, July 4th, 1836. 

" His Excellency, (Santa Anna,) in my humble opinion, in the treaties 
agreed upon, and that I had the honor to send to your Excellency, acted 
with entire liberty, and had nothing more in view than the interest of his 
country." — Dispatch of General Filisola, June 10th, 1836. 

" I do not mention other reasons, perhaps more convincing, and, in 
fine, I think I have saved the whole army from a disaster, and the national 
decorum from a positive disgrace." — Dispatch of General Filisola, May 
31s*, 1836. 



92 HIS TO BY OF THE 

tin' President 'pro tern, of the Mexican Republic, 
during the absence of Santa Anna, expressly autho- 
ri/.eil any act which would release the President 
from captivity, and. relieve the .Mexican forces in 
Texas from the imminent peri] which surrounded 
them. This was done in a dispatch of the Secre- 
tary of War and Marine on the 15th of May, L836, 
addressed to General Filisola.* Not ouly was ex- 

" Secretary's Office of War and Marine, ) 
Central Section, First Bureau. ) 

* " Excellent Sir : With the most profound sorrow, his Excellency, 
the President pro tern., has learned, by the official letter of your Excel- 
the 25th of last month, the defeat suffered on the 21st of the 
same month, by the division commanded in person by the President Gen- 
eral-in-chief of the army, (Santa Anna,) and the very lamentable misfor- 
tune that his Excellency should be made prisoner with other chiefs and 
offici 

"His Excellency, the President fro tern., is in some measure con- 
ral so experienced as your Excellency should be the one 
who obtains the command, the which he expressly confirms. 

"The first desire thai his Excellency has, is that you address the 
enemy's general, exacting from him, by decorous means, the liberty of the 
mi General-in-chief, or at least during the time this point can be 
ed, the consideration due to his high dignity, and to a person so 
lished in the annals of American history, and for whose preserva- 
tion the entire nation is interested by gratitude, and because he is chief 
of it. 

•■Hi- Excellency, the President fro tim., counts upon your Excel- 
all your efforts to save the remainder of the army, by 
concentrating it so as to render it more respectable, placing it in a con- 
eiving provisions, for which the most efficacious 
re adopted, The preservation of Bexar is of absolute neces- 
sity, in order thai the Government, according to circumstances, may act 
■ tit. 
•• The fate of all the prisoners is very interesting to the nation, and it 
1 to your Excellency to endeavor to alleviate it, giving 
authority from \\\\< moment to propi mges,and to preserve fortius 

luse humanity exacts it, the lives of the prisoners made 
and that from the enemy. Your Excellency knows the 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 93 

press authority granted by the Government ad in- < 
terim, in addition to the voluntary act of Santa 
Anna, but he obtained thereby the release of him- 
self and his army. All the advantages resulting 
from the treaty were reaped by the Mexicans, and 
surely there is no reasoning based upon morality, 
which could excuse a repudiation of what had been 
so solemnly agreed upon. No portion of the spirit 
which actuated the noble Roman who returned to 
his foes, after having advised a rejection of the 
terms offered by the Carthagenians, can dwell in 
the bosom of that man, be he Mexican or Ameri- 
can, who can justify the faithless conduct of the 
Mexican authorities. 

Since the battle of San Jacinto was fought, 
there have been several incidental recognitions by 
the Mexican chiefs, of the Rio Grande as the boun- 
dary between the two countries.* After General 
Filisola had withdrawn beyond the Rio Grande ; 
General Felix Houston, with a body of Texans, 
took, and kept possession of the east bank of that 
river. The garrison of Loredo, which had been 
maintained for years, was also withdrawn beyond 
the Rio Grande, and the whole territory was left 

circumstances which may result from an imprudence committed in this 
affair, but the Government fears nothing as regards this, because it knows 
how great is the skill and zeal of your Excellency for the best service of 
the country." 

* 3d. Every individual who shall be found at the distance of one league 
from the left bank of the Rio Bravo, will be regarded as a favorer and 
accomplice of the usurpers of that part of the national territory, and as a 
traitor to his country, and after a summary military trial, shall be pun- 
ished as such. 

Proclamation of Adrian Woll, Gen. of brigade, 1844. 



OF TIIE 

• 3ion of the Texans. The triumpli of the 

was complete, and the terrible chastisement 

inflicted upon the invader, taught him to treat with 

respect those who knew so well how to defend their 

.■his. It is not easy to enslave men who have a 

just appreciation of their privileges, and possess 

the courage to defend them. No more gallant men 

ever unfurled their banners to the breeze, than the 

ins who rallied around Houston and Rusk, at 

the battle of San Jacinto. They fought with the 

knowledge, that certain death followed in the path 

of defeat, yet they shrunk not from the trial, and so 

iful was the collision, that the Mexican heart 

was appalled, and twice only during the eight suc- 

years, did a Mexican force cross the Rio 

Grande, and then only to be driven ignominiously 

back. Texas emerged from the contest free and 

independent* 

i may have chosen to consider, and may still choose to con- 

siderTexasas having been al all times since 1835, and as still continuinga 

- province; but the world lias been obliged to take a very different 

1 atter. From the tim attle of San Jacinto, in April, 

it moment. Texas has exhibited the same external signs 

as .Mexico herself, and with quite as much 

it, practically free and independent, acknowledged as a 

ity by the principal pov ers of the world ; no hostile foot 

finding rest within her territory for six or seven years, and Mexico herself 

lining for all thai period from any further attempt to re-establish her 

uthority over that territory, it cannot but be surprising to find Mr. 

Secretary of Foreign Affairs of Mexico,) complaining, 

that for thai whole period, citizens of the United States, or its Govern- 

>"' ■■ rebels of Texas, and supplying them with 

, ammunition, and money, as if the war for the reduction of the 

had been constantly prosecuted by Mexico, and her 

• i fhicnces from abroad." — Mr. Webster, Secre- 

J r 8, 1842. 



POLK ADMINISTKATIOjST. 95 

Tlie people of Texas had given such evidence 
•■of their ability to maintain their independence of 
Mexico, that it was acknowledged, not only 1 >y the 
United States, but also by several of the principal 
powers of Europe. It was a fact well known to the 
Government and people of the United States pre- 
vious to the annexation of Texas, that the inhabitants 
of that country claimed the Rio Grande as its 
western boundary. Upon all occasions, they had 
given evidence that such was their opinion. There 
was a provision in the constitution of Texas, authoriz- 
ing a representation of the counties of Bexar and San 
Patricio. The first Congress of Texas passed an 
act, extending her jurisdiction over the country to 
the Rio Grande* An act was also passed to incorpo- 
rate the Texas railroad, navigation, and banking 
company, with the right of connecting the waters 
of the Kio Grande with the Gulf, by means of in- 
ternal navigation.f An act to raise revenue by 
impost duties, was also passed, and one of the col- 
lection districts commenced at the Rio Grande. J 
An act was passed fixing the dividing line between 
the counties of Bexar and San Patricio. § Other 
laws to the same effect were enacted. 

The citizens of Texas had now passed through 
the different states of colonists, revolutionists, and 
independent freemen. A small band of men, in- 
spired by an unconquerable love for liberty, had 

* Law of Texas approved, December 19, 1836. 
f Law of 16th December, 136. 
X Law of June 12th, 1837. 

5 Law of May 24, 1828. Law of the 21st December, 1838. Law, 
February 5th, 1840. January 14th, 1843. December 19th, 1843. 



II I S T It Y O I T 1 1 E 

boldly encountered the trained bands of eiglit niil- 
lions of people. Conduct more savage and unre- 
lenting than was practised towards them, never dis- 
graced the annals of Indian warfare. But the Texans 
were more terrible upon the battle field, than any 
vhich that mixture of the European, Indian 
and African race had yet attempted to subdue; and 
the results of one campaign taught them to fear a 
collision with men, who, although merciful in the 
moment of triumph, were still resistless in the shock 
of battle. 

I will merely add, that there is no force in the 
assertion, that the Texans only acquired a title by 
conquest to that portion of Texas, lying this side of 
the Nueces. »It surely was not necessary that they 
should maintain soldiers upon every square foot of 
the territory. It is only necessary to possess the 
ability to make good the usurpation at all times. 
Thai was certainly the case with the Texans, from 
the battle of San Jacinto; until the moment of an- 
nexation, no hostile foot found a resting-place with- 
in her borders. 

The American colonies declared their indepen- 
dence of Great Britain, in 1776. The struggle con- 
tinued more than seven years. Suppose that Eng- 
land, instead of making a treaty, had withdrawn 
from the contest, would no1 our title be as good to 
every pari of the thirteen States, as to that portiou 
which was enriched by the blood of our revolution- 
ary -iiv^ And yet, how small a portion of that 
territory was trod by an American soldier. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 97 



CHAPTER V. 

Independence of Texas.— She applies for admission into the Union. — Acquisi- 
tion of territory by Mr. Jefferson.— Transfer of Texas to Spain by the 
Treaty of 1819. — Efforts of President Adams to have the title reconveyed. 
— Territory acquired while Mr. Webster was Secretary of State. — Efforts 
of England and France to prevent annexation. — Passage of the annexa- 
tion resolutions. — Extension of our boundary. 

I come now to an examination of those events which 
resulted in the annexation of Texas to the United 
States. It is not true that the Government of this 
country ever sought to acquire that territory by 
conquest. On the contrary, all proper exertions 
were used in 183G, by the Administration then in 
power, to restrain the ardor of our people, who 
seemed determined to fly to the rescue of their 
brethren whose blood was watering the soil of 
Texas. The neutrality of our Government was 
preserved. This was not only the case, but to pre- 
vent any unjust accusations against its good faith, 
the application which Texas made, in a short time 
after the battle of San Jacinto, for annexation to 
this country, was rejected. At a general election 
in September, 1836, the citizens of Texas declared 
with great unanimity in favor of a union with the 
United States ; and in November following the in- 
dependence of that republic, authorized the ap- 
7 



BISTOET OF THE 

pointment of a minister to accomplisli that result. 
Bui all their propositions were rejected by the ad- 
ministration of Presidenl Jackson. And it was not 
until a sufficient number of years had elapsed, du- 
ring which time the Texans had exhibited far more 
ability to maintain their independence, than the 
Mexicans themselves, that the question of the an- 
nexation of Texas was seriously agitated in the 
United States. It is a remarkable fact, that the 
territory which we had upon several occasions of- 
fered to purchase from Mexico, she lost by her 
treacherous and unjustifiable conduct towards the 
citizens of Texas. 

It was not left to the administration of Mr. 
Polk to originate the doctrine that our boundaries 
should be extended. Mr. Jefferson, by the treaty 
of L803 with France, immeasurably advanced the 
interests of his country. This was unfortunately, 
to a considerable extent, impaired by the cession to 
Spain under the treaty of 1819 ; and no doubt, see- 
ing the error committed by the cabinet of which 
he was a member, Mr. Adams, during the term of 
his presidency, made early and sincere endeavors to 

•re the boundaries of the United States to the 
Rio Del Norte. To accomplisli this object, the 
constanl exertions of his administration were em- 
ployed. On the 26th of March, L825, Mr. Clay, 
then Secretary of State, addressed a letter to Mr. 
Poinsett, our Minister a1 Mexico, in which he stated 
thai the line of the Sabine approached too near our 
in mail, and suggested the Eio Del Norte in 



POLK ADMINIS T E A T I N . 99 

lieu of it.* Similar instructions were reiterated to 
Mr. Poinsett, March 15th, 1827.f 

The policy which dictated the extension of our 
boundaries, was adopted by the administrations of 
Presidents Jackson,* Van Buren and Tyler 

* " Some difficulties may possibly hereafter arise between the two 
countries, from the line thus agreed upon, against which it would be advi- 
sable now to guard, if practicable ; and as the Government of Mexico 
may be supposed not to have any disinclination to the fixation of a new 
line, which would prevent those difficulties, the President wishes you to 
sound it on that subject, and to avail yourself of a favorable disposition, if 
you should find it, to effect that object. The line of the Sabine approaches 
our great western mart nearer than could be wished. Perhaps the Mexi- 
can Government may not be unwilling to establish that of the Rio Brazos 
de Dios, or the Rio Colorado, or the Snow Mountains, or the Rio Del 
Norte, in lieu of it." 

f " That of the Sabine brings Mexico nearer our great western com- 
mercial capital than is desirable ; and although we now are, and for a long 
time may remain perfectly satisfied with the justice and moderation of our 
neighbors, still it would be better for both parties, that neither should feel 
that he is in any condition of exposure on the remote contingency of an 
alteration in existing friendly sentiments." 

" Impressed with these views, the President has thought the present 
might be an auspicious period for urging a negotiation, at Mexico, to set- 
tle the boundary between the territories of the two republics. The suc- 
cess of the negotiation will probably be promoted by throwing into it other 
motives than those which strictly belong to the subject itself. If we 
could obtain such a boundary as we desire, the Government of the United 
States might be disposed to pay a reasonable pecuniary consideration. 
The boundary which we prefer, is that which, beginning at the mouth of 
the Rio Del Norte, on the sea, shall ascend that river to the mouth of the 
Rio Puerco, thence ascending this river to its source, and from its source, 
by a line due north, to strike the Arkansas ; thence, following the course 
of the southern bank of the Arkansas to its source, in latitude forty-two 
degrees north, and thence, by that parallel of latitude, to the South Sea." 

" There should also be a provision made for the delivery of the country 
to the United States simultaneously, or as nearly so as practicable, with 
the payment of the consideration." 

* " Sir, it is the wish of the President that you should, without delay, 
open a negotiation with the Mexican Government, for the purchase of so 
much of the province of Texas as is hereinafter described, or for such 



100 HISTOEY OF TIIE 

Mr. Webster, in settling the northeastern boun- 
dary question, managed to acquire about one mile in 
width along tlie northern boundary of Vermont and 
New-York, including Rouse's Point, thus acceding to 
the doctrine that territory may be acquired without 
danger to our institutions. Indeed, the policy 
which prompts the acquisition of contiguous terri- 
tory, has so long governed the most illustrious of 
our public men, and has so often received the sanc- 
tion of the American people, that it may now be 
rded as settled forever. 

It was unfortunate that at a time when so im- 
portant a question as the annexation of Texas was 
agitated, that Mr. Tyler occupied the presidential 
chair. He had, for reasons which it is not necessary 
to enumerate here, lost his influence with the whig 
and democratic parties. So far as the annexation of 
Texas was concerned, instead of receiving addi- 
tional weight from his sanction, it had the effect of 
placing obstacles in the way of its consummation. 

There was besides other embarrassments of a 
grave character, which surrounded the subject. 
The rapid strides which the United States had been 
making to national greatness, was viewed with 
jealousy by Great Britain. The acquisition of so 
large a portion of territory as was included within 
the boundaries of Texas, was regarded with evident 
marks < >f dissatisfaction ; and all the powers possessed 

p;trt thereof as they can be induced to cede to us, if the same be conforma- 
ble in either of the Localities with which you are hereinafter furnished." — 
l> tick Of the Secretary of Slate to our Minister in Mexico, August 
1829. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 101 

by the most accomplished corps of diplomatists of 
modern times were employed to arrest the movement. 
France, too, was not idle. The two great maritime 
powers of the old world had taken the field against 
us. Mr. Packenham, for several years the British 
minister at Mexico, was accredited to the United 
States. Mr. Bankhead, once the minister of Eng- 
land to this country, was sent to Mexico. Captain 
Elliott, the British, and'M. Saligny, the French 
minister in Texas, employed all their powers to pre- 
vent the union. Vessels of war were put in requi- 
sition, and protests and protocols were freely em- 
ployed, but still without effect. France and Eng- 
land were not only violently opposed to the annex- 
ation of Texas from national considerations, but the 
English and Americans who were determined to 
prevent the acquisition of additional slavery terri- 
tory, were taking active and energetic measures to 
frustrate the designs of the annexationists. The 
American delegation to the World's Convention 
had suggested to the abolitionists of England, that 
the time to act had arrived ; an interview had taken 
place between Lord Aberdeen and a deputation of 
that convention. Combinations were formed by 
associations of men, who are often more successful 
in accomplishing their objects than governments 
themselves. But the public heart in the United 
States and Texas throbbed for a union of the two, 
and decided steps were taken to accomplish that 
result. 

A proposition was made on the 17th of January, 
1844, to Mr. Upshur, the American Secretary of 



102 H I BTO l!Y OF Til E 

State, by the Texan Minister, which, by its bold- 
emed to have startled the Cabinet of Mr. 
Tyler* By the terms of this communication, the 
aed to be entertained by the Texans, that 
if annexation should be accomplished, the .Mexicans 
w.aild immediately terminate the armistice, and at 
resume hostilities; and the question was dis- 
tinctly propounded to Mr. Upshur, whether the 
ident, after signing the treaty, and before it was 
ratified by the ether branch of the Government, 
would order the forces of the United States to pro- 
Texas against foreign aggressions. Mr. Upshur 

* "Sir: It is known to you that an armistice has been proclaimed 
!i Mexico and Texas ; that that armistice has been obtained thi 
the intervention of several great powers, mutually friendly, and thai 
tiations are now pending, having for their object a settlement of the diffi- 
culties heretofore existing between the two countries. A proposition 
having been likewise submitted by the President of the United States, 
li you, for the annexation of Texas to this country, therefore, (with- 
out indicating the nature of the reply which the President of Texas may 
', made to this proposition,) I b to suggesl that it may 

should a treaty of annexation be concluded. Mexico may 
think proper to at once terminate the armistice, break off all negotiation 
i ii threaten or commence hostilities against Texas ; and 
that some of the other Governments who have been instrumental in ob- 
on,iftheydo not throw their influence into the Mexi- 
ther withdraw their good offices of mediation, thus 
Ti their friendship, and exposing her to the unrestrained 

[n view, then, of these things, I desire to submil 
through you, to his excellency the President of the United States, this in- 
quiry: Should the President of Texas accede to the proposition of annex- 
of the United States, after the signing of the 
re it shall be ratified andreceive the final action of the 
ol both Governments, incase Texas should desire it. or 
, order such number of the military and naval forces of 
i or places upon the territory or 
■ Gulf of M hall be ufficient to protect 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 103 

never answered it. Mi*. Nelson, his temporary suc- 
cessor as Secretary of State, did not answer it to the 
Texan Minister in Washington, but addressed a 
letter to Mr. Murphy, in Texas, under date of 
March 11th, 1844. 

The terms of this communication did not satisfy 
the Texan Government, and Mr. Henderson, the 
newly appointed minister at Washington, from that 
country, refused to enter into negotiations. Fearful 
of losing the prize which was almost within their 
grasp, the administration of Mr. Tyler, on the 11th 
day of April, 1844, agreed to the demands of the 
Texan Government.* This was followed on the 
12th of April, 1844, by a treaty between the two 
republics, for the annexation of Texas to the United 
States, which was rejected by the Senate. 

During each step of the negotiations the Mexi- 
can Government had issued threatening protests, f 

* " Gentlemen : The letter addressed by Mr. Van Zandt to the late 
Secretary of State, Mr. Upshur, to which you have called my attention, 
dated, Washington, 17th January, 1844, has been laid before the Presi- 
dent of the United States. 

" In reply to it, I am directed by the President to say, that the Secre- 
tary of the Navy has been instructed to order a strong naval force to con- 
centrate in the Gulf of Mexico, to meet any emergency ; and that similar 
orders have been issued by the Secretary of War, to move the disposable 
military forces on our south-western frontier, for the same purpose. 
Should the exigency arise to which you refer in your note to Mr. 
Upshur, I am farther directed by the President to say, that during the 
pendency of the treaty of annexation, he would deem it his duty to use all 
the means placed within his power by the Constitution, to protect Texas from 
all foreign invasion. I have the honor to be, &c." — Letter of the Ameri- 
can Secretary of Slate, Mr. Calhoun, to the Mexican Minister, April 1 1 . 
1844. 

f " The Mexican Government will consider equivalent to a declaration 
of war against the Mexican Republic, the passage of an act for the incor- 



10-1 HISTORY OF THE 

declaring that war would be the inevitable result, 
if the measure should be consummated. The ques- 
tion which for a time had been delayed by the Se- 
nate, was referred to the people in the celebrated 
contest of 1844, which resulted in the elevation of 
Mr. Polk to the presidency of the United States. 

The impetus which had been given at the pre* 
sidential election to the question of annexation, re- 
Milted in the passage by Congress, on the 1st of 
March, 1845, of a joint resolution for annexing 
Texas to the United States* upon certain preli- 

porating of Texas into the territory of the United States ; the certainty of 
the fact being sufficient fur the proclamation of war. leaving to the civiliz- 
ed world to determine in regard to the justice of the Mexican nation, in a 
struggle which it lias been so far from provoking." — Mexican Minister if 
I o the American Minister, August 23,1843. 

•■ Such a measure (the annexation of Texas), if carried into effect, can- 
not 1" I by Mexico in any other aspect than as direct ag- 
>n 

" And Ik 1 (Almonte) moreover declares, by express order of his 
iment, that on sanction being given by the Executive of the Union 
to the incorporating of Texas into the United States, he will consider his 
mission ended that, as the Secretary of State will have learned, 

the Mexican Governmenl is resolved to declare war as soon as it receives 
information of that fact." — Mexican Minister, at Washington, .\<nember 

" Thi ' Mexico was resolved again to undertake the campaign against 
i lor which he held in readiness a large army." — Proclama/i.ni of 

1 12. 1844. 

* The first resolution provides, that Congress doth consent that the 

• ■ perly included within, and rightfully belonging to the Repub- 

, ma} be erected into a new State, to be called the State of 

: lai publican form of Government, to be adopted by the people 

republic, by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of 

Government, in order that the same may be admitted as one 

of the States ••! the Union. That the foregoing consent of Congress is 

mdition, that the said State be formed, subject to the ad- 

' by this Governmenl of all questions of boundary that may arise 



POLK AD MINISTRATION. 105 

miliary conditions, to which her assent was required. 
This was done by the Congress, and the Executive 
of Texas, and by the people in a convention elected 
for that purpose. The threats which had so often 
been made by the Mexican Government were put 
in force, and all diplomatic relations were broken 
off.* General Almonte, the Mexican Minister at 
Washington, in March, 1845, demanded his pass- 
ports and returned to Mexico. 

What evils will result from this large acquisition 
of Territory ? None. It is the duty of a nation, 
as far as possible, to throw around itself the ele- 
ments of protection against the assaults of foreign 
powers. The advantages resulting from such a 
course are two-fold. It wins that respect and for- 

with other Governments ; and the constitution thereof, with the proper 
evidence of its adoption by the people of the said Republic of Texas, shall 
be transmitted to the President of the United States, to be laid before Con- 
gress for its final action, on or before the 1st day of January, 1846. 

The second resolution provides, that if the President of the United 
States shall, in his judgment and discretion, deem it most advisable, in- 
stead of proceeding to submit the first resolution to the Republic of Texas 
as an overture on the part of the United States for admission, to negotiate 
with that Republic, then, that a State to be formed out of the present 
Republic of Texas, with suitable extent and boundaries, and with two 
Representatives in Congress until the next apportionment of representa- 
tion, shall be admitted into the Union by virtue of this act, on an equal 
footing with the existing States, as soon as the terms and conditions of 
such admission, and the cession of the remaining Texan territory to the 
United States shall be agreed upon by the Governments of Texas and the 
United States, and the sum of $100,000 is hereby appropriated to defray 
the expenses of missions and negotiations to agree upon the terms of said 
admission and cession, either by treaty to be submitted to the Senate, or 
by articles to be submitted to the two Houses of Congress, as the Presi- 
dent may direct. 

* Letter of General Almonte to the American Secretary of State, 
March 6th, 1845. 



106 ' H1STOKY OF THE 

bearance from foreign Governments, which power 
■ m fails to produce; and it yields facilities for 
a prompl and effectual vindication of rights, which 
ill.* unscrupulous are so ready to infringe. 

if the interest of a country required the acqui- 
sition of contiguous territory, the proper means 
should mosl unquestionably be used by its Govern- 
ment to acquire that territory. If our nationality 
depended upon the forcible possession of any por- 
tion of this earth, it would be as justifiable upon 
the part of the Government to employ the requi- 
site twice to accomplish that end, as it would be for 
a drowning man to thrust his fellow from a plank, 
which would not support them both. They are 
both reconcilable upon the principle of "self-pre- 
servation being the first law of nature." 

There have always been found men, however, in 
this country, opposed to the extension of our ter- 
ritorial limits. Whether the acquisition is made 
peaceably and by negotiation, or is the result of 
conquest, their views remain unchangeable. Some 
base their opposition upon the assumption, that our 
limit- will become so enlarged that a dissolution of 
the Union will be the result; while others, more 
selfish and illiberal in their opinions, dread the de- 
parture of power from their own contracted sphere. 
They regard as the greatest calamity which may 
befall them, the overshadowing influence which the 
immense territory we have acquired will possess 
those siu.'ill States wherein they are omnipo- 
tent. 'I'h.' objections of the latter are unworthy 
of a moment's consideration. Their motives are 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 107 

well understood and justly appreciated. It is 
to the fears of the honest which I prefer to ad- 
dress myself. And in the outset I might triumph- 
antly refer to the history of this country, as a refuta- 
tion of the stale charge, that an extension of our 
boundaries will produce, ultimately, a dissolution 
of the Union. The old " Thirteen " were at first 
inclined to retain dominion over those vast tracts 
which extended far to the westward. But they 
were finally controlled by a spirit of liberality. 
Out of the territory which originally belonged to 
them, have been carved several mighty States. 
Contiguous territory has been purchased from for- 
eign powers. A vast and valuable section of coun- 
try has been taken from a conquered power, inhab- 
ited by thousands of another race. And still the 
cohesive power of this mighty republic holds it to- 
gether. The constitution and laws cover, like a pro- 
tecting shield, all within our borders. Even upon 
the newly acquired soil of California, where have 
congregated the adventurous from many lands, the 
supremacy of law and order prevails, and the 
American, true to the allegiance and duty which 
he owes to these States, is prepared, at all hazards, 
to add another to the splendid galaxy which consti- 
tutes this confederacy. 

While the public heart beats thus warmly from 
the centre throughout the borders of our land, what 
well-grounded fears can be entertained for the sta- 
bility of the Union? It is not the extent of a coun- 
try which produces weakness, as long as patriotism 
and virtue control the masses. And when they be- 



108 HISTORY OF T H E 

come thoroughly corrupt, it matters not how lim- 
ited may be their Bphere of action, they will soon 

leprived of that liberty which they do not 
deserve to retain. We are often referred by those 
who have a fondness for historical tacts, whether 
they arc particularly applicable or not to the sub- 
ject which they have under consideration, to the 
decline and fall of the Roman Empire. 

The fate of that empire can have no parallel 
here. Ets power and influence were confined within 
-The Seven Hills." The wealth which they plun- 
dered from the conquered was carried thither to 
corrupt her citizens. The provinces were treated 
as a conquered country; their citizens were robbed 
and maltreated. And when the Romans, enervated 
by their ill-gotten wealth, came in contact with the 
fierce and hardy men of the north, they were over- 
thrown. What parallel is there between such a 
career and our own brilliant destiny? Our cities 
are very far from possessing the power of corrupt- 
ing the country, even admitting' that their inhabit- 
ants are no1 as patriotic as where they breathe the 
pure air of heaven. Suppose all the gold of Cali- 
fornia were poured into our large cities, what effect 
would thai Lave upon this vast confederacy? Even 
it' it was confined within those cities the country 
would be just as sate. But it is, on the contrary, 
circulated and diffused throughout the land. 

Again, Rome was shaken by internal dissen- 
sions. A successful general would take advantage 
of a temporary popularity to encroach upon their 
A brilliant orator would excite them to 



POLK ADMINISTEATIOE". 109 

their own undoing. What could be accomplished 
by the most successful general, or the most accom- 
plished orator in this enlightened land ? The very 
fact of our boundaries being so widely extended is 
a shield against all such dangers. One portion of 
the confederacy may be agitated, and aroused to 
such a pitch of frenzy as almost to result in revo- 
lution, as was the case with the small State of Rhode 
Island, while other and more distant parts of the 
Union maintain a coolness calculated to produce the 
best results. 

In the very extension of our boundaries is the 
surest protection against convulsions within, and 
hostile legions from without. This country, for 
years to come, will be the great point of attraction 
to foreigners. Each year witnesses the arrival of 
thousands. If, as some suppose, danger may be 
apprehended from this vast influx of foreigners, 
how much the danger is lessened by mingling them 
with our own citizens, and diffusing them over our 
widely extended domain. 

There is something so just and equitable in the 
constitution and laws of the United States, that no 
one can have cause for dissatisfaction. The for- 
eigner who voluntarily comes to our shores, and the 
Mexican, who, without his consent, is " annexed " 
to this country, at once feel the influences which 
surround them so unusual, and the privileges con- 
ferred so grateful to their feelings, that they are 
at once and for ever bound to their new home by 
the strongest ties of gratitude and love. And that 
man who was born an American, would be doubly 



110 HISTORY OF THE 

dyed a traitor, who could raise his voice in other 
than words of affection for his native land. 

Let the boundaries of the Union, then, be ex- 
tended; let contiguous territory be incorporated 
with our own; let all the Joeys to our rivers and 
harbors be secured ; let the model republic increase 
in greatness until its political, moral, and physical 
power, shall be felt and acknowledged throughout 
the civilized world. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. Ill 



CHAPTER VI. 

American Consul at Mexico directed to open negotiations. — The Mexicans 
agree to receive a commissioner. — Mr. Slidell appointed Minister Pleni- 
potentiary. — The Mexicans refuse to receive him in that character. — 
Causes of rupture which had long existed. — The Mexicans raise troops. 
— Herrera forced to resign in favor of General Paredes. — 'Orders issued to 
the Mexican commanders upon the frontiers to attack the Americans. — 
Course pursued by the opposition members of Congress. — Assault upon 
the foreign policy of Mr. Polk. 

The annexation of Texas having been solemnly- 
agreed upon "by treaty, the indignation of the Mex- 
ican authorities was completely aroused. On the 
12th of July, 1845, orders were issued from the 
office of war and marine, for the troops to be in 
readiness to march towards any point which re- 
quired protection, against what was regarded as un- 
just aggressions.* There could be no pretence for 
taking this step, as General Taylor had not at that 
time taken up his position at Corpus Christi. Al- 
though Mexico had abruptly terminated all diplo- 
matic intercourse between the two countries, and 
had hurled defiance at the American Executive, 
Mr. Polk was unwilling to take up the glove thus 
rudely cast at his feet. In September, 1845, the 
consul of the United States at the city of Mexico, 

* " See orders of Garcia Conde, Office of War and Marine, Mexico, 
July 12th, 1845." 



112 HISTORY OF THE 

was instructed by the Secretary of State to propose 
a resumption of diplomatic intercourse. This was 
done by Mr. Black on the 13th of October, 1845, 
in a letter to Mr. Pefla Y Pena* This note was 
responded to on the 15th of October, 1845, by 
the Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs,f who 
agreed to receive a commissioner from the United 
States, who might come with full power "to settle 
the present dispute in a peaceful, reasonable and 
honorable manner." Upon the condition, however, 
that the whole naval force then lying in sight of 
the port of Vera Cruz should lie recalled. Upon 
the reception of that note at Washington, our naval 
force was promptly withdrawn. Mr. Slide!] was 
immediately appointed Minister to Mexico, with full 
power to adjust all the questions in dispute. On 
the 8th of December, 1845, he addressed a note to 
.Air. Pena Y Pena, advising him of his arrival and 
the object of his mission. The Mexican authorities 
refused to receive him. The government of General 
Herrera, then President of Mexico, was upon the 
point of being overturned by General Paredes, and 
the liasis of this revolution was the determination 
of Herrera to open negotiations.:); As a last des- 



Sec note of Mr. Black, the American Consul, to Mr. Pena Y Pefla, 
the Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs. 

t Letter of Mr. Pefia Y Pena to Mr. Black, Oct. 15th, 1845. 
1 "We now turn a glance to Mexico, where will he found established 
the government of General Paredes. As one of the motives by which 
the revolutionists supported their pronunciamento, was that the adminis- 
tration ol Herrera did ool desire to carry on this war, the new government 
was bound to do so at any cost." — Mexican History of the War with 
1 / ico, p. 38. 



POLK ADMINISTEATIOIST. 113 

perate expedient to maintain his position, Herrera 
determined to break off all negotiations with the 
United States, and the pretext for that course was 
the fact, that Mr. Slidell was commissioned with full 
power to adjust all questions in dispute between the 
two countries, instead of being appointed a special 
commissioner to settle the question of annexation 
alone, leaving all the outrages upon our flag and 
our people unadjusted .* 

This will be the proper time to examine the 
grounds of complaint which the United States had 
against Mexico, for many years previous to the an- 
nexation of Texas. 

The Mexicans had scarcely achieved their inde- 
pendence of Spain, when the United States wel- 
comed them into the sisterhood of nations. The 
only return was a system of insult and aggression. 
Our seamen under the flag of the Union, engaged 

* "Thus began anew the negotiations in December, 1845, and the 
minister, Mr. John Slidell, presented himself in Mexico. But immediately 
this difficulty arose, that his Government desired him to be received as a 
minister plenipotentiary, ordinary or general, and ours would only admit 
him as a commissioner ad hoc for the question of Texas. The settled 
opinion of the Government Council of the 16th of December of that year, 
made known with clearness the difference between the two characters. 
By admitting Mr. Slidell as a common envoy it resulted, that, at the time 
of arranging the questions of Texas, he might occupy himself with qther 
subjects proper for a plenipotentiary who exercised his functions near a 
government with which there were only peaceful relations. By admitting 
Mr. Slidell as he wished, it resulted also, that, without Mexico receiving 
the satisfaction due her, diplomatic negotiations would become re-estab- 
lished between both powers ; that the business of annexation would be 
complicated with the pecuniary reclamations ; that Mexico would with- 
draw her hand from making war, and the United States would follow up 
all the consequent advantages to her commerce and interests." — Ibid. 
p. 28. 

8 



114 IIISTOEY OF THE 

in the peaceful pursuits of commerce, were thrown 
into dungeons and their property confiscated. Re- 
solutions succeeded each other in rapid succession, 
but still there was no cessation in the spoliation of 
our commerce, and the insults to our flag. The 
Government of the United States again and again 
demanded redress. Promises were made by one 
military chieftain, only to be violated by another. 
A treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, was 
concluded between the two republics on the 5th of 
April, 18-41. It was confidently believed that a 
proper regard would be paid by the Mexicans to 
the solemn stipulation contained in that treaty. 
But the results proved that too much confidence 
had been placed in the good faith of that amalga- 
mated race. Seven years had not elapsed after the 
treaty of 1831, before the injuries our citizens were 
subjected to had become so intolerable, that the at- 
tention of Congress was particularly called to the 
subject by President Jackson, in his message of 
February, 1831* 

Committees of both houses of Congress to which 
this message was referred, endorsed his opinion of 
the character of the outrages of which Mexico had 
been guilty, and recommended one more demand 
for redress before a declaration of war, or the issu- 

:: •■ The length of time since some of the injuries have been com- 

ted and unavailing applications for redress, the wanton 

character of some of the outrages upon the property and persons of our 

. apon the officers and flag of the United States, independent of 

to this Governmenl and people by the late extraordinary 

would justify in the eyes of all nations immediate war." 

—M ■■■ of Gi J February, 1837. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 115 

ance of letters of reprisal. On the 12th July, 1837, 
a demand was made upon Mexico, through a 
special messenger dispatched to that country. The 
reply of the Government was made on the 29th of 
July, in which they expressed the anxious wish that 
the equitable adjustment of existing difficulties 
might not be delayed. These pledges were solemnly 
made only to be broken. The attention of Congress 
was again called to the matter by Mr. Van Buivn. 
in December, 1837. Another negotiation was en- 
tered upon, with the usual number of pledges upon 
the part of Mexico. This negotiation, after more 
than a year had elapsed, produced the convention of 
April, 1839. The Board of Commissioners to act 
upon the claims, met in the month of August, 1840, 
and by the terms of the convention they were re- 
quired to terminate their labors within eighteen 
months thereafter. The time expired in February, 

1842, leaving many claims unadjusted. Those al- 
lowed amounted to two millions twenty-six thousand 
one hundred and thirty-nine dollars and sixty-eight 
cents. Nearly a million of dollars was left without 
being decided upon ; besides these claims, there were 
others, amounting to nearly three and a. half mil- 
lions, which the board had not time to act upon. 
The sum, however, adjudicated, was a positive debt 
due, about which there could be no equivocation. 
The Mexican government asked a postponement of 
the payment of this sum until a future day. This 
request was acceded to, on the 30th of January, 

1843, upon condition that the principal and interest 
accruing thereon, should be paid in five years, in 



116 HISTORY OF THE 

equal instalments every three months. The result 
of this forbearance was the payment alone of the 
interest due on the 30th of April, 1843, and three 
oui of the twenty instalments. A third convention 
was concluded at the city of Mexico on the 20th 
of November, 1843, for the adjustment of the 
claims due our citizens. As usual the terms of this 
convention were violated. How can the conduct 
of Mexico in thus wholly disregarding her treat} 
stipulations be excused? If these accumulated 
wrongs had been committed by one oft lie powers 
of Europe, war would have been the inevitable re- 
sult. It renders imperative the promulgation of the 
doctrine, that while we will render strict justice to 
all nations, we will exact it from them in return. 

Having thus briefly referred to the repeated in- 
sults committed by Mexico, followed by a total dis- 
regard of solemn treaty stipulations, I will proceed 
to show how forbearance upon our part, only tended 
to augment their insolence, until they consummated 
their national folly by the invasion of our territory. 

Circular- were issued by the Mexican Secretary of 
War to the Mexican commanders, to raise troops 
for the purpose of waging war against the United 
States.* The annexation of Texas to this country 
was characterized as an act of perfidy. These cir- 
culars were followed, the ensuing month, by ad- 
d !■,'--<■< to the troops under their command, by the 
Mexican Generals.f Nothing could be more ex- 

* Circulars of Garcia Conde, Mexican Secretary of War, of July 
I2th,and July 16th, 1846. 

f " Comrades : The Supreme Executive has sent to me, by express, 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 117 

plicit than these declarations. The tone of their 
dispatches and addresses were exceedingly warlike, 
and the note of preparation was heard through* >ut 
Mexico. The popular feeling was aroused to such 
a degree of enthusiasm, that a violent assault was 
made upon the pacific policy of Herrera. A mani- 
festo was promulgated against him by the army of 
reserve,* the ground for which was, the agreement 

the news that the United States, in pursuance of their ambitious views, 
have taken possession of the department of Texas ; he had demanded a 
declaration of war from Congress against that unjust nation. 

" The time to fight is come. We must prepare with the ardor inspired 
by duty and patriotism, when an attack is made upon the soil, the honor, 
and the pride of the nation. 

" Arms are the only arguments to use against banditti and men with- 
out good faith. Let us hope for that justice which is invoked by all 
society, and the decision of the civilized world. 

" Large bodies of troops are on their march ; they will soon be here, 
to share our dangers and repulse the enemy." — Address of General 
Arista to Ms troops, on the 12th of August, 1845. 

" Soldiers ! A rapacious and grasping race have thrown themselves 
upon our territory, and dare to flatter themselves that we will not defend 
the patrimony which our forefathers conquered with their blood. They 
deceive themselves : we will fly to snatch from them the spoils, the pos- 
session of which they are impudently enjoying ; and they shall learn by 
dearly bought experience, that they are not contending with the undisci- 
plined tribes of Indians whom they robbed of their land, their heaven, and 
their country ; and that the Mexicans will ardently combat the soldiers of 
a nation which has sanctioned by its laws the most degrading slavery." — 
Address of General Paredes to his troops on the 21th of August, 1845. 

* " Had repeatedly thwarted the purpose of the army to move upon 
Texas ; and at the same time allowed the army to be vilified for its inac- 
tion by official journals ; that it had admitted a commissioner, [meaning 
Mr. Slidell,] with whom it was endeavoring to arrange for the loss of the 
integrity of the republic ; that it had reduced the country almost to a 
state of anarchy, in the midst of which it existed, without revenue, without 
power, and almost without will ; that these evils demanded an immediate 
remedy, and that the administration confessed its total incompetencv and 
powerlessness ; that it has lost all respectability, so necessary to a govern- 



118 ! I I S T E Y OF THE 

bo receives Commissioner from tbe United States. 
Another revolution succeeded. Herrera was forced 
\ i (»n the thirtieth of December, 1845, and 
was superseded by General Paredes.* All these 
exciting events preceded the march of General Tay- 
lor to the Rio Grande. The order directing him to 
take position upon that river, was not issued until 
the 13th of January, 1846, and was not received 
by him until the 4th of February following. 

That war was regarded by the Mexican Gov- 
ernment as their only recourse, is evident from the 
letter of the Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs 
to our .Minister, bearing date March 12, 1846.f 
As a proof of the determination of Paredes to make 
good his protestations, he issued on the 4th of April, 

ment, and had allowed a plenipotentiary of the United States to set foot in 
the country, and reside in the capital, with a view to bargain for the inde- 
pendence and nationality of the country, for which have been made so 
many sacrifices." — Manifesto issued at San Z/uis Potosi, against the gov- 
ernment of Herrera, 1 1/7/ December, 1845. 

* " The year 1846 witnessed at its commencement new rulers figuring 
in the political drama, having been elevated to power by another revolution. 
General Paredes pronounced in San Luis against Herrera. A few days 
were sufficient for this shameful revolution to become a triumph the 

omplete. Thin Mr. Slidell renewed his suit, in considering that, 

although the old had been terminated by a refusal, still, as the business 

now went into new hands to be transacted, it was a favorable opportunity 

■ he should meel in them a better disposition." — Mexican History 

W !/ cico. 

f '• A fad such as this, or, to speak with greater exactness, so notable 
an act of asurpatio id an imperious necessity that Mexico, for her 

own hoi I it with proper firmness and dignity. The Su- 

preme ' had b rehand declared thai it would look upon such 

an ocl . and, as a con equence of this declaration, negotia- 

tion was, by its very nature, at an end, and war was the only recourse of 
the Me: ian Government." — Letter of th Mexican Secretary for Foreign 

s to the American Minister, 12th March, 1846. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 119 

1846, to the Mexican commander on the Texan 
frontier, an order to " attack" our forces " by every 
means which war permits." And on the 18th of 
the same month, he wrote to Ampudia that he pre- 
sumed he was at the head of a valiant army, al- 
ready fighting, or preparing for the operations of a 
campaign.* It should not be forgotten that the 
charges made against our Government, on the 12th 
of March, 1846, was on account of our " usurpation 
of their territory." And for that, it was declared 
that war was the only recourse of the Mexican 
Government. No allusion was made to the march 
of General Taylor to the Rio Grande. And at the 
time Ampudia was ordered to " attack" our forces, 
it could not have been known in Mexico that our 
army was in motion, General Taylor not having 
started for the Rio Grande until the 11th of March, 
1846. 

In obedience to these orders from the Govern- 
ment of Mexico, Arista crossed the Rio Grande 
with a strong force, and commenced an attack upon 
the American troops, and thus a state of war exist- 
ed between the two countries. 

The indignation which some of our own citizens 
have manifested since the war with Mexico was de- 
clared, because we were engaged in a conflict of 
arms with a so-called sister republic, displays more 

* " At the present date I suppose you at the head of that valiant army, 
either fighting already, or preparing for the operations of a campaign ;" 
and " supposing you already on the theatre of operations, and with all 
the forces assembled, it is indispensable that hostilities be commenced, 
yourself taking the initiative against the enemy."— Letter of General 
Paredes to General Ampudia, April 18th, 1846. 



L20 HIS T ORY O F T II E 

partisan animosity, than discriminating judgment. 
.Mexico docs not deserve the appellation of a republic. 
Eighteen revolutions have taken place in that coun- 
try within the last twenty-five years. Not peaceable 
revolutions, effected at the ballot box, but accom- 
plished by the sword ; some of them bloodless it is 
true, ye1 effected by treachery, violence, and force. 
Principle is unknown in the administration of pub- 
lic affairs, and if we except Gomez Farias, and a 
few other kindred spirits, the destiny of Mexico has 
keen controlled by men who do not deserve the 
blessings of free institutions, and are unworthy of 
being associated with the Anglo Saxon race. The 
conflict with Mexico has been made the pretext for 
an assault upon Mr. Polk, unparalleled in the history 
of political warfare. The motives of the adminis- 
tration and its supporters were assailed upon the 
floor of Congress, upon the stump, and by the press, 
with unprecedented ferocity. The English lan- 
guage was exhausted in the selection of abusive and 
opprobrious epithets to be poured upon the head of 
Mr. Polk. Party animosity raged with uncontrol- 
lable fury, and the political and personal enemies of 
the President, in seeking to prostrate him, unfortu- 
uately arrayed themselves in opposition to a war 
forced upon us by an arrogant and perfidious enemy. 
It will Qot be h't't to posterity to settle the measure 
of ignominy, which justly attaches to conduct so 
unpatriotic. 

The adherence to partisan Leaders, which at all 
times is too ardent, for a brief period sustained 
the opposition members of Congress in the cause 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 121 

which they pursued. But when reason had resum- 
ed its sway, and the conduct of the administration 
had been calmly examined, it was sustained by a 
majority of the American people. Even at the 
present day, Mexico is considered the aggressor; 
and the summary and terrible punishment which 
was inflicted upon her, is now regarded as an act 
of justice, which at the same time vindicated our 
own character, and chastised the presumption and 
treachery of a perfidious people.* 

* " The country, which one year ago was quiet and prosperous, at 
peace with the world, and smiling under the profusion of Heaven's boun- 
tiful munificence, by the sole and authorized act of the President, has been 
plunged into an unnecessary and expensive war, the end and fearful con- 
sequences of which no man can foresee. And to suppress injury, and 
silence all opposition to conduct so monstrous, an Executive ukase has 
been sent forth, strongly intimating, if not clearly threatening, the charge 
of treason against all who may dare to call in question the wisdom or 
propriety of his measures. Not only was Congress, which possesses ex- 
clusively the war-making power, never consulted upon the subject until 
after hostilities were commenced, but the right is even now denied that 
body to make any legislative expression of the national will as to the 
aims and objects for which the war should be prosecuted. The new 
and strange doctrine is now put forth, that Congress has nothing to do 
with the conduct of war ; that the President is entitled to its uncontrol- 
led management ; that we can do nothing but vote men and money, 
to whatever amount and extent his folly or caprice may dictate. 
Neighboring States may be subjugated, extensive territories annexed, 
provincial governments erected, the rights of conscience violated, and 
the oath of allegiance, at the point of the bayonet, may be administer- 
ed to a mixed population, embracing all variety of races, languages, and 
color, and the representatives of the people are to say nothing against 
these extraordinary outrages against the first principles of their Govern- 
ment, or render themselves obnoxious to the imputation of giving ' aid 
and comfort to the enemy.' This is nothing less than the assumption 
of the principle, that patriotism consists in pliant subserviency to Exe- 
cutive will ; that the President is supreme, and the ' King can do no 
wrong.' " — Speech of Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, February \2th, 1847. 

" I do not, at this time, intend to discuss the causes of the war, or to 



122 HISTORY OF THE 

The distinct charges made upon the floor of 
Congress against the administration, were, that by 
marching the army beyond the Nueces, they trod 

il th" blunders and folly of the President, connected with its 
origin. This I have done upon a former occasion ; and all the facts, I 
. are now well understood hy the country. The President may re- 
peat, as often as he pleases, that it was ' unavoidably forced upon us.' 
But such a repetition can never change the fact. It is a war of his own 
making, and in violation of the Constitution of the country. And so his- 
tory, I doubt not, will make up the record, if truth be fairly and faithfully 
-d in her chronicles." — lb. 
" While the United States seemed to be animated by a sincere desire 
not to break the peace, their acts of hostility manifested very evidently 
what were their true intentions. Their ships infested our coasts ; their 
continued advancing upon our territory, situated at places which 
under no aspect could be disputed. Thus violence and insult were united : 
thus, at the very time they usurped part of our territory, they offered to 
hand of treachery, to have soon the audacity to say, that our obsti- 
nacy and arrogance were the real cause of the war. 

" As soon as the Government of the United States decided to consum- 
mate its unjust projects against the American Republic, it determined to 
unite a force to sustain them. A considerable division under the orders 
of General Taylor, thena Brigadier General, encamped at Corpus Christi, 
June, 1845, in observation of our operations, and ready to advance to the 
Rio Bravo Del Norte, when ordered." — Mexican History of the War in 
)l ico. 

•• Willi these views and these feelings, and with this spirit, I go into 
the investigation of the cause of this war, the expenditure of so much 
money, the raising of so large and great a military force, and the breaking 
np or tin- repose of that general peace with which we have been so sig- 
nally blessed for the lasl quarter of a century. This is the inquiry upon 
which 1 .-mi aliiiiit to enter; it is a grave and important inquiry, and one to 
which tin' attention of the people of this country should be directed; and 
I place, that the immediate cause of all these things, and the 

present unlooked lor fairs, is properly chargeable upon the ad- 

ministration ; for tin' advance movement of our troops, or ' army of oc- 
cupation,' as it is called, from Corpus Christi, on the Nueces, to Matamoras, 
on tlir Kiu Grande, into a territory, to say the least of it, well known to 
betwi en Te ami Mexico; this, I say, was the immediate 
ii ol hostilities ; and if our army had been permitted to remain at 
Corpu I w here it had been since August last, there is no evi- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 123 

upon Mexican soil, and thus the war was com- 
menced by Mr. Polk by an unconstitutional as- 
sumption of power. The question raised was one 
of the gravest character. The war-making power, 
as was justly asserted, is vested by that instrument 
in Congress, and not in the Executive. It therefore 
becomes an important inquiry in these pages to 
ascertain where was the boundary of Texas at the 
time she was admitted into the Union.* If the 

dence or reason to believe that there would have been any outbreak be- 
tween our people and the Mexicans, upon the frontier. This is my first 
proposition in considering the cause of this war, which I trust I shall be 
able to make perfectly clear ; and then I trust I shall be able to make it 
appear equally clear, that that step was unnecessary for any of the legiti- 
mate purposes for which the army was sent to Texas ; also, that it was 
improper, under the circumstances, as being calculated to irritate and pro- 
voke hostilities ; and farther, that it was a step which the President was 
not clothed with the proper power legally and rightfully to take, without 
authority from Congress." — Speech of Mr. Stephens of Georgia. 

* Much valuable information is contained in the letter of Hon. 
Volney E. Howard at the commencement of the 1st Session of the 31st 
Congress. Representing the country which borders upon the Rio Grande 
in Congress, he has been enabled to group together many facts with re- 
gard to the boundary of Texas. I give below an extract from it. 

" The claim of Texas to the whole Rio Grande, from its mouth to its 
source, and to the 42d degree of north latitude, will never be contested 
by any intelligent lawyer who takes the trouble to investigate the grounds 
upon which it rests. There is no greater fallacy than that of supposing 
that the United States succeeded to the rights of Mexico in any portion 
of the territory east of the Rio Grande. Between the Republic of Texas 
and the United States, the question of boundary was settled finally and 
conclusively by the Convention of 1838, which received the sanction of 
the legislative departments of both Governments. The treaty with Spain 
of 1819, fixed the northern boundary between Spain and the United States 
at the 42d parallel of latitude. The treaty of 1828 revived that boundary 
between the United States and Mexico, reciting that the treaty of 1819 
was binding upon Mexico. The Convention between Texas and the 
United States, of 1838, recited that the treaty with Mexico of 1828, 'is 
binding upon the Republic of Texas, the same having been entered into 



124 His rOE Y OF THE 

Rio Grande was the western limit of tliat State, it 
i< an undeniable fact that the President, as the Coni- 
mander-in-Chief of the army, had a right to order 

at a time when Texas formed a part of the said United Mexican States. 
And whereas, it is deemed proper and expedient, in order to prevent future 
I s and collisions between the United States and Texas in regard to 
the boundary between the two countries as designated by the treaty, that a 
portion of the same should be run and marked without unnecessary de- 
lay,' &c. This Convention was ratified and carried out by the act of the 
: States Congress of January 11, 1839, under which the eastern 
boundary of Texas was actually run and marked by the two Governments 
as far as the 34th degree of north latitude. The very act under which 
this ( '(invention was negotiated upon the part of Texas, was her boun- 
dary act of 18 l*i, by which her boundary is declared to be the Rio Grande 
to its source ; and thence to the 42d degree of north latitude ; and thence 
east and smith according to the boundary formerly existing between the 
United State- and Mexico. Tins Convention was an express recognition 
of the entire boundary of Texas, and made with reference to the act of 
the Ti iss of 1836. Whatever might have been its effect upon 

. tin- ( invention is for ever conclusive of the boundary as against 
3, by an act as solemn as a treaty stipulation. 
"The Texas act of boundary, together with other laws not inconsist- 
ent with the constitution of the United States, the resolutions of annex- 
ation, or the constitution of the State, was declared in force by the con- 
stitution under which she was admitted into the Union, and therefore 
ratified by the Congress of the United States. 

•• Texas was admitted into the Union with specified boundaries, subject 
1 the United States to settle -till questions of boundary 
which may arise with other Governments' — meaning, of course, Gov- 
ernment- other than the United States. This was a naked power, coupled 
with no interot. which must he strictly construed. Under it the Texas 

h< dary, with any foreign Government, might have been settled. But 

treaty with Mexico removed the possibility of such a question 
with any other Government, the power is at an end. Neither could the 
1 , thu acting as the trustee of Texas to settle the boundary 

with other Governments, acquire of any Government a right in opposi- 
te claim of Texas. To assert such a proposition, is to afiirm 
that ti, iay acquire the subject-matter of the trust, in opposition 

to the beneficiary ; or that the judge or arhitrator may adjudge the subject 
elf, in opposition to the parties litigant. It is evi- 
• right the United States acquired under the treaty with 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 125 

it to the banks of that river. If, on the contrary, 
the Nueces was the boundary of Texas, the powers 
of Congress were encroached upon when General 

Mexico to the country east of the Rio Grande, was acquired as the trustee 
of Texas, and enures to the benefit of that State. 

" The United States, having neglected to settle the boundary in the 
treaty with Mexico, have now no constitutional power to change or alter 
the boundary of Texas, any more than that of any other sovereign State. 
It was admitted in the case of Maine, that this Government, without the 
consent of Maine, could not negotiate for less than the claim of Maine. 
In his remarks on the resolutions of annexation, in the Senate, February 
5th, 1845, Col. Benton said: 'In fact, when once admitted as a State, 
she (Texas) never can be reduced without her consent. The Constitu- 
tion forbids it.' Having given her consent to the alteration only in a 
particular manner, it cannot be effected in any different method. 

" The joint resolutions of annexation evidently intended that the whole 
of New Mexico on the east bank of the Rio Grande should be embraced 
within the State of Texas, because they give three guarantees applicable 
to this very country : 1 . That Texas may be subdivided into five States. 
2. That in any State south of 36° 30' (the Missouri compromise line), 
slavery may exist at the option of the people of the same. 3. That in 
any State or States to be formed north of that line, Slavery is prohibited. 
Now, the Missouri compromise line divides the country formerly com- 
prised in New Mexico, east of the Rio Grande, nearly centrally — Santa 
Fe being situated in about latitude 35° 45' north. It is incomprehensible 
that the Congress of the United States should have thus provided for the 
domestic government of this very territory, as a part of Texas, if it was 
in Mexico and not in Texas. By what right could the United States, in 
a compact with Texas, assume to regulate the government of a depart- 
ment of Mexico, and make rules for its admission as a State into the 
American Union ? The resolutions of annexation, in terms, define the 
boundaries of Texas to the extent of one or more States north of 36° 30'. 
They assert expressly that to this extent the country rightfully belongs 
to Texas, and is included within her limits. And the limit of one State, 
thus given, will include the whole of New Mexico east of the Rio Grande. 
There is a fourth guarantee given by the compact of annexation, as appli- 
cable to this territory east of the Rio Grande. If a new State is not 
formed wholly to the north of 36° 30', slavery exists in Texas to the 
42d degree of north latitude. It exists at present under the constitution 
with which the State was admitted into the Union. When Texas was 
admitted, by her law slavery existed to her utmost extent, and no restraint 



126 >I 1 8T0 BY OF Til E 

Taylor was ordered to Corpus Christi, and the whig 
party, who pretend to be the conservators of the 
constitution, were not themselves entirely guiltless 

was placed upon it by the resolutions of annexation, but the prospective 
provision to operate in case a State was formed north of 36° 30'. Nay, 
more ; the resolutions give another guarantee, not only to Texas, but to 
sditors, as applicable to this territory, in pledging her public lands 
to the payment of her public debt. 

11 The boundaries of Texas, as above-mentioned, were defined in the 
trcatv with Santa Anna, which was a valid treaty, because he represented 
a Government not only cle facto, but de jure — the federal constitution 
having been overturned, and the States reduced to departments ; all of 
which, together with his authority, were ratified by the Congress of .Mex- 
ico in 1835. Nor was the treaty affected by the fact that Santa Anna 
was a prisoner of war at the time of its execution, because it was exe- 
cuted by his generals who were not prisoners, and especially by Filisola, 
upon whom, by law and special appointment, the authority of the com- 
mand and the faculties of chief devolved. The treaty was valid without 
the signature of Santa Anna; and Mexico having acted on it, and re- 
it of its stipulations, could not, under the law of nations, 
repudiate it afterwards — certainly not without returning the property and 
military stores which were secured to her by the treaty. 

•• Mexico herself virtually acknowledged the boundary of the treaty by 
her truce of 1844, and ordered all the Mexican settlements a league be- 
yond the Rio Grande to be broken up, and the inhabitants to fall back on 
i Grande — treating all as traitors found beyond that line, at least 
on the lower Rio Grande. The Mexican Commissioners who negotiated 
. have admitted that the Rio Grande had been indicated 
■ boundary for twelve years. The American Commissioner, Mr. 
Trist. in his correspondence with the Mexican Government, asserted the 
boundaries of Texas as claimed by herself. It is fair to presume that 
- intended to provide for the treaty of 1836 with Texas, by making 
DisturnelPs map of 1847 apart of the treaty, and declaring it authentic; 
which map shows the whole of the country east of the Rio Grande to be 
d New Me: I ined by the map. entirely situated west 

of that river. Thus the New Mexico, acquired by the United States, is 
tuated west of the Rio Grande by the treaty. .Mexico has 
rred nothing i ast of thai river. She admitted by the map that she 
nothing on that side of the Rio Grande at the time of the ratifi- 
cation of the treaty, 

"I tru-t thai the rights of Texas in Santa Pe will be speedily ad- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 127 

in thus tamely submitting to an assumption of their 
constitutional rights. Long before the Mexicans 
crossed the Kio Grande and commenced an assault 
upon our forces, Mr. Polk had apprised Congress, 
in the usual form, in his message of December, 1845, 
that he regarded the Bio Grande as the western 
boundary of Texas,* and yet no word of denial was 
uttered by those who subsequently assailed his con- 
duct with so much bitterness, until after a collision 
had occurred between the armies of the two repub- 
lics. In addition to this assertion of Mr. Polk, 
made in a message of the President of the United 
States to the assembled representatives of the 
American people, he communicated " with the ac- 
companying documents," the still more explicit lan- 
guage of the Secretary of War.f Our Minister, 

mitted, for nothing short of this will avoid a serious collision with her 
authorities." 

* " The jurisdiction of the United States, which, at the formation of 
the Federal Constitution, was bounded by the St. Mary's on the Atlantic, 
has passed the capes of Florida, and been peacefully extended to the 
Del Norte."— Message of Mr. Polk, Dec. 1845. 

f " Pursuant to your directions, an army of occupation was assem- 
bled in that State, and Brigadier General Taylor assigned to the command 
of it. He was instructed to repel Mexican aggressions, and to protect 
the country from Indian invasions ; to regard the Del Norte as the west- 
ern boundary ; to select a position for his forces with reference to this 
frontier, but to leave unmolested Mexican settlements, and also military 
posts, should there be any such posts on the east bank of that river which 
were in the occupation of Mexican forces previously to the period when 
Texas assented to the terms of annexation." Should Mexico deny our 
right to possess the country up to the Del Norte to the extent justly 
claimed by Texas before annexation, and the free common use of the wa- 
ters of that river, it is presumed that authority will be given to enforce 
it in both respects. In the event of resistance, there may be occasion to 
employ an additional force, and authority should be given for raising it in 
that contingency. In a more desirable state of our relations with Mexi- 



128 HISTORY OF THE 

Ah-. Donalson, assured all parties in Texas that our 
Grovernmenl would sustain the claim of that coun- 
try t<> the Rio Grande, a- her western boundary* 

After all these declarations were communicated 
to Congress, under the highest official responsibility, 
why did not the whigpartj raise their voices against 
tin-'' assumptions upon the part of the Executive ? 
Weeks and months elapsed, hut still no serious at- 
tempt was made to arrest what they subsequently 
declared to be the usurpations of the President, 
until blood had been spilt upon the banks of the 
Rio Grande. And then, when war actually existed, 
and our gallant soldiers were sustaining against 
overwhelming numbers the honor of our nag, it 
was left to Members of Congress to make use of 
an after-ihxmght^ in order to assail the administra- 
tion. 

The basis of the accusations against Mr. Polk 
were, that he had ordered the army to march upon 
disputed territory. This was true, for our title to 
the whole of Texas, not only to the Nueces, but to 
the Sabine, was disputed by the Mexican authori- 
ties. They made no distinction between the east- 
ern and western part of Texas, and whenever they 
spoke of re-conquering that country, it was upon 
the western bank of the Sabine that the Mexican 

<•>. her unsettled political condition will suggest, as a wise precaution, the 
ling of that frontier by a considerable body of troops." 
' •• Bat whilst from such views I encouraged no aggressive movement 
"ii the part i to take forcible possession of the Rio Grande, I 

have, nevertheless, omitted no opportunity of satisfying all parties here 
that the I nitid States would, in good faith, maintain the claim, and that I 
had • ii to believe that they would do so successfully." 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 129 

banner was to be planted. If, then, the act of or- 
dering our army to march upon disputed territory 
was unconstitutional, the crime of which the Presi- 
dent was accused, was consummated the moment 
the stars and stripes were unfurled within the bor- 
ders of Texas. The threatened impeachment of 
the President should have been proclaimed at that 
time ; and those who have proved so sensitive at 
what they pronounced an usurpation of power on 
the part of the President, were certainly not wholly 
guiltless themselves. But admitting that Mexico 
had a claim to the country between the Nueces and 
Rio Grande, Mi*. Polk was not without a precedent 
in ordering General Taylor to take possession of it.* 

* " Among the events growing out of the state of the Spanish mo- 
narchy, our attention was imperiously attracted to the change developing 
itself in that portion of West Florida, which, though of right appertaining to 
the United States, had remained in the possession of Spain, awaiting the 
result of negotiations for its actual delivery to them. 

" The Spanish authority was subverted, and a situation produced ex- 
posing the country to ulterior events which might essentially affect the 
rights and welfare of the Union. In such a conjuncture I did not delay 
the interposition required for the occupancy of the territory west of the 
river Perdido, to which the title of the United States extends, and to 
which the laws provided for the territory of Orleans are applicable. With 
this view the proclamation, of which a copy is laid before you, was con- 
fided to the Governor of that territory to be carried into effect. The lega- 
lity and necessity of the course pursued, assure me of the favorable 
light in which it will present itself to the Legislature, and of the prompti- 
tude with which they will supply whatever provisions may be due to the 
essential rights and equitable interests of the people thus brought into the 
bosom of the American family." 

" From the inclosed proclamation of the President of the United 
States, you will perceive his determination to take possession of the ter- 
ritory therein specified, in the name and behalf of the United States." 

" Considering, finally, that the acts of Congress, though contemplating 
a present possession by foreign authority, have contemplated also an even- 
9 



130 HISTOEY OF THE 

The right to take possession of disputed terri- 
dates at a still earlier period of our country's 
»ry, and lias the sanction of a still more com- 
manding authority .* Subsequently to the treaty of 

tual possession of the said territory by the United States, and are accord- 
ingly so Trained as in that case to extend their operation to the same, now 
be it known that I. James Madison, President of the United States of 
America, in pursuance of these weighty and urgent considerations, [not, 
as usual, by virtue of the authority vested in me,] have deemed it right 
and requisite that possession should be taken of the said territory in the 
name and in behalf of the United States." — Message of President Madi- 
son, Dec. 10, 1810. [3 Foreign Relations, p. 337.] 

* From every account, the enemy amounted to two thousand combat- 
ants ; the troops actually engaged against them were short of nine hun- 
dred. This horde of savages, with their allies, abandoned themselves to 
flight, and dispersed with terror and dismay, leaving our victorious army 
in lull and quiet possession of the field of battle, which terminated under 
the influence of the guns of the British garrison, as you will observe by 
the inclosed correspondence between Major Campbell, the commandant, 
and myself upon the occasion."— Official Letter of General Wayne to the 
Secretary of War, August -28th, 1794. 

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MAJOR-GENERAL WAYNE, 

AND MAJOR WILLIAM CAMPBELL. 

No. I. 

" .Miamis River, August 21, 1794. 
" Sir: An army of the United States of America, said to be under 
vour command, having taken posts on the banks of the Miamis for up- 
wards of the lasl twenty-four hours, almost within reach of the guns of 
this fort, being a post belonging to his Majesty the King of Great Bri- 
■ cupied by his Majesty's troops, and which 1 have the honor to com- 
it becomes my duty to inform myself, as speedily as possible, in 
what light I am to view your making such near approaches to this gar- 

• I have no hesitation on my part to say. that I know of no war exist- 
between Greal Britain and America. 

.(■the honor to be, sir, with great respect, yourmosl obedient and 
very humble Bervant, "WILLIAM CAMPBELL, 

or 24th Reg. commanding a British post on 
the banks of the Miamis. 
Mqjor-Gt i" ral Wayne, Sic. &c. &c." 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 131 

peace of 1*783, between this country and Great Bri- 
tain, contrary to its provisions, the former power 
retained possession of several forts upon the fron- 
tiers, from which they instigated the savages 'to 
wage hostilities against the United States. Wash- 
ington was annoyed by the incursions of the Indians. 
Harnier and St. Clair had been successively defeated. 
In 1794, our forces in the northwest were placed 
under the command of "mad Anthony Wayne," 
who, on the 28th of August, 1794, defeated the al- 
lied Indians and the British, under the guns of a 
fort in possession of the English ; Wayne then ra- 
vaged the possession of Colonel McKee, the British 
Indian agent, and which was in disputed territory, 
actually in the occupancy of the British troops. 

No. II. 
"Camp on the bank of the Miamis, August 21s/, 1794. 

" Sir : I have received your letter of this date, requiring from me the 
motives which have moved the army under my command to the position 
they at present occupy, far within the acknowledged jurisdiction of the 
United States of America. 

" Without questioning the authority, or the propriety, sir, of your in- 
terrogatory, I think I may, without breach of decorum, observe to you, 
that were you entitled to an answer, the most satisfactory one was 
announced to you from the muzzles of my small arms, yesterday morning, 
in an action against the horde of savages, in the vicinity of your posts, 
which terminated gloriously to the American arms ; but, had it continued 
until the Indians, &c, were drove under the influence of the post and 
guns you mention, they would not have much impeded the progress of 
the victorious army under my command, as no such post was established 
at the commencement of the present war between the Indians and the 
United States. 

" I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your most obedient, 
and very humble servant, 

"(Signed) ANTHONY WAYNE, 

Major-General and Commander-in-Chief of the Federal Army. 

" To Major William Campbell, &c. &c." 



HISTORY OF THE 

This conduct upon the pari of General Wayne, was 
sustained by Genera] Washington. 

I reiterate the fact, thai Mexico made no dis- 
tinction between the country lying east and west 
of the Nueces. They claimed the whole of Texas, 
as a revolted province, when they were mustering 
their troops upon the banks of the Rio Grande, 
with the avowed determination of reconquering that 
country. W hat, under the circumstances, was the 
proper course for the administration to pursue? 
Were plighted faith and pledged honor to be dis- 
regarded? Were the Mexicans to be allowed to 
cross the Rio Grande, and re-enact the bloody 
scenes which characterized their progress before 
the fatal defeat at San Jacinto? The President 
had the right to lead our forces in person, to the 
uttermost limit of the Texan territory. The ques- 
tion in dispute could be settled by one of two 
up t hods — by negotiation or by force. The for- 
mer we had tendered to Mexico after she had 
abruptly broken off all diplomatic intercourse. Our 
proposition was scornfully rejected, and she elected 
to decide the contest by the ordeal of battle. 
When this was known, it surely cannot be insisted 
that the .Mexicans had a better right to take pos- 
session of disputed territory than the soldiers of the 
United States. The very fact of possession might 
have affected our title. Mexico might have claimed 
that possession as an evidence of the inability of 
Texas and the Tinted States to enforce their claim 
to every part of the disputed territory* 

It is evidenl from the correspondence of General Taylor with the 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 133 

Mexican General Ampudia, that he regarded the territory between the 
Nueces and Rio Grande as American soil. " While this communication 
was in my hands, it was discovered that the village of Frontone had been 
set on fire and abandoned. I viewed this as a direct act of war, and in- 
formed the deputation that their communication would be answered by me 
when opposite Matamoras, which was done in respectful terms." — Letter 
of General Taylor to General Ampudia, dated Matamoras, Texas, April 
22, 1846. 

Frontone was situated west of the Arroyo Colorado. The burning 
of this village could not have been regarded by General Taylor as " a di- 
rect act of war" unless he considered it American territory. 

He also stated to the Mexican general that the course pursued by the 
army under his command had been governed by a strict regard of justice 
and humanity. " I need hardly advise you that, charged, as I am, in only 
a military capacity, with the performance of specific duties, I cannot enter 
into a discussion of the international question involved in the advance of 
the American army. You will, however, permit me to say that the Govern- 
ment of the United States has constantly sought a settlement by negotia- 
tion of the question of boundary ; that an envoy was dispatched to Mexico 
for that purpose ; and that up to the most recent dates said envoy had not 
been received by the actual Mexican Government, if indeed lie has not 
received his passports and left the republic. In the mean time I have been 
ordered to occupy the country up to the left bank of the Rio Grande, 
until the boundary shall be definitely settled. In carrying out these in- 
structions I have carefully abstained from all acts of hostility, obeying, in 
this regard, not only the letter of my instructions, but the plain dictates 
of justice and humanity." — lb., April 12, 1846. 

" After all that has passed since the American army first approached 
the Rio Bravo, I am certainly surprised that you should complain of a 
measure, which is no other than a natural result of the state of war so 
much insisted upon by the Mexican authorities as actually existing at this 
time. You will excuse me for recalling a few circumstances to show that 
this stale of war has not been sought by tlie American army, but has been 
forced upon it, and that the exercise of the rights incident to such a state 
cannot be made a subject of complaint." — lb., April 22, 1846. 



HIS TO BY OF THE 



CHAPTER VII. 

Forward movement of the American troops. — The number and discipline of 
the American army. — General Taylor reaches Point Isabel. — Fort Brown 
erected. — The Mexicans cross the Rio Grande. — General Taylor moves 
from Fori Brown to Point Isabel. — Bombardment of Fort Brown. — Battle 
of Palo Alto. — Resaca de la Palma. — The action of Congress. — Reorga- 
nization of the tinny. — The object for which the war was prosecuted. — 
Difficulty with General Scott. — Requisitions made upon the Governors of 
ill States for volunteers. — Plan of campaign. — Action of General 
(James. — General Taylor marches from Camargo in the direction of Mon- 
terey. — Capture of Monterey. — Internal affairs of Mexico. — Pass granted 
to Santa Anna — General Wool inarches upon Monclova. — General Kear- 
ney takes Santa F6. — Colonel Doniphan advances upon Chihuahua. — Vic- 
tory ot Sacramento. — General Kearney starts for California. — Operations 
of Colonel Fremont and Commodores Sloat and Stockton. Orders issued 
to raise contributions from the Mexicans. — General Taylor advises the 
adoption of a defensive line. — Preparations made to attack Vera Cruz. 
— Civil Governments authorized by the President. — Movements of Colonel 
Price. 

Tin: forward movement of the American troops 
from Corpus Ctristi to the Rio Grande was ordered, 
as suggested by General Taylor himself." The rear 

i: •■ For these reasons our position thus far has, T think, been the besl 
ile : but now that the entire force will soon be concentrated, it may 
well l>e a question whether the views of Government will be best carried 
out by our remaining al this point. It is with great deference thai ( make 
anysuggi tione on topics which may become matters of delicate negotia- 
tion ; hut if our ( rovernment, in settling the question of boandary makes the 
lino of tie- Rio Grande an ultimatum, I cannot doubt that the settlement will 
!»• greatly facilitated and hastened by our taking possession at once of one or 
on or quite 1 1< -.ir that river. Our strength and state of prepara- 
d playedina manner not to he mistaken/'— Dispatch of 
'• Tayh lot) Secretary of War. dale J at Corpus Christ i, on the 

< 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 135 

of the army left the former place on the 11th of 
March, 1846. It may be proper at this place 
briefly to examine into the numbers, state of disci- 
pline, and arms of the regular force of the United 
States. Much jealousy has been manifested by our 
citizens ever since the declaration of independence, 
of standing armies. A preference has always been 
exhibited for militia or volunteer troops ; and al- 
though raw soldiers during the revolutionary strug- 
gle did not often prove as steady under fire as the con- 
tinental line, still in the last war with Great Britain, 
and the more recent one with Mexico, the volun- 
teers fought with a desperation which established be- 
yond a doubt, that perfect reliance may be placed 
upon them in the fury of battle. It is true that 
they will not yield the same passive, uncomplaining 
obedience, which in the "regular" affords his com- 
mander so much delight ; but that pride and emula- 
tion which stimulates the volunteer, will prompt him 
to avoid the dangers of a court-martial, while he fights 
with a degree of enthusiasm that is irresistible. 
The graduates of the military academy at West 
Point, during the conflict with Mexico, elevated the 
character of that institution to an extraordinary 
degree of renown. Before the war commenced, a 
strong prejudice prevailed throughout the country 
against it, and the opposition had become so decid- 
ed, that it was in danger of being discontinued. 
It is now, however, established upon a firmer basis 
than ever, and if our main reliance in time of war 
is to be upon the volunteers, this only renders the 
preservation of that institution still more impera- 



136 HISTORY OF THE 

five. In the selection of their officers, the volun- 
will almost invariably elect those persons who 
have obtained a regular military education, or by 
their experience are qualified to command. While, 
then, military education should be taught at West 
Point, perfect reliance may be placed in the volun- 
teer force of the country in sustaining the honor of 
our flag. In 1845 the whole number of the regular 
army of the United States amounted to 7,883, 
many of whom were foreigners. General Taylor 
before leaving Corpus Christi had under his com- 
mand about 3,500 men, and when he reached the 
Rio Grande his effective force was less than 3,000. 

When the American troops arrived near the 
Rio Grande, they found the Mexicans prepared to 
assume offensive operations. On the 10th of April, 
1846, ( olonel Cross was murdered, and on the 18th 
of* the same month Lieutenant Porter with a small 
body of men were taken prisoners after a desperate 
resistance, and were inhumanly butchered. On the 
24th of April General Arista arrived at Matamoras, 
and informed General Taylor that he considered 
hostilities commenced, and that he should prosecute 
them* On the 24th of the same month Captain 
Thornton, with a party of dragoons consisting of 63 
men, became engaged with a very large force of the 
Mexicans, in which 16 were killed and wounded, and 
the rest were forced to surrender.f On the iMith of 
April Genera] Taylor issued a call upon the Gover- 

Di patch of General Taylor, April 26th, 1846, Executive docu- 
ion, 29th Congress, 
t Ibid. 



POLK ADMINISTEATIOU. 137 

nor of Texas for two regiments of mounted troops, 
and two of infantry, and upon the Governor of 
Louisana for four regiments of infantry, for the pur- 
pose of prosecuting the war with energy, and carry- 
ing it into the enemy's country* On the 28th of 
April, 1846, the camp of Captain Walker was sur- 
prised, and five men were killed. A family of 
fourteen persons unarmed were taken prisoners, two 
of whom were females ; their throats were cut, and 
after every indignity was perpetrated upon their 
persons, they were left exposed to the storms of 
heaven, and prowling beasts. On the 3d of May, 
although the enemy had made demonstrations on 
the east bank of the river, still, owing to the nature 
of the country, and the deficiency in the American 
army of light troops, General Taylor was kept ig- 
norant of their movements.f He had received in- 
formation that the Mexicans were preparing to 
cross the river below Fort Brown, with the object 
of forming a junction with those who had crossed 
the river above ; and entertaining the belief that 
they designed making a descent npon his depot at 
Point Isabel, he hastened the operations on the 
field-work, and was enabled to prepare it for a suc- 
cessful defence on the 1st of May. J Leaving the 
7th infantry under the command of Major Brown, 
with Captain Lowd's and Lieutenant Bragg's com- 
panies of artillery in charge of the work, General 

* " Which will be required to prosecute the war with energy, and 
carry it, as it should be, into the enemy's country." — Ibid. 

t Dispatch No. 32 of General Taylor, dated May 3d, 1846, at Point 
Isabel. 

t Ibid. 



138 HISTORY OF THE 

Taylor started with the main force under his com- 
mand, for Point Isabel, where they arrived the next 
day, without discovering any signs of the enemy. 
On the morning, and during the day of May 3d, dis- 
charges of cannon were heard in the direction of 
Fort Brown ; and General Taylor dispatched a 
squadron of cavalry, covering a small party to com- 
municate with Major Brown.* The squadron re- 
turned on the morning of the 4th, without bringing 
news from the Fort; but on the 5th of May Cap- 
tain Walker of the rangers arrived at Point Isabel, 
after running the gauntlet during the night before. 
Tin- ad of gallantry upon the part of Captain Wal- 
ker deserves especial attention, as it exemplified 
the cool and daring courage of that celebrated 
ranger. When it was deemed important to com- 
municate with General Taylor, Captain Walker 
volunteered to be the bearer of dispatches from 
Major Brown. Starting at night, with no other 
guide through the ranks of the enemy but the wind 
upon his cheek, he successfully accomplished the en- 
terprise. Fmni a dispatch brought by him, General 
Taylor ascertained that, on the morning of the 3d of 
May, the .Mexican batteries opened upon Fort Brown, 
and the American guns vvere immediately manned 
and a fire was kepi up from the six and Impound- 
ers, which resulted in dismounting several of the 
Mexican pieces. They continued, however, to fire 
upon the fort until L2 o'clock at night. On the 
Till of May, General Taylor started on his return 
from Point Isabel, for the purpose of raising the 

• l> tch No. 32 of General Taylor, dated May 3d, 1846, at Point 

J 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 139 

siege of Fort Brown, determined to fight the enemy 
in whatever force he might attempt to obstruct his 
progress.* On the 8th of May he encountered 
6,000 of the enemy at the field of Palo Alto, and 
after an action of five hours repulsed them. The 
force under General Taylor did not exceed 2,300 
men. What renders this battle somewhat remark- 
able is the fact, that although it lasted five hours, 
the loss of the Americans was only four men killed, 
and three officers and thirty-nine men wounded. f 

* Dispatch of General Taylor, to the War Department, May 7th, 
1846. 

f " Head Quarters, Army of Occupation, 

Camp near Palo Alto, May 9, 1846. 

" Sir : I have the honor to report, that I was met near this place yester- 
day on my march from Point Isabel, by the Mexican forces ; and after an 
action of about five hours, dislodged them from their position, and en- 
camped upon the field. Our artillery, consisting of two 18-pounders, and 
two light batteries, was the arm chiefly engaged, and to the excellent 
manner in which it was manoeuvred and served, is our success mainly 
due. 

" The strength of the enemy is believed to have been about 6,000 men, 
with 7 pieces of artillery and 800 cavalry ; his loss is probably at least 100 
killed. Our strength did not exceed, all told, 2,300, while our loss was com- 
paratively trifling ; 4 men killed, 3 officers and 39 men wounded ; several 
of the latter mortally. I regret to report that Major Ringold, 3d artillery, 
and Captain Page, 4th infantry, are severely wounded ; Lieutenant Luther, 
2d artillery, slightly so. 

" The enemy has fallen back, and it is believed has repassed the river. 
I have advanced parties now thrown forward in his direction, and shall 
move the main body immediately. 

" In the haste of this first report, I can only say, that the officers and 
men behaved in the most admirable manner throughout the action. 

" I shall have the pleasure of making a more detailed report, when 
those of the different commanders shall be received. 

" I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

" Z. TAYLOR, 
Brevet Brig. Gen. U. S. A., commanding. 
" The Adjutant General of the Army, 
Washington, D. C." 



140 BIS TO BY OF THE 

Et is almost inconceivable, that so large a body of 
men should have been fighting in the open field, 
for that length of time, without doing more execu- 
tion. The loss of the Mexicans was estimated at 
more than 200. The artillery was the arm prin- 
cipally engaged, and fully sustained the higli repu- 
tation of those who had devoted so much time to 
srfection. Major Ringold of the flying artillery 
was mortally wounded; but his death was terribly 
revenged by Duncan, Rid gel y and their comrades, 
who fought with an enthusiasm that carried havoc 
and dismay into the ranks of the enemy. 

The American army encamped upon the field of 
battle, and a council of war was called to deter- 
mine whether they should advance, or act upon the 
defensive. A majority was in favor of the latter 
course; but the commanding general, sustained by 
the advice of Belknap, Duncan, and others, deter- 
mined to force his way to Fort Brown. In the 
mean time, Arista was reinforced by a body of 
•j, i inn troops, thus making his force amount to about 
8,000. At 2 (/clock on the 9th of May, General 
Taylor advanced along the Matamoras road," and 
when he approached Resaca de la Palma, he found 
a ravine which crossed the road, lined with the ar- 
tillery of the enemy. Taylor directed a battery of 
field artillery to assail the position, and the fire of 
artillery and small arms was continued, until the 
lotteries of the Mexicans were carried by the in- 
fantry and dragoons, ami they were pursued to the 

• Dispatch of General Taylor to the War Department, May 9th, 
1846. 



POLK AD3IINISTEATION. 141 

river. Seven pieces of artillery, a large quantity of 
ammunition, three standards, and about 100 prison- 
ers, including General La Vega, were captured. 
The loss of the Americans was 39 killed and 82 
wounded. The loss of the Mexicans in the two bat- 
tles has been estimated at 1,000 men. Although 
great bravery was exhibited by the infantry and 
dragoons, still the gallantry of the artillerymen was 
conspicuous. They fought with a reckless, yet sys- 
tematic daring, which claims our highest admira- 
tion ; wherever the dark masses of the enemy were 
preparing to advance, they were quickly met by the 
flying artillery, and the storm of grape and canister 
never failed to drive them back in disorder. One 
instance is related of chivalrous devotion, which, in 
the army of Bonaparte would have won a high po- 
sition. When Captain May, who had been occupy- 
ing the position of the " black sluggard," was some- 
what peremptorily ordered by Taylor to charge a 
Mexican battery, he was arrested in full career by 
Ridgely, who called out " stop, Charley, let me draw 
their fire ;" and the grape and canister from Ridgely's 
battery were quickly responded to ; and although 
the saddles of many of the dragoons were emptied 
by the fire of the Mexican infantry, yet the remain- 
der dashed over empty guns. 

The news of these two victories quickly spread 
throughout the United States, and startled the inha- 
bitants of each city and hamlet throughout the 
land. The intelligence produced a deep sensation 
at Washington, where the American Congress was 
then in session. The threats which had often been 



142 HISTORY OF THE 

made by the Mexicans to wash out with Hood the 
-tain upon their national character, by what they 
called a dismemberment of their territory, had now 
been attempted. They had crossed the Rio Grande, 
and upon two fields they had encountered the Ame- 
rican army. The war had commenced, and it de- 
volved upon Congress to devise the means for its 
wetic prosecution. The regular army in April, 
as 7.-44, and the force on the Texas fron- 
tier in May, present and absent, was 3)554* 

With this .small body of men, it was not to be 
;ted that we could encounter successfully 
3,1 M >l l,l >! >0 of people upon their own soil, and by the 
act of the 13th of May, 1846, the President was 
authorized to call into the field 50,000 volunteers, 
to serve for one year, or during the war; and an 
appropriation was made for the purpose of carrying 
it into effect. The preamble to that act has been 
made the subject of much discussion in Congress 
and elsewhere. It declared that "whereas by the 
ad -4' the Republic of Mexico war exists," &c. 
The opposition members of Congress distinctly 
charged that the war was brought on by the uncon- 
stitutional order given by Mr. Polk for the concen- 
tration of our troops upon the Rio Grande; but I 
have already shown the fallacy of that assumption. 
It was nevertheless entertained, and although the 
whigs were disposed to vote for an appropriation of 
money and the raising of men for the purpose of 
relieving General Taylor, still they made strenuous 

yjutant-General to the Wax Department, April 5th, 



POLK ADMINISTEATIOK. 143 

exertions to strike the preamble from the bill. This 
they were unable to do, and upon its passage, they 
all voted for it with the exception of fourteen mem- 
bers of the House, and two or three Senators.* It 
had been insisted that those members of the oppo- 
sition who voted for the bill, were estopped from 
subsequently denying that Mexico commenced the 
war. The position which they occupied was an ex- 
ceedingly delicate one. They had to adopt one of 
two alternatives ; either to vote for the preamble, 
which they declared was untrue, or to vote against 
the bill. They did not choose to place themselves 
upon the record as voting against granting supplies ; 
although the prosecution of a war unjustly com- 
menced by us, can hardly be reconcilable with the 
doctrines of the Bible, or the precepts of morality. 
The course pursued by those who voted against the 
bill, was consistent with the declaration that the 
war was unjust, and they have had far less difficulty 
in reconciling their assertions and their votes, than 
those who declared the war was "wrongfully com- 
menced, yet abused Mr. Polk because it was not 
more vigorously prosecuted. 

The course pursued by the opposition members 
of Congress with regard to the origin and prosecu- 
tion of the war, was very inconsistent. Scarcely 
did the collision of arms take place upon the Rio 
Grande, before they denounced the course pursued 
by the Executive as unauthorized and unconstitu- 
tional ; and a portion of them opposed its prosecu- 
tion, and voted against supplies throughout the con- 

* See Congressional Globe, first session 29th Congress. 



Ill HISTORY OF THE 

test, while the remainder violently assailed the ad- 
ministration because the war was not prosecuted 
with more vigor. Although it was the general im- 
sion after each battle, that the Mexicans would 
conclude a peace, still those members gave frequent 
expression to their indignation because more men 
were not called into the field, that each victory 
might immediately be followed by a forward move- 
ment. Those members, who had denounced the 
conduct of the President because he had " coni- 
tnenced an unconstitutional war," and who had with 
extreme bitterness assailed him because that war 
had not been prosecuted with more energy; at a 
later period in the struggle, voted to lay upon the 
table a resolution, declaring that it was inexpedient 
for our army to retreat from the position- which 
they had won in Mexico, for the purpose of falling 
back upon a defensive line* This resolution was 
laid on the table upon the motion of Mr. Stephens, 
of Georgia, by a vote of 96 to 89. All who voted to 
lay the resolution on the table were whigs, and all 
who voted againsl it were democrats. 

After the war with Mexico was recognized by 
the Congress of the United States, it remained to be 
seen whether the ranks of the army could be filled 
by volunteers. A feeling of indignation was aroused 
from Maine to Texas, that Mexicans, who had SO 
frequently violated their most solemn treaty sti- 

" Mr. Chase offered the following resolution : " Resolved, that it is in- 
expedient to order our troops to retreat from the positions which they have 
gallantly won in Mexico, for the purpose of falling back upon a defensive 
line." — < \al (llnl>,>. \si session, SOthCongrrss, p. 179. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 145 

pulations, should consummate their folly by the 
invasion of our territory; and the alacrity with 
which our peoj:>le responded to the call upon their 
patriotism, proved at once that they would defend 
the honor of our country, by whatever nation as- 
sailed ; and the ardor with which they rushed to the 
field, proved them the most warlike people of the 
age. Wherever was unfurled the stripes and stars, 
and whenever was heard the roll of the drum, there 
were gathered the volunteers of every age and con- 
dition ; and where only 50,000 volunteers were au- 
thorized, 500,000 gallant spirits responded to the 
call. The spectacle witnessed, was literally that of 
a nation in arms. The organization of the volun- 
teers was promptly attended to by the President ; 
and for this purpose officers were appointed, who 
subsequently distinguished themselves. Two Major- 
Generals were commissioned — Butler and Patter- 
son; and eight Brigadiers — Lane, Smith, Hamer, 
Quitman, Pierce, Cadwallader, Pillow, and Shields. 
The President of the United States . promptly 
availed himself of the authority granted by Con- 
gress for the purpose of prosecuting the war vigo- 
rously against Mexico. He had several times an- 
nounced to Congress that the war was not waged 
with a view to conquest, but for the purpose of 
obtaining an honorable peace, and thereby to se- 
cure ample indemnity* This language may be re- 

* " The war has not been waged with a view to conquest ; but having 
been commenced by Mexico, it has been carried into the enemy's country, 
and will be vigorously prosecuted there, with a view to obtain an honor- 
able peace, and thereby secure ample indemnity for the expenses of the 
10 



146 HISTORY OF THE 

garded as rather equivocal. It is difficult to con- 
ceive bow indemnity could be obtained from Mexico 
in any other way, than bj thai which a subsequent 
message of Mr. Polk expressed to be a dismeuiber- 
ment of the Mexican territory* 

That the attention of the adniinistratioii was at 
an early day directed to the acquisition of Cali- 
fornia, there can be no doubt. Confidential instruc- 
tions were issued from the Navy Department to 
Commodore Sloat as early as June 24th, 1845, in 
which it was intimated that hostilities would ensue. 
Sloat was directed particularly to avoid any act of 
aggression, but in case Mexico should declare war 
againsl us, he was directed to employ the force 
under his command to the best advantage.! This 

war. as well as to our much injured citizens, who hold large pecuniary 
demands against Mexico." — Message of President Polk, December, 1846. 
* "The extensive and valuable territories ceded by Mexico to the 
United Slates constitute indemnity for the past, and the brilliant achieve- 
ments and signal successes of our arms will be a guarantee of security for 
the future, by convincing all nations that our rights must be respected." 
—Message of Mr. Polk to Congress, July 6lh, 1848. 

\ "Should .Mexico, however, be resolutely bent on hostilities, you will 
be mindful to protect the persons and interests of citizens of the United 
State,, near your station, and should you ascertain beyond a doubt that the 
Mexican Government has declared war againsl as, you will at once cm- 
ploy the force under your command to the best advantage. The Mexican 
port Pacific are 6aid to 1 pen and defenceless. If you ascer- 

tain with certainty that Mexico has declared war against the United 
. jrou will at once poss — yourself of the port of San Francisco, 
and i upy such other ports as your force may permit. 

"The greal distance of your squadron, and the difficulty of commu- 
nicating with you, are the causes lor issuing this order. The President 
hop ■ irnestly that the peace of the two countries may not be dis- 

rbed. The object ol these instru possess you of the views 

iment, in the event ol a declaration of war on the part of 
! oited States —an event which you are enjoined to do 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 147 

order was followed by the expedition under General 
Kearney. I do not make these observations for the 
purpose of condemning the object which the Cabi- 
net desired to accomplish ; on the contrary, to ac- 
quire " indemnity for the past and security for the 
future " is perfectly justifiable, and especially where 
a war is forced by a perfidious people upon us. 
And under all circumstances, the avowal should 
have been boldly made that we prosecuted a war 
of conquest, if necessary, for the purpose of accom- 
plishing that result. If that had been done, an 
obstinate enemy would soon have been brought to 
terms, when they ascertained that the longer the 
contest was protracted the greater indemnity would 
be demanded. 

The energy which the President always dis- 
played, did not fail him in the prosecution of the 
war, and what was regarded as the dilatory move- 
ments of General Scott, produced a personal inter- 
view between the Secretary of War and the Com- 
mander-in-chief of the army. The result of this 
conference seems to have given oftence to General 
Scott, and produced from him a letter which ex- 
cited much ridicule, and caused mingled feelings of 
sorrow, surprise, and indignation. To receive the 
command of the army in person, as was subse- 
quently exemplified, could but add new laurels to 
those he had already won. The secret of his prov- 
ing so sensitive has been ascribed to his aspiration 
for political honors. If that was the correct solu- 

every thing consistent, with the national honor, on your part, to avoid." — 
Letter o/Mr. Bancroft, to Commodore Sloat, JunelUh, 1845. 



148 HISTORY OF THE 

tion of the difficulty, it is strange that a person so 
conscious of the influence which military achieve- 
ment exercises over the American people as Gene- 
ral Scott must be, should hesitate to place himself 
at the Lead of the army, for the purpose of adding 
fresh brilliancy to that reputation which in early 
life immortalized his name. There was no necessity 
"to protect himself from a fire in his rear from 
Washington.''* The administration could have no 
motive whatever in embarrassing the movements 
of the Commander-in-Chief. He ought to have 
been satisfied that his own success would add to 
the reputation of the administration, and that the 
defeat of the army would prove as disastrous to 
the Cabinet as to himself. As it was, the course 
which he thought proper to pursue in a moment of 
error, resulted in the withdrawal of the leadership 
of the army which had been tendered. It required 
the effect produced by his brilliant campaign in 
Mexico, to eradicate the unfavorable impression pro- 
duced upon the minds of the American people by 
his letter to the Secretary of War. 

Under the act of May 13th, 1846, requisitions 
were immediately made upon the Governors of the 
States of Arkansas, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, 
Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Illinois, Indiana, 
< mio, and Texas, for a volunteer force amounting 
to twenty-sis regiments, which, with a battalion 
from the District of Columbia and the State of 
Maryland, numbered in all about 23,000 effective 
men, to serve for the period of twelve months, or 

• I, otter of General Scott to the Secretary of War, May 21st, 1846. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 149 

to the end of the war. A large portion of this 
force was placed under the command of General 
Taylor, who had made the Rio Grande the base of 
his operation.* The plan of operations designed 
by the administration, was to attack Mexico in 
several directions. Taylor was to advance in the 
direction of Monterey ; General Wool was to march 
from Antonio De Bexar, in the direction of Chi- 
huahua ; and General Kearney was to assemble the 
volunteers from the State of Missouri, and a few 
hundred regular troops at Fort Leavenworth, and 
make a descent upon Santa Fe, and from thence 
with a portion of his command was to advance 
rapidly upon California. Any one, by glancing at 
a map, will at once discover the comprehensiveness 
of this plan. The advance of General Taylor and 
General Wool into that portion of the Mexican 
territory, would be calculated to convince the Mexi- 
cans of the importance of re-opening negotiations, 
whilst the expedition under General Kearney would 
obtain possession of that portion of Mexico which it 
was desirable to retain. 

Before General Taylor took his departure from 
Camargo, considerable embarrassment was experi- 
enced for the want of transportation and supplies 
for so large a force. These difficulties were made 
the subject of complaint by General Taylor. f This 

* Report of the Secretary of War, December 5th, 1846. 

f " Headquarters, Army of Occupation, ) 
Camargo, September 1st, 1846. \ 
" Sir : Before marching for the interior, I beg leave to place on re- 
cord some remarks touching an important branch of the public service, the 
proper administration of which is indispensable to the efficiency of a cam- 



150 HISTORY OF THE 

dispatch was referred by the War Department to 
the Quartermaster General, Thomas S. Jesup* Tlie 
complaints of General Taylor were triumphantly 

paign. I refer to the quartermaster's department. There is at this mo- 
ment, when the army is about to take up a long line of inarch, a great de- 
ficiency of proper means of transport, and of many important supplies. 

■• ( )n the 26th of April, when first apprising you of the increased force 
called out by me, I wrote that I trusted the War Department would ' give 
the necessary orders to the staff department for the supply of this large 
additional force ;' and when first advised of the heavy force of twelve 
months' volunteers ordered hither, I could not doubt that such masses of 
would lif accompanied, or preferahly preceded, by ample means of 
transportation, and all other supplies necessary to render them efficient. 
But such has not been the case Suitable steamboats for the Rio Grande 
were not procured without repeated efforts directed from this quarter, and 
many weeks elapsed before a lodgment could be made at this place, the 
river being perfectly navigable. After infinite delay- and embarrassments, 
I have succeeded in bringing forward a portion of the army to this point, 
and now the steamers procured at Pittsburg are just arriving. I hazard 
nothing in saying that if proper foresight and energy had been displayed 
in sending out suitable steamers to navigate the Rio Grande, our army 
would long since have been in possession of Monterey. 

■• Again, as to land transport. At this moment our wagon train is 
considerably Ann than when we left Corpus Christi — our force being in- 
creased fivefold. Had we depended upon means from without, the army 
would not have been able to move from this place. But fortunately tho 
of land transport existed to some extent in the country in the shape 
of pack-mules, and we have formed a train which will enable a small army 
to advance perhaps to Monterey. I wish it distinctly understood, that our 
ability to move is duo wholly to means created here, and which could not 
have been reckoned upon with safety in Washington. 

" I have adverted to the grand points of water and land transportation. 
Of the want of minor supplies the army has suffered more than enough. 
The crying deficiency of camp equipage has been partially relieved by the 
cotton tents of indifferent quality. Our cavalry has been para- 
lyzed by the want of horse-shoes, horse-shoe nails, and even common black- 
smith's tools, while many smaller deficiencies are daily brought to my 

" I respectfully request thai the above statement, which I make in jus- 
I tter of the Secretary of War to General Jesup, Sept. 21,1846. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 151 

answered by the Quartermaster General .* Being, 
at the time he answered the charges of General 
Taylor, near the scene of operations, and at the 

tice to myself and the service, may be laid before the General-in-chief and 
Secretary of War. 

" I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"Z. TAYLOR, 
Major General U. S. A. commanding. 
" The Adjutant General of the Army, 

Washington, D. C." 

* " New-Orleans, December 5th, 1846. 
" Sir : When I received your letter of the 21st of September, on the 
subject of Major General Taylor's complaints, I was apprehensive that 
neglect or omissions had occurred on the part of some one or more of 
the subordinate officers of the department, by which his operations had 
been seriously embarrassed ; but I have looked into the whole matter, and 
I am bound in justice to say that no class of officers, not even General 
Taylor and the most distinguished men around him, have better or more 
faithfully performed their duty ; and if any thing has been wanting which 
they could have supplied, it has been because the proper orders were not 
given, or timely requisitions made. 

" In conducting a war, it is the duty of the Government to designate 
the object to be accomplished : it is then the duty of the General who 
conducts the operations, to call for the means required to accomplish that 
object. If he fail to do so, he is himself responsible for all the consequences 
of his omission. General Taylor complains of want of water and land 
transportation, camp equipage, and shoes for his cavalry horses. As to 
water transportation,! find that he called for a single light-draught steamer 
early in May. Lieutenant Colonel Hunt could not at once obtain a suita- 
ble boat, but he executed the order as soon as it was possible. Late in 
May, or early in June, General Taylor considering four boats necessary, 
appointed his own agents to obtain them. I was at the time engaged in 
taking measures, under the orders of General Scott, to obtain suitable 
boats for the navigation of the Rio Grande ; but having no reliable infor- 
mation in relation to the navigation of that river, and believing General 
Taylor's agents possessed of the requisite knowledge, I preferred that 
they should execute his orders ; and I limited my action in the matter to 
doubling the number called for by General Taylor ; and authorizing a 
further increase if considered necessary by his brother and one of his 
agents. The number required by the General was, I believe, nearly 
quadrupled ultimately by the officers of the department. As to the com- 



152 HISTORY OF THE 

place through which most of the supplies passed, 
General Jesup could speak understanding^ upon 
the subject. He declared he was bound in justice 

plaint of the General that the steamers from Pittsburg were then (Sep- 
tember 1st), just arriving, it is proper to state that these were the very 
procured by one of his own agents. When at Pittsburg I inquired 
into the delay of those boats, and it is but justice to Captain Sanders, Ge- 
neral Taylor's agent, to say that no effort was spared to get them into ser- 
vice as early as possible. 

"As to the complaint in regard to the want of land transportation, it is 
proper to remark that there was no information at Washington, so far as I 
was informed, to enable me or the War Department to determine whether 
wagons could be used in Mexico. General Taylor, though he had both 
mounted troops and topographical engineers, had not supplied the want of 
that information. Besides, he had not, as far as I know and believe, inti- 
mated to any department his intentions or wishes in regard to the means 
of transportation to be used. It was known that he had a wagon train, 
amply sufficient for double the force he commanded before the arrival of 
the volunteers. Added to that, he had General Arista's means of trans- 
portation ; and he was in a country abounding in mules — the means of 
transportation best adapted to the country, and the only means used by 
the enemy. A general is expected to avail himself of the resources of 
the country in which he operates. If General Taylor failed to do so, and 
ithout the necessary transportation, he alone is responsible. Those 
were limited only by his own will. He had officers of the Quar- 
termaster's Department able to have executed his orders, and willing to 
carry out his views : his authority alone was wanting. 

" As to the camp equipage, you are aware tliat the appropriation which 
' for last year was stricken out, and that not a cent was appropria- 
ted, which could be legally applied to that object, before the 9th and 13th 
of May. When the appropriations were made, the officers of the depart- 
ment v. lied to obtain materials wheresoever they could get them, 
and such as the] could get. Cotton cloth was necessarily substituted for 
linen in the fabrication of tents. I have no doubt a great deal of the ma- 
terial was of the quality represented by General Taylor; but that was, un- 
inces, unavoidable. The officers obtained the best they 
could get, and deserve credit for their exertions, in place of the censure 
they have received. 

I imewhat at a loss to imagine why the deficiency of shoes for 

the drag on horses was made a subject of complaint against the Quarter- 

- Department. A blacksmith is allowed by law to every troop of 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 153 

to say that no class of officers, not even General 
Taylor, and the most distinguished men around him, 
had better or more faithfully performed their duty 
than the officers of his department ; and that if 
any thing had been wanting which they could have 
supplied, it was because the proper orders were not 
given, or timely requisitions made. Any one who 
will read the letter of General Jesup, will come to 

dragoons. It is the duty of every commander of a troop to have his shoe- 
ing tools complete, and to have at all times the necessary shoe and nail iron ; 
and it is the duty of the regimental commander to see that timely requisi- 
tions be made. Now, if those officers failed to have what was necessary to 
the efficiency of their commands, let General Taylor hold them accountable. 
The Quartermaster's department is not responsible for their neglects. 

" As I came through the western country to this city, I was informed 
that a report was circulating that General Taylor would have taken for- 
ward to Monterey a much larger force of volunteers, but for the neglect 
of the Quartermaster's department to furnish the means of transportation. 
In reply to that report, I respectfully ask your attention to the letter of 
General Taylor of the 2d of July to the Adjutant General. There he 
tells you. through that officer, that he proposes to operate from Camargo to 
Monterey : he tells you that he will operate with a column of about 6,000 
men : that he must rely on the country for meat, and deput at Camargo for 
bread ; and adds, as the reason for not taking a greater force, that a column 
exceeding six thousand men cannot be supplied on that route with bread 
alone. 

" I feel, sir, that every officer of the department has performed his duty 
faithfully, if not ably, and that the charges of General Taylor are both 
unjust and unmerited. As regards myself, I feel that I have performed my 
whole duty, both to the country and to the army ; and if the slightest doubt 
remain on that subject, I owe it to myself to demand an immediate and tho- 
rough investigation of my conduct, and that of the department, from the 
commencement of operations on the Texan frontier, as well previous to as 
during the war. 

" I am, sir, most respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"TH. S. JESUP, 
Major General, Quartermaster General. 
" The Hon. Wm. L. Marcy, 

Secretary of War, Washington City." 



154 HISTOEY OF THE 

the conclusion, that the embarrassments of which 
General Taylor complained, were the result of a 
failure on his part to make the necessary demands, 
or were to be attributed to the conduct of the 
agents he had selected himself. 

Another source of annoyance to the administra- 
tion was the unauthorized conduct of General 
Gaines, at that time in command of the Southwes- 
tern division. He sent forward volunteers to Texas, 
in number considerably, exceeding the call made by 
Genera] Taylor, for that description of force* The 
call of ( reneral (iaines was recognized to the extent 
of the number of volunteers sent to the Eio Grande, 
up to May 28th, 1846. The motives of that officer 
no one was prepared to call in question ; but from 
hi- advanced age, he was not in a condition to de- 
cide with as much judgment as he once possessed, 
as to the real necessities of the case. His action 
caused the War Department much embarrassment.f 
He called out and mustered into service, troops not 
comprised in the den nun I of General Taylor, on 
Louisiana and Texas. Volunteers from Alabama 
and Missouri, who had left those States before the 
call of General Gaines could be countermanded by 
the President, were received into sendee. These 
volunteers were not raised under the provisions of 
the ad of May, 1846; they were, therefore, to be 
regarded in service by virtue of the act of 1795, 
consequently, for the term of thret months. There 
was no authority to receive the volunteers into ser- 

* Letter of Mr. Marry to General Taylor, May 28th, 1846. 

f Letter of the Secretary of War to General Taylor, June 26th, 1846. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 155 

vice for six months. By the law of 1795, they were 
to serve for three months, and by the law of May, 
1846, for twelve months, or during the war. Tore- 
fuse to receive them after the sacrifices they had 
made, was the cause of much regret, but there was no 
other alternative ; they were not legally in the pub- 
lic service, under any existing law, and the Presi- 
dent had no power to receive them, unless they 
thought proper to offer their services under the act 
of May, 1846. 

It was deemed advisable, in the mean time, to 
transfer General Gaines from the Southern to the 
Northern department, and he was ordered to make 
his head-quarters at New- York, instead of New 
Orleans. 

After the arrival of the requisite number of 
volunteers from the United States, General Taylor 
prepared to advance upon Monterey, by the way of 
Camargo. He left Matamoras during the latter 
part of August, with a column consisting of about 
6,000 regular and volunteer troops, and arrived 
before Monterey on the 19th of September, 1846* 
Our troops were now in view of a large city, whose 
natural defences and massive fortifications rendered 
it almost impregnable. More than forty pieces of 
artillery defended its frowning walls, and the battle- 
ments were protected by 7,000 troops of the line, 
and more than two thousand irregulars. It was 
here that the chivalrous Worth obtained the op- 
portunity for which he panted, to make amends for 
his absence from the battle-fields of Palo Alto and 

* Dispatch of General Taylor, dated Monterey, September 22, 184G. 



L56 HISTORY OF THE 

Resaca de la Palma. Believing himself injured by 
the decision which permitted General Twiggs to 
rank him, he left Texas, and appearing at Wash- 
ington, tendered his resignation to the President. 
Iii opposition to the opinion which prevailed at the 
seat of Government, Mr. Polk refused to accept it, 
and his military skill and daring courage were given 
to his country in the struggle which ensued. When 
he heard of the collision between the rival forces 
on the banks of the Rio Grande, and which he did 
not anticipate, lie withdrew the tender which he 
had made of his commission, and repaired immedi- 
ately to the seat of war. Although his gallantry 
was conspicuous among all those leaders who sur- 
rounded General Scott, I take this opportunity of 
referring briefly to that commander. General 
Worth entered the army at an early period of his 
life; his headlong impetuosity at the sanguinary 
1 »attles of Lundy's Lane and Chippewa, obtained 
for him a high reputation, which was greatly in- 
creased by his services in Florida. The best dis- 
ciplinarian in the army, he was yet the idol of the 
soldiery. Gifted with an imposing presence, an 
which has been compared to the eagle's, an 
affability of manner, a courage perfectly regardless 
of death in the hour of battle, a fixedness of pur- 
pose, ;ind a coolness of judgment which the thunders 
of artillery could no1 disturb; he combined every 
requisite which should characterize a man and a 
soldier. Burning with impatience to silence, by 
Borne splendid achievement, the whispers which his 
absence from the conflicts of the 8th and 9th of 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 157 

May produced, lie joined the army of invasion. 
The conduct of General Taylor in giving him 
a separate command, at Monterey, displayed the 
frankness of the disinterested soldier. It was fear- 
ed by those who did not understand the character 
of General Worth, that in the effort to gain a bril- 
liant victory he would be regardless of the lives 
of his men, but the result proved him a better man, 
and a more skilful general. 

From the configuration of the country through 
which the road passed, leading to Saltillo, it was de- 
termined to attack the town in that direction. For 
this purpose, the second division was placed under 
the command of General Worth, and at 2 o'clock, 
P. M., on the 20th September, 1846, he started to 
execute the duty assigned him. The enemy, in the 
mean time, had thrown reinforcements into the 
Bishop's palace, and upon the heights which com- 
manded it.* To divert the attention of the Mexi- 
cans, Generals Butler and Twiggs displayed their 
divisions before the town. On the morning of the 
21st, the division under General Worth was put 
in motion, and soon encountered a strong force of 
cavalry and infantry, and after a sharp conflict the 
Mexicans were defeated. The examinations made 
proved the impracticability of making any effective 
advances upon the city, without first obtaining pos- 
session of the exterior forts and batteries. About 
300 men composed a storming party for the purpose 
of effecting that object ; one fort after another was 
taken under a tremendous fire, until they were ena- 

* Dispatch of General Taylor, October 9th, 1846. 



158 HISTOEY OP THE 

bled to bring their guns to bear upon the Bishop's 
palace.* To cany the building was the next object 
to be accomplished. It is situated about midway 
the southern slope of the hill Independencia. This 
was accomplished on the 22d, by one of the most 
brilliant feats recorded in the annals of warfare. 
The position they had thus gained enabled them 
to send their iron hail into the Grand Plaza. The 
town was now perfectly under the control of Worth's 
artillery. In the mean time, a demonstration was 
made by the forces under the immediate command 
of Genera] Taylor, upon the other end of the town. 
Eere the loss of the Americans was very severe, 
and it was only by "burrowing" through the 
houses that they could make much progress into 
the heari of the city. The display of daring upon 
the part of both regulars and volunteers was highly 
satisfactory, and added still more to the reputation 
of the former, and covered with renown the deeds 
of the latter. 

Early on the morning of the 24th of September, 
Genera] Taylor received a communication from 
Ampudia, proposing to evacuate the town, upon 
condition that he should be suffered to take with 
him the personel and materiel of war.f This pro- 
position was refused by General Taylor,;); and the 
unconditional surrender of the town and the garri- 

rtof General Worth, September 28th, 1846. 

General Ampudia, September 23d, to General Taylor. 
\ . omplete surrender of the town and garrison, the latter as pris- 
oners of war. is dow demanded. The garrison will be allowed, at your 
option, after laying down its arm-, in retire to the interior, on condition 
of not serving again during the war. until regularly exchanged." — Letter 

■ ' r - i : .—nl A m «vi<Ji„ SUmtemher O.Alh 1 Rdfi 



POLK ADMIKISTEATION. 159 

son as prisoners of war was demanded. "Upon the 
same day that General Taylor made this response 
to the Mexican General-in-Chief, much more favor- 
able terms were extended to him* The city, forti- 
fications, cannon, munitions of war, and all other 
public property, with some exceptions, were sur- 
rendered, but the Mexican forces were allowed to 
retain their accoutrements, one battery of six pieces, 
with twenty-one rounds of ammunition. They were 
to retire within seven days from that date, beyond 
the line formed by the pass of the Einconada, the 
city of Linares and San Fernando De Pressas, and 
the forces of the United States were not to advance 
beyond the line specified before the expiration of 
eight weeks, or until the order or instructions of 
the respective Governments could be received. The 
Mexican flas? when struck at the citadel was to be 
saluted by its own battery. The terms of this 
capitulation created much dissatisfaction in the 
United States. It was a subject of much regret 
that General Taylor did not exact from the enemy 
more rigorous terms. The Secretary of War, in 
response to the communication from General Taylor, 
was directed by the President to inform him that 
he regretted it was not deemed advisable to insist 
upon the terms which he had first proposed, al- 
though it was suggested that the circumstances 
doubtless justified the change.* The reasons given 

* See terms of the capitulation of Monterey, Executive Documents, 
2d Session 29th Congress, volume 4, Doc. No. 119. 

f " In relation to the terms of capitulation of Monterey, the President 
instructs me to say that he regrets it was not advisable to insist upon the 



160 HISTORY OF THE 

by General Taylor* for acceding to the terms of 
capitulation, were first, the impossibility .of prevent- 
ing the escape of the Mexicans through the various 
is leading from the city, and the destruction of 
their artillery and magazines ; and secondly, the im- 
possibility of moving forward in force until the 
time selected for the cessation of hostilities had ex- 
pired.f The Secretary of War informed General 

terms which you had first proposed. The circumstances which dictated 
doubtless justified the change. The President, uninformed of these cir- 
cumstances, does not know in what degree the recent change in the Gov- 
ernment of Mexico may have contributed to this result. Certain it is, 
however, that the present rulers of that republic have not yet given any 
evidence that they are ' favorable to the interests of peace.' Of this you 
will have already been informed by my dispatch of the 22d ultimo." — 
of the Secretary of War to General Taylor, October 13//;, 1846. 
* " The force with which I advanced on Monterey was limited by 
causes beyond my control, to about 6,000 men. With this force, as every 
military man must admit who has seen the ground, it was entirely impos- 
sible to invest Monterey so closely as to prevent the escape of the garri- 
son. Although the main communication with the interior was in our 
possession, yet one route was open to the Mexicans throughout the ope- 
rations, and could not be closed, as were also other minor tracks and 
passes through the mountains. Had we, therefore, insisted on more 
rigorous terms than those granted, the result would have been the escape 
of the body of the Mexican force, with the destruction of its artillery and 
magazines; our only advantage being the capture of a few prisoners of 
war. at the expense of valuable lives and much damage to the city. The 
consideration of humanity was present to my mind during the conference 
winch led to the convention, and outweighed in my judgment the doubtful 
advantages to be gained by a resumption of the attack upon the town. 
onclusion lias been fully confirmed by an inspection of the enemy's 
n and means since the surrender. It was discovered that his 
principal magazine, containing an immense amount of powder, was in 
tli'- cathedral, completely exposed to our shells from two directions. The 
explosion of this mass of powder, which must have ultimately resulted 
from a continuance of the bombardment, would have been infinitely dis- 
astrous, involving the destruction not only of Mexican troops, but of 
non-combatants, and even our own people, had we pressed the attack." 
f '" In regard to the temporary cessation of hostilities, the fact that 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 161 

Taylor that lie would perceive by the tenor of the 
dispatches from the War Department, that the Gov- 
ernment did not contemplate the occurrence of any 
contingency in the prosecution of the war in which 
it would be expedient to suspend hostilities before 
the offer of acceptable terms of peace; and also 
gave him instructions to terminate the armistice 
immediately.* It cannot be regarded in any other 
light than as a most unfortunate result, that after a 
loss of 12 officers and 108 men killed, 31 officers 
and 337 men wounded in capturing the city, that 
8,000 Mexicans should be suffered to retire with 
arms in their hands without even a parole of honor 
that they would not fight again during the war. 
That Ampudia would have acceded to any terms 
when his head-quarters were brought under the fire 

we are not at this moment (within eleven days of the termination of the 
period fixed by the convention) prepared to move forward in force, is a 
sufficient explanation of the military reasons which dictated this suspen- 
sion of arms. It paralyzed the enemy during a period when, from the 
want of necessary means, we could not possibly move. I desire distinctly 
to state, and to call the attention of the authorities to the fact, that with 
all diligence in breaking mules and setting up wagons, the first wagons in 
addition to our original train from Corpus Christi (and but 125 in number) 
reached my head-quarters on the same day with the Secretary's commu- 
nication of October 13th, viz., the 2d inst. At the date of the surrender 
of Monterey our force had not more than ten days' rations ; and even now, 
with all our endeavors, we have not more than twenty-five. The task of 
fighting and beating the enemy is among the least difficult that we en- 
counter ; the great question of supplies necessarily controls all the ope- 
rations in a country like this. At the date of the convention I could not. 
of course, have foreseen that the department would direct an important 
detachment from my command without consulting me, or without waiting 
the result of the main operation under my orders." — Letter of General 
Taylor to the Secretary of War, November 8lh, 1846. 

* Letter of Mr. Marcy to General Taylor, October 13th, 1846. 
11 



162 HISTORY OF THE 

of Worth's artillery, there is every reason to be- 
lieve. As it was, the victory cannot be considered 
as complete, when the right to salute their flag was 
extended to the enemy, and permission given him 
to resume hostilities again. 

The destinies of Mexico were at this time con- 
trolled by Santa Anna. In August, 1846, the 
power of Paretics was overthrown, and shortly after 
Santa Anna returned from Havana to Mexico. The 
permission given by Mr. Polk to Santa Anna to re- 
turn to Mexico,* has been made the subject of 
much animadversion. It has been insisted that he 
offered no obstructions to the return of the ablest 
of the Mexican chieftains. During the war, public 
opinion rather condemned this act upon the part of 
Mr. Polk, but the time has now arrived when it can 
be examined with more calmness, and all the cir- 
cumstances which evidently controlled him in grant- 
ing that permission, can be impartially considered. 
It will be recollected that the basis of the revolu- 
tion which placed Paredes in power, was the fact, 
that Berrera had accepted overtures for the settle- 
ment of the difficulties between the two countries.-)* 

* [" PRIVATE AND CONFIDENTIAL.] 

"United States Navy Department, May 13, 1846. 
" Commodore : [f Santa Anna endeavors to enter the Mexican ports, 
rou will allow him to pass freely. 

• Respectfully, yon,-. GEORGE BANCROFT. 

" Commodore David Conner, commanding Home Squadron." 

f " We now turn a glance to Mexico, where will he found established 
the government of General Paredes. As one of the motives by which the 
revolutionists supported their pronunciamento, was, that the administration 
oi 1 ierrera did not desire to carry on this war ; the new Government was 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 163 

Paredes was not only the most clamorous of all the 
Mexican chieftains for a war with the United States, 
but he was known to be a monarchist in principle. 
If necessary to enable them to contend successfully 
against the United States, he was in favor of call- 
ing to the aid of Mexico a foreign power, by the 
tender of a throne. Although it might be a trivial 
affair to chastise the insolence of the Mexicans, yet 
it would be more difficult, if they were able to 
obtain the aid of France and Spain. This was a 
consummation by no means improbable. The ba- 
lance of power doctrine had been proclaimed by 
Guizot — a doctrine against which our Government 
is committed. For the purpose, then, of preventing 
an alliance between Mexico and any of the Euro- 
pean powers, either to obtain troops to fight her 
battles, or to make that country a dependency of 
France or Spain, it was perfectly justifiable in Mr. 
Polk to produce internal dissensions in Mexico. 
Independent of this view of the subject, we had a 
perfect right to produce as much anarchy and con- 
fusion in that motley assemblage called republicans, 
as possible. Whatever may have been the crimes 

bound to do so at any cost." — Mexican History of the War in Mexico, 
p. 38. 

" The command of the division of reserve, destined to operate on the 
frontier of Texas, was intrusted to General Paredes, who, although he 
had, from causes of personal dissatisfaction, contributed to the overthrow 
of Santa Anna, has always been known as the advocate of centralism, or 
rather of a military despotism, ordered to advance several months since, to 
the line of the Rio del Norte, he has, on various frivolous pretexts, con- 
stantly disobeyed or evaded his instructions, and the government, although 
it cannot have been ignorant of his hostile intentions, has not dared to dis- 
place him." — Letter of Mr. Slidell to Mr. Buchanan, December 27th, 
1845. Executive Documents, 1st session 30th Congress, p. 34. 



104 HISTORY OF THE 

committed by Santa Anna, he was certainly opposed 
to the establishment of a monarchy in Mexico. 
That danger, then, was not to be apprehended, if 
he once more obtained the reins of government. 
Besides, the hope was entertained that he would 
employ his influence in restoring pacific relations 
between the two countries .* 

Those persons who have so fiercely assailed the 
conduct of Mr. Polk, in permitting Santa Anna to 
let urn, may not be apprised of the fact, that the pre- 
sent Chief Magistrate of this country placed reliance 
in the declarations of Santa Anna, that he was 
favorable to peace.f He supposed, that the change 
of Government in Mexico (in his letter defending 
himself for granting an armistice), since his last in- 
structions, fully warranted him in listening to the 
propositions of Ampudia. That cTixmge of Goverri- 
■in< n! was the substitution of Santa Anna for Gene- 

* Again : " In the course of civil war, the Government of General Pa- 
redes was overthrown. We could not hut look upon this as a fortunate 
event, believing that any other administration, representing Mexico, would 
be less deluded, more patriotic, and more prudent — looking to the com- 
mon good, weighing probabilities, strength, resources, and, above all. the 
general opinion as to the inevitable results of a national war. We were 
deceived — as perhaps you, Mexicans, were also deceived, in judging of the 
real intentions of General Santa Anna, whom you recalled, and whom 
our Government permitted to return." — Proclamation of General Scott to 
W i irinis, May 11, 1847, at Jalapa. 

f "In the conference with General Ampudia, I was distinctly told by 
him thai he had invited it to spare the further effusion of blood, and be- 
cause General Santa Anna had declared himself favorable to peace. I 
l.i" '. that our Government had made propositions to that of Mexico to ne- 
and I deemed that the change of Government in that country since 
my last instructions, lully warranted me in entertaining considerations of 
policy." — Dispatches of General Taylor to the War Department, Novem- 
ber 8th, 1846. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 165 

ral Paredes, as the President of Mexico. The in- 
■'struct ions to which he refers, did not contemplate 
that any contingency would happen in the prosecu- 
tion of the war, in which it would be expedient to 
suspend hostilities before the offer of acceptable 
terms of peace.* Under these instructions, then, 
when General Taylor agreed to a suspension of hos- 
tilities, he must have believed, not only that Santa 
Anna would offer acceptable terms of peace, but 
that he had already done so. Placing the permis 
sion given Santa Anna to return to Mexico, alone 
upon the ground of his supposed exertions to pro- 
duce peace, the two American Executives were 
both deceived, and the judgments of neither proved 
infallible. 

On the 27th of July, 1846, the President of 
the United States caused propositions to be made 
to the Mexican Government, for the termination of 
existing difficulties in a treaty of peace.f This pro- 
position was responded to by the Mexican autho- 
rities, August 31st following. The only answer 
made to this conciliatory offer was the proposition 
to lay it before the Mexican Congress, to be as- 
sembled on the 6th of December thereafter. J Too 
little reliance was placed in the favorable action of 
that body, to authorize a suspension of hostilities 
for so long a period. They had proved too regard- 
less of plighted faith, to render it at all probable, 

* Letter of Mr. Marcy to General Taylor, October 13, 1846. 

f Letter of Mr. Buchanan, to the Minister of Foreign Relations of the 
Mexican Republic, July 27, 1846. 

\ Letter of Manuel Crescencio Rejon. Mexican Secretary of Foreign 
Affairs, August 31, 1846. 



166 HISTOET OF THE 

that whore no pledges were made, the Mexican 
Congress would agree to terms unless they were 
forced by stern necessity; and the proposition of 
the Mexican Government was rejected, and they 
were informed that the appeal to arms would be 
continued. 

The column under Brigadier General Wool, 
consisting of about 1,400 men, destined for the con- 
quest of Chihuahua, was put in motion from San 
Antonia de Bexar, on the L H .)th of September, 1846. 
Crossing the Rio Grande, he traversed Coahuila 
and arrived at Monclova, on the 31st of October, 
and was well received by the inhabitants.* The 
force of General Wool having been diverted from 
its original destination, it never reached Chihuahua, 
and he subsequently joined his command to the 
army of General Taylor. 

On the 30th of June, Brigadier General Kearny, 
with 1,000 regulars and volunteers, marched from 
Fort Leavenworth, in the direction of Santa FC, 
where he arrived after a march of 873 miles, on the 
18th of August, and took possession of New Mexico 
by a bloodless achievement. The Mexican forces 
under the command of Governor Armijo, amount- 
ing to 4,000, ingloriously fled ; and the Governor 
himself, with a small party of dragoons, departed in 
haste for Chihuahua. General Kearny was autho- 
rized to muster into service a battalion from among 
the emigrants, who were on their way to Oregon 
and California; in addition to this force, 1,000 volun- 
were started from Missouri to reinforce him. 

* The rctiort of the Secretary of War, December, 1846. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 167 

In August, 1846, General Kearny communicated 
to the War Department the fact, that he had under 
his command a greater number of trooj)s than was 
necessary to retain possession of Santa Fe, and for 
the conquest of California ; and that he proposed 
sending a portion of them to reinforce General Wool, 
whom he supposed was advancing upon Chihuahua.* 
On the 23d of September, 1846, Colonel Doni- 
phan, with the first regiment of Missouri volunteers 
started upon that celebrated march, which has not 
inaptly been compared to that of Xenophon. The 
men who composed that regiment, were young, 
hardy, and possessed of a desperate and reckless 
courage, and were well fitted for a service which 
was surrounded by so many perils. It was not 
known when Doniphan left Santa Fe, that the 
column under the command of General Wool had 
been diverted from its movement upon Chihuahua, 
and he therefore penetrated with his small band of 
heroes into a country that thronged with foes, and 
which had never been trod by the footsteps of an 
American soldier. 

On the 25th of December, the advance guard 
of his regiment was met by the Mexicans in force, 
in the vicinity of Brazito, where a battle ensued, 
resulting in the total overthrow of the enemy, with 
a loss on their part of nearly 200 killed and wound- 
ed, and on that of the Americans of only 7 wounded. 
Less than 500 Americans in this engagement de- 
feated 1,200 Mexicans. Continuing his march, 
Doniphan, entered El Passo without again en- 



* Report of the Secretary of War, December, 1846. 



liN HISTORY OF THE 

countering a foe. It was here ascertained, that the 
movement had to be made without the aid of Gene- 
ral Wool ; and the command was detained until 
February, for the purpose of receiving reinforce- 
ments of artillery from Santa Fe, when the force 
continued to advance towards Chihuahua. 

On the 28th of February, 1847, they discovered 
a large force of Mexicans, intrenched behind their 
batteries at the pass of Sacramento. It was at once 
determined to storm the Mexican intrenchments ; 
they were furiously assaulted, and defended with 
eoual desperation. The ardor of the Americans 
proved irresistible; the fortifications were scaled, 
the enemy was driven from his artillery with dread- 
ful slaughter, and the victory was signal and com- 
plete. Our troops entered the capital of Chihua- 
hua in triumph, and shortly after proceeded to join 
General Taylor at Monterey. If we except the 
bloody victory of Molino del Eey, there was no 
more brilliant achievement during the whole war, 
than the triumph at the battle of Sacramento. The 
Mexican force- amounted to more than 4,000, and 
their Loss in killed and wounded was about 600 ; 
while the entire force of the Americans was less 
than 900, and their killed and wounded did not ex- 
ceed 9 men. Thus the march of Colonel Doniphan 
and ]\\< men for more than 1,000 miles through a 
hostile country, was rendered still more glorious by 
his triumphs in two battles against greatly supe- 
ri< >y Handlers. 

In September, lsir», General Kearny with a 
regular force of about 300 dragoons, in pursuance 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 169 

of the instructions from the War Department, 
started for California. Passing down the Kio 
Grande more than 200 miles, he prepared to cross 
over to the river Gila, but after advancing about 
180 miles, he was met by an express from California 
dispatched by Colonel Fremont. Deeming it un- 
necessary to take an additional force into that coun- 
try, he ordered most of his troops to return to 
Santa Fe, and continued himself with about 100 
men. 

In May, 1845, Captain Fremont left Washing- 
ton, under orders from the War Department, to 
continue his explorations beyond the Kocky Moun- 
tains — a service purely of a scientific character. 
There were no soldiers under his command, and the 
sixty-two men who made up his party were taken 
as a protection against the Indians. His route lay 
through a portion of California that was settled, 
and he was fully apprised of the danger of a rup- 
ture between Mexico and the United States, and 
was resolved to give no umbrage to the authorities 
in California. Leaving his company 100 miles from 
Monterey, he proceeded to that place alone, for the 
purpose of explaining to Castro the object of his 
mission, and to obtain permission to enter the val- 
ley of the San Joaquin, to obtain forage for his 
horses and provisions for the men. His request 
was granted ; but scarcely had he arrived at the 
place which he had selected, before he received in- 
formation that General Castro was preparing to 
overwhelm him with a superior force. For the 
purpose of defending himself from this unwarran- 



170 niSTOEY OF THE 

table attack, lie intrenched his men upon a moun- 
tain thirty miles distant from Monterey. There he 
remained from the 7th to the 10th of March, 1846, 
without being attacked by the Mexicans; and he at 
length yielded to the wishes of some of his men, 
discharged them, and pursued his march for Oregon. 
After being attacked by hostile Indians, who were 
instigated by General Castro, he was informed that 
Castro himself was advancing against him at the 
head of more than 400 men, and that the Ameri- 
can settlers in the valley of the Sacramento, as well 
as his own party, were to be involved in the scheme 
of destruction. Driven in self-defence to repel the 
foe — who like a wolf hung upon his footsteps ; on the 
6th of June, 1846, he determined to overthrow the 
Mexican authority in California. By rapidity of 
movement he surprised several parties, and obtained 
p, >ssession of nine brass cannon and several hundred 
stand of alius. Castro was driven from one posi- 
tion to another, until he reached Cuidad de Los An- 
geles. Colonel Fremont having formed a junction 
with Commodore Stockton, their united forces, on 
the 12th of August, 1846, entered the city of the 
Angels, the Governor General Pico, and the rest of 
the Mexican authorities, having fled. Commodore 
Stockton took possession of the whole country, and 
appointed Colonel lYciiiont Governor. In the short 
<\>:u-c of sixty days the conquest of a country was 
achieved, which has more recently attracted the 
attention of the civilized world. 

The operations thus far had failed to produce 
the desired result of forcing Mexico to conclude a 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 171 

peace. Far greater obstinacy was manifested by 
the Mexicans than was anticipated by those persons 
who did not understand the characteristics of the 
Spanish race. The victories upon the Rio Grande 
and the capture of Monterey did not produce a 
termination of the war, and the necessity of carry- 
ing out the comprehensive plan laid down by the 
War Department became now perfectly apparent. 
For the purpose of conciliating the Mexican inhabit- 
ants, the burdens of the contest which are ordina- 
rily borne by the citizens of an invaded country, 
had been withheld. The private property which 
was appropriated for the use of the army was paid 
for at a fair price. This was far from having the 
effect of rendering them clamorous for peace ; on 
the contrary, protected as they were from exactions 
by their own authorities, and furnished with a pro- 
fitable market for their produce, it was highly favor- 
able to their interests that the war should be con- 
tinued. An army of invasion possesses the un- 
doubted right of not only drawing its supplies from 
the enemy without paying for them, but to exact 
contributions for its support. This is often a very 
effective way of bringing public opinion to bear 
upon the subject. The departure from this rule 
was made as a matter of policy, to avoid arousing 
the Mexican nation en masse against us. Instruc- 
tions were issued from the War Department to 
General Taylor, to require contributions to be made 
of supplies for the army without paying for them, 
if he was satisfied that his army could be subsisted 



172 niSTORY OF TIIE 

in that way* A letter was addressed by the War 
Department to General Taylor, September 22d, 
L846, informing him that it was contemplated to 
make a movement in the direction of Tampico, but 
la- was advised that it was not designed to with- 
draw any of the force then with him, nor to divert 
any of the reinforcements which might be neces- 
sary to enable him to advance beyond Monterey. 
Be was told that communications would be made 
immediately from the War Department to Gene- 
ral Patterson, because the time it would take to 
receive information from him and to send the reply 
from the War Department, might be the very mo- 
ment for striking an effective blow. This com- 
munication called forth a protest, prompt and ex- 
plicit, from General Taylor.f He insisted that 
while he was at the head of the army in Mexico, 
lie \\<.uld be held responsible for its operations, and 
therefore claimed the right of organizing all de- 
tachments from it, and of controlling the time and 
manner of their service. In the dispatch of Gen- 
eral Taylor of October loth, 184G, he reported at 
considerable length his views with regard to an 
onward movement in the direction of San Luis 
Potosi. It was his opinion that to insure success 
in the advance upon that city it would require an 
army 20,000 strong, L0,000 of which should be 
regular troops, and that besides this force, 5,000 

• Letter (if Secretary of War to General Taylor, September 22d, 

; I' , tch of General Taylor to the War Department, October 15th, 
1846. 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 173 

men would be required to keep possession of the 
country already under our control.* In the same 
communication he expressed himself, in view of the 
difficulties and expense of a movement into the 
heart of Mexico, favorable to the occupation of a 
defensive line.f That line was the Sierra Madre, 

* " In view of the above facts, I hazard nothing in saying that a 
column to move on San Luis from Saltillo, should, to insure success, be 
at least 20,000 strong, of which 10,000 should be regular troops. After 
much reflection, I consider the above as the smallest number of effective 
troops that could be employed on this service without incurring the hazard 
of disaster and perhaps defeat. There would be required, besides, to 
keep open our long line, protect the depots, and secure the country 
already gained, a force of 5,000 men ; this, without including the force 
necessary to send to Tampico, to take or hold that place. 

" And now I come to the point presented in the Secretary's letter. A 
simultaneous movement on San Luis and Tampico is there suggested ; 
but it will readily be seen that with only one-half the force which I con- 
sider necessary to march on one point, it is quite impossible to march on 
both ; and that nothing short of an effective force of 25,000 to 30,000 
men would, on military principles, justify the double movement. And it 
is to be remarked that the possession of Tampico is indispensable in case 
we advance to San Luis, for the line hence to the latter place is entirely 
too long to be maintained permanently, and must be abandoned for the 
shorter one from Tampico the moment San Luis is taken. 

" I have spoken only of the number of troops deemed necessary for the 
prosecution of the campaign beyond Saltillo. It will be understood that 
largely increased means and material of every kind will be equally ne- 
cessary to render the army efficient ; such as cavalry and artillery horses, 
means of transport, ordnance stores, &c." 

f " It may be expected that I should give my views as to the policy 
of occupying a defensive line, to which I have above alluded. I am free 
to confess that, in view of the difficulties and expense attending a move- 
ment into the heart of the country, and particularly in view of the un- 
settled and revolutionary character of the Mexican Government, the occu- 
pation of such a line seems to me the best course that can be adopted. 
The line taken might either be that on which we propose to insist as the 
boundary between the republics — say the Rio Grande, or the line to which 
we have advanced, viz., the Sierra Madre, including Chihuahua and Santa 
Fe. The former line could be held with a much smaller force than the lat- 



174 HISTORY OF THE 

including Chihualma and Santa Fe, or the Rio 

Grande. The opinion, then, of General Taylor was 
distinctly expressed, that an advance beyond the 
Sierra Madre was impolitic. 

To enable General Taylor to dispense with the 
corps under General Worth, it was intimated to 
him that it would be better to order General Wool 
to join him, if it was not contemplated to hold 
possession of Coahuila or Chihuahua.* That com- 
mander himself admitted, that nothing would be 
gained by an advance upon Chihuahua by General 
Wool's column, at all commensurate with the exces- 
sive length of his line of operations.f There were 

ter ; but even the lino of the Sierra Madre could be held with a force greatly 
ii would be required for an active campaign. Monterey controls 
itlet from the interior. A strong garrison at this point, with 
an advance at Saltillo and small corps at Monclova, Linares, Victoria and 
Tampico, would effectually cover the line." — Letter of General Taylor to 
the Secretary of War, October 15th, 1846. 

* " It is not doubted that General Wool will be able to capture Chihua- 
hua ; but if the population should be disposed, as it is apprehended they 
will be, to obstruct his movements and withhold supplies, it is doubtful 
whether he lias a sufficient force to sustain himself long in that position. 
Should the contemplated military and naval operations on the Gulf coast be 
put in execution, troops to reinforce him, in case his condition required 
it. cannot well be spared. Under a full view of all the circumstances, it is 
siiM-^'sti'd whether it would not be best to have his force united with yours 
at Monterey, or on the Rio Grande." — Letter of Mr. Marcy to General 
T r,0 lober 22d, 1846. 

! ■ Brigadier General Wool, with a portion of his force, arrived at 
Monclova on the 29th of October, and is now joined by the rear division. 
II" reports no practicable route to Chihuahua except the one by Parras, 
which will bring within a few leagues of Saltillo. He inquires, what is 
to be gained by going to Chihualma ? And 1 am free to answer, nothing 
at all commensurate with the excessive length of his line of operations. 
Chihuahua, moreover, is virtually conquered, and can be occupied at any 
we hold Saltillo and Santa Fe." — Letter of General Taylor 
to Mr M trey, Vovember 9th, 1846. 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 175 

no reasons then, why General Wool should not he 
ordered to join his column with that of General 
Taylor. 

The design of making a descent upon Victoria 
and Tampico had not been abandoned. The column 
destined for this expedition reached Victoria on the 
23d of January, 1847, but before its arrival a naval 
force, under the command of Commodore Perry, 
had taken possession of Tampico. The descent of 
the fleet upon this place was made for the purpose 
of masking the movement upon Vera Cruz. In the 
mean time, General Wool was stationed at Parras 
with 2,400 men, and General Worth with his com- 
mand of 1,200 men was advanced to Saltillo, while 
the headquarters of General Butler were at Monte- 
rey.* General Taylor himself left Monterey on the 
15th of December, for the purpose of forming a 
junction with General Patterson at Victoria. His 
course was, however, arrested before reaching that 
place, by a dispatch from General Worth, conveying 
the information that Santa Anna was about to avail 
himself of the diversion in the direction of Victo- 
ria, for the purpose of making a descent upon the 
advanced posts of the army. Taylor returned with 
the regular troops under his command to Monterey. 
General Worth was promptly reinforced by the di- 
vision under the command of General Wool, and 
by the disposable force at Monterey under General 
Butler. General Taylor himself was advancing to 
Saltillo, when he was informed that the advanced 

* Report of General Taylor to the War Department, December 8th, 
1846. 



176 HISTORY OF THE 

]><>-4s of the Mexicans had been withdrawn. He 
then continued in the direction of Victoria, where 
he arrived on the 4th of January, 1847, and awaited 
further communications from General Scott. The 
i loops of the United States now held possession of 
the country this side of the Sierra Madre, extend- 
in- from Tampico to Saltillo and Santa Fe ; still 
Mexico refused to accede to terms. It was there- 
fore resolved to make a descent upon Vera Cruz, 
and to strike at the heart of the Mexican territory. 
While the line of the Sierra Madre was to be re- 
tained, and the advance of our troops in the direc- 
tion of San Luis was to be left for future determi- 
nation, a large force under the immediate command 
of General Scott was preparing to attack the castle 
of San Juan de Ulloa. As early as September, 
1846, the attention of the Government was directed 
to thai quarter, and on the 23d of November there- 
after, General Scott received instructions from the 
War Department to place himself at the head of 
the invading forces. This was done without the 
least injustice to General Taylor, who had advanced 
into the enemy's country as far as he thought advi- 
sable, and was very properly left to defend what 
had been so gallantly acquired ; while the command 
of the other column was very appropriately assigned 
to the Commander-in-chief of the army. 

Thai the very kindest feelings were entertained 
by Genera] Scott towards General Taylor, there 
can be no doubt." And that there was a discre- 

•• I shall much regret not having an early opportunity of felicitating 
you in person upon your many brilliant achievements; but we may meet 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 177 

tionary power left to General Taylor as to the num- 
ber of troops lie would suffer to be withdrawn from 
his liue of operations, is i erfectly undeniable.* 

somewhere in the interior of Mexico. I am not coming, my dear General, 
to supersede you in the immediate command on the line of operations 
rendered illustrious by you and your gallant army. My proposed theatre 
is different. But, my dear General, I shall be obliged to take from you 
most of the gallant officers and men (regulars and volunteers), whom you 
have so long and so nobly commanded. I am afraid that I shall, by impe- 
rious necessity — the approach of the yellow fever on the Gulf coast — re- 
duce you, for a time, to stand on the defensive. This will be infinitely 
painful to you, and for that reason distressing to me. But I rely upon 
your patriotism to submit to the temporary sacrifice with cheerfulness. No 
man can better afford to do so. Recent victories place you on that high 
eminence, and I even flatter myself that any benefit that may result to 
me personally from the unequal division of troops alluded to, will lessen 
the pain of your consequent inactivity." — Letter of General Scott to Gene- 
ral Taylor, dated at New- York, November 25lh, 1846. 

* " In looking at the present disposition of the troops, it appears to be 
scarcely possible to get the requisite number of regulars without drawing 
some of those now with you at Monterey, or on the way to that place. 
Should you decide against holding military possession of any place in Coa- 
huila or Chihuahua, and order the troops under General Wool to join you, 
it is presumed that the requisite force for the expedition to Vera Cruz 
could be detached without interfering with your plans of operation. Whilst 
the Government is anxious that nothing should occur to prevent the expe- 
dition to Vera Cruz, regarding it of great importance, yet if by withdraw- 
ing from your immediate command the force necessary for this purpose the 
army with you may be placed in danger, this expedition must for the pre- 
sent be either deferred or abandoned — a result deeply to be regretted. On 
the spot, you will know the strength of the force advancing against you, 
and the number of troops necessary to resist it ; you will by no means 
weaken yourself so as to expose the army under your command to the 
probable hazard of disaster. It is desirable to avoid delay ; you will, there- 
fore, unless it materially interferes with your own plan of operations, or 
weakens you too much in your present position, make the necessary ar- 
rangements for having four thousand men (of whom fifteen hundred or 
two thousand should be regular troops), ready to embark for Vera Cruz, 
or such other destination as may be given them, at the earliest practicable 
period. The place of embarkation will probably be the Brazos Santiago, 
or in that vicinity." — Letter of the Secretary of War to General Taylor, 
12 



178 IIISTOEY OF THE 

During the first session of the 29th Congress, the 
President recommended to Congress to make an ap- 
propriation of money to be placed under the con- 
trol of the Executive, to be used, if necessary, in 
concluding a treaty of peace with Mexico. There 
was a precedent for this application. On the 26th 
of February, 1803, two millions of dollars was 
placed at the disposal of President Jefferson, for the 
purpose of enabling him to acquire Louisiana from 
France, and the same amount was appropriated in 
1806, to enable him to acquire the Florid as from 
Spain. The appropriation desired by Mr. Polk 
was not made until the second session of the 29th 
Congress, when the object of the law was distinctly 
specified* 

Scarcely had Congress convened, in December, 
1846, before the conduct of General Kearny, in es- 
tablishing a civil government in New Mexico, was 
made the subject of animated discussion. It was 
vehemently asserted that Mr. Polk had been guilty 
of a lawless assumption of power not delegated by 
the Constitution; and the gallant officers he had 
sent to conquer New Mexico and California, were 
denounced as his "satraps and tetrarehs."f On the 

October -I-ld, 1846. Executive Documents, 2d session 29th Congress. 
Volume 1. Doc. No. 119. p. 86. 

* "To enable the President to conclude a treaty of peace, limits and 
boundaries, with the Republic of Mexico, to he used by him in the event 

! treaty, when signed by the authorized agents of the two Govern- 
ment-, and duly ratified by .Mexico, shall call for the expenditure of the 
same, or any part thereof." — Act of 1847. 

He (Mr. D.) had not proposed to inquire of the President as to the 
manner in which he had conducted, or proposed to conduct the operations 
• it the war; because he was too well acquainted with his own position and 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 179 

15th of December a resolution passed the House of 
Representatives, requesting the President to com- 
municate to that body, all orders and instructions 
which he had given to the commanders of the army 
and navy concerning the establishment of civil gov- 
ernment in any portion of the territory of Mexico.* 
It was expected by the opposition members of Con- 
gress, that he had transcended his constitutional 

duty as a member of Congress, and that of the President. But when he 
saw foreign countries occupied by our army and navy ; when he heard 
officers of our Government proclaiming themselves governors of provinces, 
appointing subordinate officers, fixing their salaries and the duration of 
their offices — establishing, in a word, the whole machine of civil govern- 
ment, he demanded of the President his authority for permitting and sanc- 
tioning such a course of proceedings. What ! was our American Presi- 
dent an emperor, sending forth his Agrippa and his Marcellus, his pro- 
consuls, to establish and to govern the provinces they might conquer by 
force of arms ? Was the President of the United States, an officer deriv- 
ing his breath and being from the Constitution of the United States, to 
authorize his satraps and his tetrarchs to set up governments at their plea- 
sure, and prescribe to them laws and regulations at their discretion ? If 
he could, Mr. D. wanted to know under what grant of the Constitution lie 
exercised such a power ? The President, he admitted, was made by the 
Constitution commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United 
States, and he could do, in time of war, whatever pertained to that author- 
ity. He could do nothing, however, in relation to the conduct of either 
army or navy, but what grew out of, and was immediately connected with, 
that authority. But for the express grant of the Constitution, he could 
do nothing in conducting the war at all. The whole duty would, in that 
case, devolve upon Congress, and such agents as Congress might be 
pleased to appoint. The President could discharge no function in rela- 
tion to the war, but such as resided in him as Commander-in-chief of the 
army and navy of the country. As President, he could legitimately take 
no part in a war of conquest — none whatever — none, none. Then Mr. D. 
wanted to know from the President, and from his partisans, by what im- 
perial or regal authority his majesty undertook to act in the premises re- 
ferred to in the resolution of inquiry." — Speech of Garret Davis, Kentucky, 
H.-of R. V. S., December 9, 1846. 

* Congressional Globe, 2d session 29th Congress. 



180 HISTORY OF THE 

powers, in giving orders to the commanders of the 
army, and upon the strength of that assumption, 
before the resolution of inquiry was passed, he was 
freely characterized by all those appellations which 
do not indicate an honest man. But in this in- 
stance, as well as in many others, they entirely mis- 
conceived the character of the Executive, and it was 
a long time before they could be convinced that he 
was a perfect master of the powers which apper- 
tained to his office, and that he would fearlessly dis- 
ci Li i rge them, regardless of the consequences. On 
the 22d of December, 1846, Mr. Polk transmitted to 
the House of Representatives all the orders or in- 
structions which had been issued to our officers with 
regar< 1 1< > the establishment of civil governments. In 
that communication he stated that the regulations 
authorized were temporary, and dependent on the 
rights acquired by conquest, and were but the ame- 
liorations of martial law . 

Among the documents which the President 
transmitted with that message to the House, was 
the form of government established and organized 
by General Kearny, at Santa Fe, which was not 
brought to the notice of the President until after 
hi> annual message of the 8th of December, 1 840.* 
The government organized and established by Ge- 
neral Kearny never did receive the sanction of the 
Executive. That organic law is a very curious 
compilation. It occupies forty-six pages in the Exe- 
cutive documents, and is assuredly a rare produc- 

• Letter of the Secretary of War to the President, December 21, 
1846 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 181 

tion ; and no one can peruse it, who is aware that 
laws of that kind can only be passed by Congress, 
without being amused at the naivete with which 
this modern Solon compiled a constitution and laws 
for New Mexico ; and it is difficult to believe that 
the whole affair was not a broad joke.* 

* ORGANIC LAW OF THE TERRITORY OF NEW MEXICO. 

The Government of the United States of American ordains and estab- 
lishes the following Organic Law, for the territory of New Mexico, which 
has become a territory of the said Government. 

ARTICLE I. 

Sec. 1. The country heretofore known as New Mexico, shall be 
known hereafter, and designated as the territory of New Mexico, in the 
United States of America, and the temporary government of the said 
territory shall be organized and administered in the manner herein pre- 
scribed. 

ARTICLE II. 

EXECUTIVE POWER. 

Sec. 1. The Executive power shall be vested in a Governor, who 
shall reside in the said territory, and hold his office for two years, unless 
sooner removed by the President of the United States. 

ARTICLE III. 

LEGISLATIVE POWER. 

Sec. 1. The Legislative power shall be vested in a General Assembly, 
which shall consist of the Legislative Council and a House of Representa- 
tives. 

Sec. 8. All free male citizens of the territory of New Mexico, who 
then are, and for three months next preceding the election, shall have 
been residents of the county or district in which they shall offer to vote, 
shall be entitled to vote for a delegate to the Congress of the United 
States, and for members of the General Assembly, and for all other 
officers elected by the people. 

ARTICLE IV. 

JUDICIAL POWER. 

Sec. 1. The Judicial power shall be vested in a Superior Court; 
and inferior tribunals to be established by law. 



182 HISTORY OF THE 

The course pursued by the President and his 
subordinates in New Mexico, and California, pre- 
sents some points of the gravest consideration. The 
powers and duties of belligerents should be well 
defined. While it is admitted that a conquered 
people should not be subjected to the despotic will 
of the conqueror, regardless of the moral obligations 
of humanity; still it is undeniable, that they are 
shorn of those rights which they possessed before 
they came under his power. Mr. Polk laid down 
the doctrine correctly, when he stated, that by the 
law of nations, a conquered territory is subject to 
be governed by the conqueror while he holds mili- 
tary possession. The government which previous- 
ly existed, being superseded, it is not only the right 
but the duty of the conqueror to maintain civil 
order, which will at the same time preserve his con- 
quest.* If it was necessary, to preserve possession 
of the conquered territory, that the harsh and strin- 
gent rules of martial law should be enforced, then 
that course would be justifiable. This may be done 

Done in the Government House, in the city of Santa Fr, in the territory 
(if \e\v Mexico, by Brigadier General Stephen W. Kearny, by virtue 
ct the power and authority conferred upon him by the Government of 
the United States, this twenty-second day of September, 1816. 

S. W. KEARNY, 
Brigadier General U. S. A 

I have only copied a small portion of the Organic Law. The power 
of tin- Executive, the Legislature, and the Judiciary, were defined at great 
length, and their salaries specified. The time of electing the delegate to 
Congress was also specified. Then followed an elaborate bill of rights. 
The production can be found in vol. 3 of Executive Documents, 2d ses- 
sion 21 is8. Doc. 19, Page 27. — The Author. 
M issage of President Polk, December 8th, 1846. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 183 

for the benefit of the conqueror. But if this course 
is not necessary, rules should be established to pre- 
vent civil discord and violence. This policy is de- 
manded by the immutable principles of justice to 
the conquered people. The question presents itself 
in two points of view : the first is external, a ques- 
tion under the rules of international law, between 
us and Mexico. The other is a domestic question, 
under the Constitution of the United State, between 
the co-ordinate branches of the Government. The 
former I have briefly considered. The latter in- 
volves far more weighty considerations; the con- 
stitutional division and exercise of powers granted 
by the Constitution. The question, as to how far 
the President could exercise over conquered pro- 
vinces certain powers, had never been decided, and 
upon the establishment of a principle which should 
properly define his powers much depended. After 
mature reflection, I am convinced that the President, 
as such, possesses no power under the Constitution 
to exercise control over conquered territory during 
the existence of war. If that power be admitted, 
it can be exercised by him without being under the 
control of Congress. If so disposed, he could estab- 
lish Governments, select officers, levy armies, and 
surround himself in the conquered territories with 
all the pomp and pageant of a Sultan. But 
all the necessary powers are conferred upon him, 
under that clause of the Constitution which pro- 
claims that he is the Commander-in-chief of the army 
and navy of the United States ; in which capacity 
his conduct is under the immediate supervision of 



1 8 ! HISTORY OF THE 

the legislative power. In this view of the sub- 
ject, it will be seen that all the powers which it is 
necessary for the President to possess, are provided 
l.\ the Constitution, while the dangers which might 
result from the occupancy of the Presidential chair, 
by a man too ambitious and unscrupulous, are guard- 
ed against. The power, then, to establish all go- 
vernments necessary to preserve our conquests in 
New Mexico, is obviously derived from the position 
of Mr. Polk as the Commander-in-chief of the army. 

Passing? to the consideration of the attack made 
in Congress upon Mr. Polk, because he had estab- 
lished through his subordinate a civil government 
in that portion of the country, which he had him- 
self, in effect, claimed to be a part of Texas ; I can 
only say that Santa Fe belonged either to Texas or 
Mexico. If to the former, it was nevertheless in 
the possession and under the control of the Mexi- 
cans, at the time the force under General Kearny 
Beized it for and in behalf of the United States, 
and held it under the necessities of the case, by 
military possession. If, on the contrary,it belonged 
to Mexico, it was rightfully held as a conquered 
province; and in either point of view Mr. Polk was 
guilty of no act of usurpation. 

A.bou1 the 15th of December, 1846, Colonel 
Price, who had been left in command of New Mex- 
ico, received information of an attempt to excite an 
insurrection among the people of that section of 
the country. On the L9th of January, 1847, Go- 
vernor Bent, together with five other persons, were 
murdered at Taos. This was quickly followed by 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 185 

other butcheries in that vicinity. Colonel Price 
was informed of these events on the 20th of Janu- 
ary, and also that the Mexicans were advancing 
upon Santa Fe. He at once resolved to meet them. 
His force amounted to only three hundred and fifty- 
three rank and file. The enemy were concentrated 
near the town of Canada, in the vicinity of the Rio 
del Norte, and were intrenched upon the heights 
commanding the road to that town, and had forti- 
fied three strong houses at the base of the hill. 
The American artillery was immediately opened 
upon these positions, and in a short time the Mexi- 
cans were flying in every direction. The number 
of the enemy was estimated at 1500, and his loss 
was thirty-six killed. The loss of the Americans 
was two killed and six wounded. 

Some six hundred Mexicans were discovered 
upon the hills near the pass of Embrido, who were 
repulsed by two hundred Americans. The enemy 
retreated, and fortified himself, to the number of 
six hundred, in the Pueblo de Taos, a place of re- 
markable strength, whither he was followed by the 
Americans, now numbering about 490 men. It 
was surrounded by adobe walls and strong pickets,* 
and inclosed several buildings of sufficient capacity to 
hold several hundred men. On the 3d the artillery 
opened upon the place, but without much effect. The 
batteries re-opened upon the town on the morning of 
the fourth. The guns were not of sufficiently large 
calibre to penetrate the walls of the church, and it 

* See report of General Price to the Adjutant General, February 15th, 
1847. 



186 HISTOKY OF THE 

was determined to storm that building; and not- 
withstanding the most desperate resistance it was 
taken, not, however, until a six-pounder was brought 
to bear within ten yards of its walls. On the 5th 
tlic enemy proposed terms, which were accepted. 
His loss was one hundred and fifty killed, while 
that of the Americans was seven killed and forty- 
five wounded. The severe chastisement inflicted 
upon them for their dastardly murder of Ameri- 
cans produced a salutary result, which was not the 
less effective from the fact that it was performed by 
greatly inferior numbers. 

The war thus far had been triumphantly success- 
ful, and whatever disparity of numbers were en- 
gaged, victory always perched upon the American 
banner. It should not be supposed that the enemy 
were easily defeated. Their constancy under the 
most appalling fire, when the iron hail from our 
flying artillery crashed through their ranks, would 
have done honor to the most resolute veterans. At 
Palo Alto, where that instrument of death swept 
away their columns, they displayed the most un- 
daunted courage ; and at Resaca they made a gallant 
stand in the face of the American infantry and ar- 
tillery, when bayonets gleamed, and grape and can- 
i-tt'r decimated their ranks. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 187 



CHAPTER VIII. 

General Scott directed to proceed to the seat of war. — General Taylor ad- 
vised to act upon the defensive. — Complaints of General Taylor. — Move- 
ments of Santa Anna. — He advances upon Agua Nueva. — Battle of Bue- 
na Vista. — General Scott takes Vera Cruz and the castle of San Juan 
D'Ulloa. — Capture of Alvarado. — Victory of Cerro Gordo. — Jalapa and 
Perote fall into the hands of the Americans. — Appointment of Mr. Trist 
as Commissioner to Mexico. — Puebla is surrendered to General Worth. 
— Arrival of reinforcements from the United States. — The American 
army enter the Valley of Mexico. 

Soon after the war commenced, General Scott laid 
down his plan of operations for its prosecution ; and 
although at the time it was considered rather too 
elaborate and complicated, yet it may well be a 
question whether he did not write more understand- 
ingly than any one whose views were presented. 
To repulse an enemy from our territory, and to 
carry the war from our own borders into the 
heart of his territory, required not only great mili- 
tary skill, but necessarily demanded the expen- 
diture of a large amount of money. To organize 
and discipline the men, to furnish transportation, to 
provide supplies, to obtain the requisite amount of 
arms and ammunition, required no ordinary fore- 
sight and sagacity. In addition, thereto, an attempt 
was to be made upon a hostile coast, with what was 
regarded as an impregnable fortress frowning upon 
them. To surmount all these obstacles, the splendid 



1^ IIISTOKY OF THE 

military talents, and great experience of the Coin- 
mander-in-chief of the army was called forth. On 
the 23d of November, 1846, General Scott received 
orders from the Department to repair to the seat of 
war, and organize an expedition to operate on the 
Gulf coast* The operations of General Scott were 
n< it controlled by positive instructions, but he was 
left to the dictates of his own judgment in forming 
and executing his ] >lan of the campaign. In the mean 
time, General Taylor was directed by the War De- 
part incut to act upon the defensive,f and was in- 
formed that it was not advisable to penetrate be- 
yond Monterey, while the expedition against the 
sea-coast was advancing. Especial care was taken 
by the War Department to impress upon the minds 
of Scott and Taylor the danger of an attack by 
Santa Anna in the direction of Monterey, while the 
former General was advancing towards Vera Cruz.^ 
T.-iylor himself admits, that he was advised by the 
Commander-in-chief to evacuate Saltillo, but that he 
was tearful of the moral effect upon the volunteers.§ 
On the 15th of January, 1847, Taylor wrote his 
somewhat celebrated letter of com plaint to Scott, | 
in which he alludes to the number of regulars that 
were withdrawn from his line of operations, leaving 
him with less than 1,000 of that description of 

* Letter of the Secretary of War to General Scott, November 23d, 
1846. 

i letter of the Secretary of War to General Taylor, January 4th, 
1847. 

| Letter from Marcy to Scott, January 4th, 1847. 

' February 7, 1847. 

'• ol Taylor to Scott, January 15th, 1847. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 189 

troops, and a volunteer force, partly of new levies, 
to hold a defensive line. Taylor himself had spoken 
of the impracticability of penetrating to the heart 
of Mexico via San Luis, and had recommended a 
defensive line of operations. The Cabinet, however, 
differed with him upon that point ; and as they had 
determined to attack Mexico in another direction, 
it was important to ascertain how many troops 
could be spared from Taylor's command to reinforce 
General Scott. Notwithstanding the complaints of 
General Taylor, that about 4,000 men were taken 
from his division to reinforce the expedition to Vera 
Cruz, he subsequently stated to the War Depart- 
ment, that the force still remaining under his com- 
mand would enable him to hold the positions then 
occupied.* 

He was apprised that he was to act upon the 
defensive, and was especially directed to retain a 
sufficient number of troops, so that the safety of his 
army would not be endangered, f That he did re- 
tain under his command a sufficient number for that 
purpose we have seen from his letter of January 
27 th. 

I wish to be explicit upon this branch of the 

* " The force with which I am left in this quarter, though greatly de- 
ficient in regular troops, will, doubtless, enable me to hold the positions 
now occupied." — Letter of General Taylor to the War Department, Jan- 
uary 21th, 1847. 

f " On the spot, you will know the strength of the force advancing 
against you, and the number of troops necessary to resist it ; you will bv 
no means weaken yourself so as to expose the army under your command 
to the probable hazard of disaster."— Letter of Mr. Marcy to General 
Taylor, October 22d, 1846. 



190 HISTORY OF THE 

subject, because the infamous and false assertion 
, g uttered upon the floor of Congress, that Mr. 
P<»lk sought to weaken General Taylor for the pur- 
pose of having his army cut off by Santa Anna.* 
It will be seen, that the extent to which General 
Taylor would weaken himself was left entirely to 
his own discretion. As was truly stated by the 
Secretary of War, he was upon the ground, and 
was far more capable of judging what number of 
troops it would require' to defend himself against 
any column the Mexicans might bring against him. 
He had already given it as his opinion that an ad- 
vance upon San Luis Potosi was impolitic, and 
surely it will not be insisted that any greater num- 
ber of troops should have been left under his com- 
mand than was necessary to keep up the defensive 
line he had himself advocated. It cannot be said 
with truth that he granted his permission for the 
departure of the troops under General Worth, as a 
reinforcement to General Scott, because he was 
willing magnanimously to add to the laurels of a 
brother soldier at the risk of being himself sacri- 
ficed. General Taylor suffered those troops to join 
( ieneial Scott because he had no apprehensions that 
Santa Anna would advance, if at all, in sufficient 
force to jeopard the safety of his army, and because 
he tnusl have considered a large addition to Scott's 
force necessary.f His dispatches to the War De- 

* Sf>o (Jpliatns, Congressional Globe, 30th Congress. 

f •• Sin mid the Government determine to strike a decisive blow at Mex- 
ico, it ig my opinion that the force should land near Vera Cruz or Alva- 
rado, and, after establishing a secure depot, march thence on the capital. 



POLK ADMINISTE A T I O 1ST . 191 

partment on the 7 th and 14tli of February, 1847, 
are a triumphant refutation of the infamous charge 
made against the Executive. In those reports he 
states that there were rumors of Santa Anna's ad- 
vance in force from San Luis, but that he placed no 
reliance in the rumor.* If General Taylor, who 
was upon the scene of operations, placed no reli- 
ance in the rumor that he was to be attacked 1 >y 
Santa Anna, should Mr. Polk be blamed for not 
knowing that fact, when he was more than 3,000 
miles from General Taylor's head-quarters ? It 
should be remembered, that the opinion of General 
Taylor was expressed only seven days before the 
battle of Buena Vista. The falsity of the charge 
is still further proved by the dispatch of General 
Taylor after the battle of Buena Vista was fought, 
in which he says that he became assured on the 
20th of February that the enemy had assembled in 
a very heavy force at Encarnacion, thirty miles in 
front of Agua Nueva, with the evident design of 

The amount of troops required for this service would not fall short, in 
my judgment, of 25,000 men, of which at least 10,000 to be regular 
troops." — Letter of General Taylor to the War Department, October \bth, 
1846, 1th Volume Executive Documents, 1st session 29th Congress. 

* " I have no intelligence from the interior more recent or more au- 
thentic than that heretofore communicated. There is understood to be no 
considerable force in our front, nor is it likely that any serious demonstra- 
tion will be made in this direction. The frequent alarms since the middle 
of December seem to have been without substantial foundation." — Dis- 
patch of General Taylor to the War Department, February llh, 1847. 

" Rumors reach our camp, from time to time, of the projected advance 
of a Mexican force upon this position, but I think such a movement im- 
probable. The command is held at all times in readiness for the enemy." 
— Dispatch of General Taylor to the Secretary of War, February lith, 
1847. 



192 HISTORY OF THE 

attacking his position.* Here, then, it seems that 
( reneral Taylor was not assured of the advance of 
Santa Anna until two days before the battle of 
Buena Vista commenced; and that too, when he 
had in his camp Ben McCullock, the best living 
spy in the world. Under all these circumstances, 
posterity will place a just appreciation upon the 
denunciations of partisans, who could so far degrade 
themselves as to pour unmerited abuse upon the 
head of the President. Mr. Polk should not be 
held responsible for the disparity of numbers array- 
ed upon the field of Buena Vista, unless he was 
gifted with the attributes of Deity. Kit was neces- 
sary to give reasons to disprove the charge made 
against the administration, there are two which 
would prove it conclusively. The first is the im- 
probability of Mr. Polk being so utterly devoid 
<>f those feelings which characterize a man, as wil- 
lingly to place more than 5,000 men in a condition 
where they would be not only defeated, but in all 
probability exterminated. He had been accused 
of wrongfully commencing the war, and he must 
have possessed a depravity of heart perfectly incon- 
ceivable if he could wantonly peril the existence 
of those gallant men, who had left their kindred 
and their firesides to defend the honor of the conn 
try, amid the horrors of battle. The heart which 

* " Sir : — I have the honor to report, that having hecome assured on 
the 20th inst., the enemy had assembled in a very heavy force at Encar- 
Dacion, thirty miles in front of Agua Nueva, with the evident design of 
attacking my position, I broke up my camp at the latter place on the 21st, 
and took up a strong line in front of Buena Vista, seven miles south of 
Saltillo." — Dispatch of General Taylor, February 24//t, 1847. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 193 

could conceive him guilty of such unparalleled 
atrocity, must be itself devoid of honor. The se- 
cond is the fact that the farne of the administra- 
tion, as well as that of the army, depended upon 
an unbroken series of triumphs. The defeat of 
General Taylor would not only have resulted in 
the destruction of his army, but would have left to 
the mercy of the foe every soldier west of the Rio 
Grande. This would not only have been the case, 
but the operations which were in progress against 
the city of Mexico would have been arrested, and 
the whole plan of the campaign would have been 
frustrated. 

There was a difference of opinion between Scott 
and the War Department, as to the course which 
Taylor should pursue. The administration feared 
an advance by Santa Anna, and therefore cautioned 
Taylor to act upon the defensive ;* while Scott ap- 
prehended, as his demonstration upon Vera Cruz 
had been communicated to the Mexican General-in- 
Chief, that Santa Anna would concentrate his forces 
on the road leading from Mexico to the coast. He 
thought, therefore, that Taylor should manoeuvre 
offensively in the direction of San Luis.f 

* " While engaged in an expedition on the sea-coast, it is not proposed 
to penetrate the country beyond Monterey, with a view to its permanent 
occupation, though it is desirable to maintain a threatening attitude at that 
point. Monterey must be held with a sufficient force." — Letter of the Se- 
cretary of War to General Taylor, January 4lh, 1847. 

f " It is, consequently, more than possible that, before this time, the 
greater part of the Mexican army lately assembled at San Luis de Potosi 
has reached Vera Cruz, or its vicinity. Major General Taylor's mind 
has no doubt, ere this, arrived at the same conclusion ; and I shall write 
to suggest to him, at his own discretion, the advantage of manoeuvring 
13 



l'.'l HISTORY OF THE 

I have been thus explicit in alluding to this sub- 
ject, b realise it has been made, the basis of unjusti- 
fiable accusations against the administration. I 
feel no disposition to do injustice to General Taylor. 
The sensitiveness with which military men regard 
the integrity of their command is properly appre- 
ciated, and the anxiety with which they guard their 
military reputation is worthy of all commendation. 
No one can have a higher estimation of the gal- 
lantry and patriotism of that General than myself; 
and the heroism displayed by himself and his men, 
in the terrible encounter with Santa Anna, proves 
conclusively that the pledge lie made in his letter 
of complaint to General Scott," was fully redeemed. 

While the army of invasion under the Com- 
mand* r-in-Uiiei', consisting of about 12,000 men, 
Less than half the number which General Taylor 
deemed necessary to attack Mexico in that direc- 
tion,! was assembled at the island of Lobos, events 
of the greatest magnitude were occurring upon the 
northern line. 

Th<- great exertions which Santa Anna had for 
a long time been making to organize a large force 
at San Luis Potosi, at last proved successful. Ex- 

offensively in the direction of San Luis de Potosi. after being partially re- 
inforced with some of the new regiments of volunteers." — Letter of Gene- 
Mr. Marcy, February 4th, is 17. 

* "But, however much I mav feel personally mortified and outraged 
by the course pursued, unprecedented, at least, in our own history. I will 
carry out in good faith, while I remain in Mexico, the views of the ( rovern- 
ment, though 1 may be sacrificed in the effort. ' — Later of General Taylor 
i" a J rnary 15th, 1847. 

| See letterof General Tayloi to General Scott, October 15th, 1846. 
7th volume ol Executive Documents, 1st session 29th Congress. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 195 

traordinary energy had also been exhibited by the 
Mexican Government to carry out his views, and on 
the 8th of October Santa Anna found himself at 
the head of an effective force of more than 20,000 
men. Employing himself with great industry in 
disciplining the troops under his command, he 
was prepared to avail himself of a favorable oppor- 
tunity to precipitate his army through the moun- 
tain gorges of the Sierra Madre, upon the scattered 
and weakened forces of General Taylor. He knew 
the absolute necessity of arousing the desponding 
hopes of the Mexican nation by a brilliant demon- 
stration, and lie saw the time had arrived for strik- 
ing; an effective blow when General Scott was too 
far advanced towards Vera Cruz to fly to the res- 
cue of General Taylor. Leaving the city of Vera 
Cruz and the Castle of San Juan D'Ulloa to its 
fate, he determined to carry the war " into Africa." 
War was reduced to a science when Marshal 
Turenne and General Montecuculli each was aAvare 
what movement the other would make, by know- 
ing what he would do, under similar circumstan- 
ces. It is but just to admit that the administra- 
tion possessed some of that foresight and saga- 
city, which immortalized the French and Austrian 
commanders ; for they repeatedly impressed upon 
the minds of Scott and Taylor, that there was great 
danger of a sudden movement by Santa Anna from 
San Luis : while the former expected a demonstra- 
tion under the Mexican leader in the direction of 
Vera Cruz, and the latter placed no reliance in the 
rumor that a large force was advancing against him. 



L96 K I 8T0 E Y F THE 

The favorable moment for which Santa Anna 
had anxiously awaited from October until February 

had now arrived, and he rapidly advanced from 
San Luis in the direction of Agua Nueva. General 
Taylor was assured of this fact on the 20th of 
February, 1847, and fell back to a more favorable 
position for defence at Buena Vista, 7 miles south 
of Saltillo, and 11 miles from his advanced post at 
A una Nueva. This movement was made at noon 
on the 21st* With a small force General Taylor 
returned the same day to Saltillo, to make some 
arrangements for the defence of that town, leaving 
General Wool in command of the troops ; and be- 
fore his return on the morning of the 2 2d, the 
enemy were advancing and in sight, having marched 
from Encarnacion, a distance of 40 miles, after 11 
o'clock the day previous. The position selected by 
the American commander was one of remarkable 
b1 rength. The road at that point passed through a 
narrow defile, and the valley on its right was cut 
up b\ deep and impassable gullies; while on the 
left rugged hills and precipitous ravines extended 
to the mountain which overlooked the battle field; 
thus obstructing the use of the enemy's artillery 
and cavalry, and destroying the advantages which 
he possessed in the numerical superiority of his in- 
fantry. At 11 o'clock General Taylor received a 
summons from Santa Anna to surrender at discre- 
tion, which he declined acceding to. No serious 

* For details of this battle see report of General Taylor to the Secre- 
tary nt War. Agua Nueva, March 6th, 1847. Executive Documents, 1st 
session 30th Congress. Doc. 8, p. 132. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 197 

attack was meditated by the Mexican commander 
during that day, as he was evidently awaiting for 
the arrival of his rear guard. The troops bi- 
vouacked without fires, and rested with arms in 
their hands. A body of 1500 cavalry hovered upon 
the rear of the Americans during the day, evi- 
dently having been ordered to take that position 
for the purpose of harassing the retreat. 

The American commander returned again to 
Saltillo, and when he arrived upon the field, on the 
morning of the 23d, the battle had already com- 
menced. The action was brought on by an attempt 
of the enemy with light troops to outflank the 
American left, where they were met by the riflemen 
under Colonel Marshall and a portion of the 2d 
Illinois volunteers. At 8 o'clock, a heavy column 
advanced along the road, for the purpose of break- 
ing the centre of our troops, but they were repulsed 
and driven back in confusion by Washington's bat- 
tery. About this time a dark and threatening mass 
was seen hovering upon the left, and column after 
column was poured upon that point for the pur- 
pose of forcing it, by immensely superior numbers. 
Here was stationed the 2d Indiana and the 2d 
Illinois regiments, covering O'Brien's battery, under 
the immediate command of General Lane, who 
ordered the Indiana regiment and the artillery to 
advance. That regiment receiving a terrible fire 
from small arms, and being raked by a cross fire of 
grape and canister from a Mexican battery planted 
upon the left, broke in disorder and fled from the 
field, with the exception of a small number, who 



198 HISTORY OF THE 

wiic rallied by Colonel Bowles. O'Brien's battery 
was served with tremendous effect, but still the 
Mexican battalions continued to advance, and not 
being supported, he was forced to retire, leaving be- 
hind him one of his pieces. A gallant stand Mas 
now made by the 2d Illinois regiment, but being 
at last outflanked, it was forced to fall back. The 
movement of the Mexicans in this part of the field 
was completely successful, and the light troops who 
had so gallantly defended the mountain, were forced 
to I'd ire, and were not rallied until they reached 
tlu- depot at Buena Yista, which they subsequently 
aided to defend. Heavy columns of infantry and 
cavalry were now poured by Santa Anna along the 
fool of the mountain, to the rear of the Americans, 
where they assembled in great numbers. It was 
at this critical moment, when the victory was 
almost within the grasp of the enemy, that General 
Taylor arrived upon the field, accompanied by the 
Mississippi riflemen, who were ordered into action, 
and greatly distinguished themselves under the 
leadership of Colonel Davis. They were gallantly 
sustained by the :M Kentucky and a portion of the 
1st Illinois regiments, and 1>\ the batteries of Sher- 
man and Bragg, and the Mexicans were driven with 
greal Loss from the positions they had gained. The 
American artillery being in position on the plateau, 
produced terrible havoc among the masses who had 
gained the left. Again and again, the Mexican 
columns advanced furiously to the onset, but were 
:i- often driven back. The rapid ami terrible dis- 
charges of artillery which had been concentrated 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 199 

upon them, created disorder in their ranks, and 
they attempted to effect a retreat to their main line. 
In the mean time, a heavy force of the Mexicans 
were hovering on the extreme left of the Americans, 
evidently with the view of capturing the American 
baggage. The troops who had retreated from the 
field rallied to its defence, and assisted by the Arkan- 
sas and Kentucky cavalry, succeeded in protecting 
that point. It was here that the chivalrous Colonel 
Yell lost his life. The situation of the enemy, who 
had broken through the left wing, and had gained 
the rear of the Americans, was now exceedingly 
critical. At that moment Santa Anna sent a mes- 
sage to the American commander, to propound the 
extraordinary question of " what he wanted P' 
Taylor immediately dispatched General Wool to 
the Mexican General-in-chief, and at the same time 
sent orders to cease firing* The Mexicans still con- 
tinued the attack, and General "Wool returned with- 
out having obtained an interview. Santa Anna 
had in the mean time gained his object, which was 
to enable that part of his army which was in immi- 

* " The position of that portion of the Mexican army which had gained 
our rear, was now very critical, and it seemed doubtful whether it could re- 
gain the main body. At this moment I received from Santa Anna a mes- 
sage by a staff officer, desiring to know what I wanted ? T immediately 
dispatched Brigadier General Wool to the Mexican General-in-chief, and 
sent orders to cease firing. Upon reaching the Mexican lines, General 
Wool could not cause the enemy to cease their fire, and accordingly re- 
turned without having an interview. The extreme right of the enemy 
continued its retreat along the base of the mountain, and finally, in spite of 
all our efforts, effected a junction with the remainder of the army." 
— See report of General Taylor to the Secretary of War, March 6, 
1847. 



200 niSTOKY OF THE 

Dent danger of being cut off, to rejoin the main 
body* The small demonstrations which were 
made by General Minon in the rear of the Ameri- 
cans during this portion of the day, were easily 
checked by Shover's battery and Webster's com- 
mand. The firing had partially ceased upon that 
part of the field which had been so hotly disputed; 
but the cessation was for a very brief period. 

The Illinois and Kentucky regiments, instead of 
acting "ii the defensive, made an advance movement 
to meet the foe. The collision was terrific; the 
ground was covered with the slain, but the Ameri- 
cans were overwhelmed by superior numbers, and 
were forced to retreat, leaving dead upon the field 
Colonels Hardin and McKee, and Lieutenant-Colonel 
Clay. The trophies of this brilliant charge were 
two of Captain O'Brien's pieces. He had sustained 
his position to the very last, and until the infantry 
which supported him was driven back in disorder. 
At thiscritical moment, when the victory had almost 
deserted the American eagles, Captain Braxton 
Bragg, who had once before assisted to change the 
fortunes of the day, and arrest the tide of battle, 
which threatened to sweep over the American 
army, arrived upon the plateau from the left, and 
rapidly passing General Taylor, without any infant- 

*"The Mexicans on the contrary assert, that Santa Anna never did 
send such ;i message, bul thai a .Mexican Lieutenant, Don .lose Maria Mon- 
d surrounded by the Americans, and not desiring to be 
taken prisoner, pretended to have been sent to General Taylor by 
Santa Anna, and managed, while accompanying General Wool to the 
Mexican General-in-chief, to separate from them, and thus rejoined the 
M< Si Mexican History of the War with Mexico, p. 126. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 201 

ry support, at once placed his guns in battery. 
Nothing but his presence at that moment in the 
face of the enemy, saved the Americans from de- 
feat. The dark and threatening masses of Mexicans 
were moving rapidly forward with irresistible im- 
petuosity ; the centre of the American army was 
broken, and General Taylor himself was in immi- 
nent danger of being taken prisoner. With that 
reckless and desperate courage which characterized 
the man, and with that intuition which could seize 
the only moment to turn the tide of battle, Captain 
Bragg, with his small body of artillerymen, unaided 
and alone, confronted that fierce array of Mexicans, 
who already saw the victory within their grasp. 
At the moment Bragg had placed his guns in bat- 
tery, the enemy were within a few yards of their 
muzzles, and rapidly advancing. The first discharge 
of canister from his guns, made terrible havoc in 
the serried ranks of the enemy ; they reeled and 
staggered as the iron hail swept away whole platoons. 
The second and third discharge forced them to re- 
coil in dismay from before those terrible implements 
of death, which carried carnage and slaughter into 
their ranks, and they fled madly from the field. That 
was the last attempt made by the enemy to carry 
the American position ; and the night furnished 
the exhausted troops the opportunity for refreshing 
themselves. Amid the dead and the dying, without 
fires, they bivouacked upon the field of battle, list- 
ening to the groans of the wounded, and to the 
chilling blasts which howled through the valley, 
expecting the morning sun to witness a renewal of 



202 HISTORY OF THE 

the combat, which had already covered the field 
with the dyin^ and the dead. But the result of that 
long and desperate conflict had broken the spirit of 
the .Mexican army. Where they expected to 
achieve an easy victory, they were met with a cour- 
age bordering upon desperation, and they retired 
from that field of slaughter dispirited and dismayed. 
Thus ended the bloody battle of Buena Vista, which 
resulted in the signal triumph of the American 
arm-. 

The force engaged under General Taylor was 
33 1 officers, and 4,425 men, of which only 453 were 
regular troops. The strength of the Mexican army 
was at least 20,000 men. The American loss was 
267 killed, 456 wounded, and 23 missing. The loss 
of the .Mexicans in killed and wounded, according 
to the lowest estimate, was 1500, and probably 
amounted to 2,000. 

When we take into consideration the disparity 
in the numbers engaged, and the obstinacy with 
which the victory was disputed, we cannot but come 
to the conclusion that it was one of the most san- 
guinary battles ever fought upon this continent. It 
was the only battle of any importance during the 
war, in which the Americans acted upon the defen- 
sive. It is true, that they had the advantage of a 
very strong position, and defended themselves with 
a knowledge that almost certain death would follow 
in the pathway of defeat. It is also true that the 
last hope-, of the enemy were staked upon the result 
of this encounter. They had been for months pre- 
paring for it; and the army was well armed and 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 203 

well disciplined, and with high hopes and confident 
anticipations, they commenced the attack on the 
morning of the 23d. Not only were they contend- 
ing for their firesides and their homes, but for the 
food which they expected to capture in the camp 
of General Taylor.* 

Where so much desperate courage was exhibited 
by the American army, and so many instances of 
personal daring signalized that bloody field, it is a 
subject of deep mortification, that a panic should 
have induced a portion of the army to desert their 
colors, and by an attempt to secure their own safety, 
to hazard the existence of all. Perhaps it will not 
be regarded as unjust to those who fought through- 
out the day with great constancy, to allude particu- 
larly to the celebrated charge of the Mississippi 
riflemen, under Colonel Davis, which restored the 
fortunes of the day, when the Mexican masses had 
broken through the left of the American line ; and 
the last desperate stand taken by Captain Bragg, 
far in advance of any infantry support, and in the 
face of immense columns of the enemy, when by the 

* " His Excellency, the General-in-chief, furthermore orders that the 
different corps shall to-day receive from the Commissary three days' ra- 
tions, for the 21st, 22d, and 23d ; and that they require the necessary meat 
this afternoon, for the first meal to-morrow morning, which the troops are 
directed to eat one hour before taking up the line of march ; and the se- 
cond will be taken in their haversacks, to be eaten in the night, wherever 
they may halt ; this last will consist of meat, two biscuits, and a half a 
cake of (Piloncillo) brown sugar, for each man ; for, on the nioht of the 
21st, there will be no fires permitted, neither will signal be made by any 
military instrument of music, the movement at early daybreak on the 
morning of the 22d having to be made in the most profound silence." — 
General Orders of Santa Anna, of the 20th February, 1847. 



•2<>4 HISTORY OF THE 

rapid and murderous discharges of his flying artil- 
lery, lit- drove them back with tremendous slaughter. 

Much credit is due to General Wool for his sa- 
gacity in selecting the field, and for the military 
skill which planned the order of battle. The re- 
nown which General Taylor had acquired in the 
victories on the Rio Grande, and in the capture of 
Monterey, proved a tower of strength upon the 
field of Buena Vista. The Mexicans feared, what 
the Americans believed, that he could not be de- 
feated: and during the changing fortunes of that 
terrible day, while victory alternately perched upon 
the banners of the contending armies, the Ameri- 
cans turned with confidence and with hope upon 
the stem and unyielding countenance of their chief. 

Along the road Leading from Buena Vista to 
Agua Nueva, a scene of horror was presented on 
the night of the 23d of February. The means of 
transporting the wounded being extremely limited, 
they were left to struggle with suffering and with 
death, and the sighing wind and the startling cry 
of the wolf was their only requiem. Abandoned 
to their fate, without food, parched with thirst, 
without medical aid, and with no shelter to protect 
them from the piercing night-air, they awaited the 
moment when death should release them from their 
suffering. The main body of the army reached 
Agua Nueva at midnight, and, dying with thirst, 
the soldiers plunged into a stagnant sheet of water, 
which in many cases produced instant death. Suf- 
fering for the want of food and water, dispirited 
and disheartened by the results of the battle, they 



POLK ADMINISTEATIOK. 205 

presented a striking contrast to that splendid array 
which, buoyant with hope and confident of victory, 
had attacked the American army. 

The wounded enemy who fell into the hands of 
the Americans, were not only kindly treated, but 
provisions were offered to Santa Anna by General 
Taylor.* On the 25th Santa Anna moved his army 
in the direction of San Luis Potosi. 

While these important events were transpiring 
Santa Anna was President, and Gomez Farias was 
Vice President of Mexico. The capital, during the 
absence of the President upon his northern cam- 
paign, was the scene of anarchy and violence. Fa- 
rias, in whose hands was placed the executive au- 
thority, sought to force contributions from the 
clergy for the purpose of prosecuting the war, and 
at the same time to destroy their power by appro- 
priating their wealth. This produced great excite- 
ment, and finally resulted in a resort to arms, and 
the insurrection was only terminated by the arrival 
of Santa Anna in the city. 

While the Mexican nation were divided and 
distracted by internal commotions, General Scott, on 
the 9th of March, 1847, effected a landing in the 
vicinity of Vera Cruz with a well appointed army 
of 12,000 men. He had under his command several 
officers of very high reputation; among the number 
were Generals Worth, Twiggs, Quitman, Persifer 
F. Smith ; Colonels Duncan, Harney, Garland, Ri- 
ley, Mcintosh, Clark, and others, besides many 
who afterwards distinguished themselves. General 

* Mexican History of the War with Mexico, p. 133. 



206 HISTORY OF THE 

Worth's division of regulars first landed upon the 
beach, and was followed by the division of the 
United States volunteers under General Patterson, 
and the brigade of General Twiggs. The landing 
was effected without opposition under the guns of 
the American squadron. The line of investment 
was commenced on the same day, but was not com- 
pleted until March 12th, 1847,* owing to the diffi- 
culties of the ground and the want of the necessary 
materials. During that time, too, a norther pre- 
vailed, which drove the clouds of sand into the 
faces of the troops, and rendered their operations 
exceedingly difficult. Frequent discharges from 
the city and castle greatly discommoded the Amer- 
ican troops. Skirmishes took place between the 
brigades of Pillow and Quitman and parties of the 
enemy. The officers and sailors of the squadron 
greatly assisted in completing the lines around the 
city. ( )n the 14th, the Americans forced the enemy 
to relinquish the space which intervened between 
the American lines and the city. But the contin- 
uance of the storm rendered it very difficult to land 
the heavy ordnance from the fleet until March 
1 8th. ( )n the 22d of March, at two o'clock, General 
Scott issued a summons to the Governor of Vera 
Cruz to surrender, informing him that the city was 
invested by sea and land. This communication was 
responded to on the same day by the Governor, 
.Juan Morales, who rejected his proposal, and Gen- 
eral Scott ordered the seven mortars, which Mere 

S. ■ |{<>|)(irts of (ieneral Scott, Executive Documents, 1st session 
2<)th Congress, volume 2. 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 207 

placed in battery, to fire upon the city. The lighter 
vessels which composed Commodore Perry's squad- 
ron approached within a mile and an eighth, and 
being somewhat protected from the raking fire of 
the castle, they opened their artillery upon the city. 
The discharges from the fleet and the mortars con- 
tinued during the night of the 2 2d, and on the 23d 
three more mortars were added to the number. 
During the 24th the fire somewhat slackened, but 
on the 25th all the batteries were in operation, and 
proved terribly destructive, especially battery num- 
ber four, which mounted four twenty-four pounders, 
and two eight inch paixhan guns. The effect of 
this tremendous fire upon the city of Vera Cruz 
was most frightful. The shells, exploding in the 
heart of the city, not only demolished the buildings, 
but the iron missives with which they were charged 
carried death and dismay in every direction. The 
bombardment was so disastrous that the consuls of 
Great Britain, France, Spain, and Russia, desired 
General Scott to grant a truce, to enable the neu- 
trals and the Mexican women and children to aban- 
don the city. To that communication General Scott 
replied, that he could not grant a truce unless 
applied for by the Governor of Vera Cruz, accom- 
panied by a distinct proposition to surrender the 
city. He also informed them that the communica- 
tion between the neutral ships of war lying in the 
vicinity of Vera Cruz was kept open, to allow the 
neutrals in the city an opportunity for escape. 

On the 26th of March, General Scott received 
overtures from General Landero for a suspension 



208 HISTORY OF THE 

of hostilities, for the purpose of having honorable 
terms made with the garrison. This proposition 
was accepted by the Commander-in-chief, who ap- 
pointed Generals Worth and Pillow, and Colonel 
Totten, American commissioners, and the terms of 
capitulation were ratified by the respective com- 
manders on the 27th of March, 1847. It was 
agreed that the garrison should surrender them- 
selves prisoners of war, the Mexican officers to pre- 
serve their arms and private effects, and together 
with the rank and file of the regular portion of the 
prisoners, to give their parole not to serve again 
during the war, or until they were duly exchanged. 
With the city of Vera Cruz and San Juan de Ulloa 
were surrendered 5,000 prisoners. 

This splendid achievement, accomplished as it 
was with comparatively a very small loss, was cer- 
tainly one of the most brilliant events of the Mexi- 
can war. The Castle <>f San Juan de Ulloa was 
considered impregnable by Europeans, and was only 
taken by the French a few years previous by the 
accidental explosion of a magazine. To land upon 
a hostile shore, and to encircle the city of Vera 
Cruz, under the fire of her batteries, illustrated the 
military skill of (ieneral Scott, and the patient en- 
durance and gallantry of the American troops. A 
new base of operations was thus obtained, which 
opened a -In »it and direct line to the city of Mexico. 

The day after the surrender of the city, General 
Quitman was ordered to advance upon Alvarado, 
where he arrived on the 1st of April, but found 
the place had been taken possession of by Lieuten- 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 209 

ant Hunter, who had been ordered by Commodore 
Perry to guard the mouth of the river with the 
steamer Scourge. Although this feat upon the 
part of the gallant lieutenant was performed with- 
out bloodshed, still Alvarado was not taken accord- 
ing to the plan of operations, which was to call into 
requisition Quitman's brigade, and the squadron 
under Commodore Perry ; and he was arrested, tried 
by a court-martial, found guilty of a disobedience 
of orders, sentenced to a reprimand by Perry, which 
sentence was carried into effect by that officer with 
a harshness which produced a general feeling of dis- 
gust and indignation. 

On the 6th of April, the first division of the 
American army took up their line of march for the 
city of Mexico. General "Worth was again placed 
in the advance. Twiggs with the second division 
started on the 8th, and Patterson on the 9th with 
the third. 

It was the opinion of General Scott after the 
fall of Vera Cruz, that if American commissioners 
were at his headquarters, a satisfactory peace might 
be obtained.* On the 9th he received information 
that Santa Anna had arrived with 6,000 men at 
Jalapa ; he did not believe, however, that his force 
amounted to half that number.f He started on 

* " All the intelligent, the wealthy and sober-minded citizens of the 
capital and elsewhere are anxious for peace, yielding to us as the basis, 
the left bank of the Rio Grande and Upper California. With American 
commissioners at the headquarters of this army, I think it quite probable 
that by our arrival at Puebla, if not before, we should be met by Mexican 
commissioners empowered to treat on that basis." — Letter of General 
Scott to (he Secretary of War, April 5th, 1847. 

f Dispatch of General Scott to the Secretary of War, April 11th, 1847. 
14 



210 HISTOKY OF THE 

tin* L2th for the front. Twiggs, in the mean time, 
had arrived in the vicinity of Plan del Eio, where 
he found the Mexicans intrenched in a formidable 
position, which was defended by a much larger force 
than he expected. The national road crosses a 
small, but very rapid stream, at the village of Plan 
del Rio. Near the village were several heights, 
upon which were planted 1 >atteries that commanded 
the road for some distance, and rendered the posi- 
tion exceedingly formidable. General Scott at once 
determined to storm the batteries, and drive the 
enemy from their intrenchments, and issued his or- 
ders with as much sangfroid as if their publication 
at the head of each regiment was equivalent to 
their execution.* 

* " General Orders, ) "Headquarters of the Army, ) 

No. 111. \ Plan del Rio, April llth, 1847. \ 

' ; The enemy's whole line of intrenchments and batteries will be at- 
tacked in front, and at the same time turned, early in the day to-morrow — 
probably before 10 o'clock, A. M. 

" The second (Twiggs) division of regulars is already advanced within 
easy turning distance towards the enemy's left ; that division has instruc- 
tions to move forward before daylight to-morrow, and take up position 
across tin' national road in the enemy's rear, so as to cut off a retreat 
towards Jalapa. It maybe reinforced to-day if unexpectedly attacked in 
force,by regiments — one or two — taken from Shields' brigade of volunteers. 
It not, the two volunteer regiments will march for that purpose at day- 
light to-morrow morning, under Brigadier General Shields, who will re- 
port to Brigadier General Twiggs, on getting up with him, or to the Getie- 
ral-in-chief, if ho bo in advance. 

" The remaining regiment of that volunteer brigade will receive in- 
structions in the course of this day. 

Tl e lir.-t division of regulars (Worth's) will follow the movement 
against the enemy's left at sunrise to-morrow morning. 

\ already arranged, Brigadier General Pillow's brigade will march 

at i; o'clock to-morrow morning along the route he has carefully recon- 

1 ami -laud ready, as s i as he hears the report of arms on our 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 211 

The division under Twiggs was ordered to move 
before daylight, and take position across the na- 
tional road in the rear of the enemy, for the pur- 
pose of cutting off his retreat in the direction of 
Jalapa. 

Worth's division was commanded to attack the 
left of the Mexicans at sunrise, while Pillow's brig- 
ade was ordered to carry the batteries near the 
river. These orders were brilliantly executed, with 

right, or sooner if circumstances should favor him, to pierce the enemy s 
line of batteries at such point — the nearer to the river the better — as he 
may select. Once in the rear of that line, he will turn to the right or 
left, or both, and attack the batteries in reverse, or if abandoned, he will 
pursue the enemy with vigor until further orders. 

" " Wall's field battery and the cavalry will be held in reserve on the 
national road, a little out of view and range of the enemy's batteries. 
They will take up that position at 9 o'clock in the morning. 

" The enemy's batteries being carried or abandoned, all our divisions 
and corps will pursue with vigor. 

" This pursuit may be continued many miles, until stopped by dark- 
ness or fortified positions towards Jalapa. Consequently the body of the 
army will not return to this encampment, but be followed to-morrow after- 
noon, or early the next morning, by the baggage trains of the several 
corps. For this purpose the feebler officers and men of each corps will 
be left to guard its camp and effects, and to load up the latter in the wa- 
gons of the corps. A commander of the present encampment will be 
designated in the course of this day. 

" As soon as it shall be known that the enemy's works have been car- 
ried, or that the general pursuit has been commenced, one wagon for each 
regiment and battery and one for the cavalry will follow the movement, to 
receive, under the direction of medical officers, the wounded and disabled, 
who will be brought back to this place for treatment in general hospital. 

" The surgeon-general will organize this important service, and desig- 
nate that hospital as well as the medical officers to be left at it. 

" Every man who marches out to attack or pursue the enemy will take 
the usual allowance of ammunition and subsistence for at least two days. 

" By command of Major General Scott. 

H. L. SCOTT, 
A. A. A. General. 
Executive Documents, 1st session 30th Congress, Volume 2, p. 259. 



212 HISTORY OF THE 

the exception of the assault under Pillow, whose 
oniiinaml being ordered to charge before it was 
formed, was twice repulsed by the terrible fire from 
the Mexican batteries. This portion of the Mexi- 
can position was much stronger than had been an- 
ticipated, and was defended by regular troops and 
skilful and gallant officers. The charge under Co- 
lonel Harney up the steep and precipitous ascent in 
the face of the Mexican guns, was a daring and bril- 
liant affair, and resulted in driving the enemy with 
great slaughter from that part of the field. The 
orders issued to the division of Worth and Twiggs 
were executed with great gallantry, and the com- 
mand of the latter Genera] sustained considerable 
loss in executing his orders. About 3,000 prisoners 
with five generals, and many other officers of rank, 
were some of the fruits of this victory. The loss 
of the Americans in killed and wounded was about 
250; that of the enemy about 350. Among the 
American officers who were desperately wounded 
was General Shields. The pursuit of the enemy 
was rapidly continued in the direction of Jalapa. 
The rout of the Mexicans was complete, and they 
dispersed in utter confusion, and the Americans 
soon after took possession of Jalapa and the strong 
fortress of Perote* At the latter place were 
captured 54 guns and mortal's, 11,065 cannon balls, 
14,300 bombs and hand-grenades, and 500 muskets. 
The effect produced upon the enemy by the de- 
cisive victories won by the American arms, was so 
great, that if the Commander-in-chief had been en- 

* Report of General Worth, Perote, April 22d, 1847. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 213 

abled to muster the requisite force, he might in all 
probability have taken the city of Mexico without 
striking another blow. But, unfortunately, the time 
for which seven of the volunteer regiment? had en- 
listed, was about to expire. Congress had passed a 
law for the re-enlistment of such portions of them 
as might be disposed to continue in the service of 
the country. But it was soon evident that they 
were resolved to return to their homes. Many of 
them had performed arduous service, and although 
the " Halls of the Montezumas," in which they had 
manifested such determination to revel, were now 
easy of access, still no one can censure them for 
the course which they thought proper to pursue. 
As their term of service was nearly completed, they 
did not relish the idea of penetrating further into 
the interior, and in view of the danger which they 
would incur from the vomito, in passing through 
Vera Cruz, the Commander-in-chief determined to 
discharge them at once.* 

There was no other course left to General Scott 
but to advance on the city with an army greatly 

* " The General-in-chief regrets to learn, through a great number of 
undoubted channels, that, in all probability, not one man in ten of those 
regiments, will be inclined to volunteer for the war. This predetermina- 
tion offers, in his opinion, no ground for reproach, considering the long ; 
arduous, faithful, and gallant services of those corps, however deeplv all 
will regret the consequent and unavoidable delay in the prosecution of 
this war to an early and honorable peace ; for the General-in-chief cannot, 
in humanity and good faith, cause regiments entitled, in a few weeks, to 
an honorable discbarge, to advance further from the coast in pursuit of 
the enemy, and thereby throw them upon the necessity of returning to 
embark at Vera Cruz, at the season known to be, at that place, the most 
fatal to life." — General Orders, No. 135, May -ith, 1847. 



214 HISTORY OF THE 

red need in numbers, or to continue in the position 
he then occupied, and await the arrival of the ten 
regiments of regulars authorized by Congress to be 
enlisted. lie determined to adopt the latter course. 
Notwithstanding the strenuous exertions used by 
t he President, and those members of Congress favor- 
able to the ten regiment bill, to enforce its prompt 
passage, it was greatly delayed by those who were 
opposed to the bill altogether, and by others, who 
preferred raising volunteers,* a description of troops 
which were not as acceptable as regulars, to either 
General Scott or General Taylor. 

The adoption of regulations to enforce contribu- 
tions from the Mexicans, was ordered by the Presi- 
dent in March, 1847, by the establishment of a tariff 
of duties at the Mexican ports. This system was 
f;ii' from famishing the necessary sum of money for 
the use of the army ; and as no very considerable 
amount of provisions could be forced from the Mex- 
i<-;m> in the interior, they were generally purchased 
from them. General Scott, from the fact of his not 
receiving, through the Quartermaster's department, 
the necessary remittances of money, anticipated that 
large contributions were expected from the Mexi- 
cans, by the Cabinet, and addressed rather a sharp 
n<»tr to the War Department, f 

* Congressional Globe, 29th Congress. 

t - If it is to be expected at Washington, as is now apprehended, that 
this army is to Bupporl itself by forced contributions levied upon the coun- 
try, we may ruin and exasperate the inhabitants and starve ourselves; for 
rtain they would Booner remove or destroy the products of their 
farms. than allow them to fall into our hands without compensation. Not 
a ration for man or horse would be brought in, except by the bayonet, 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 215 

While the headquarters of General Scott were 
still at Jalapa, Mr. N. P. Trist arrived in Mexico as 
the agent of the United States, to negotiate terms 
with the Mexicans. Although the propriety of ap 
pointing a commissioner from the United States, 
had been suggested by General Scott in his letter of 
April 5th, to the Secretary of War, still, the selec- 
tion of Mr. Trist as that commissioner was perfectly 
unjustifiable. He neither possessed the ability, nor 
held the position requisite for the office to which he 
was appointed. He was vain and conceited, with- 
out possessing that judgment which the occasion 
required. He was simply a clerk in the State De- 
partment ; scarcely known in the city of Washing- 
ton, and of whose existence the Mexicans were per- 
fectly ignorant. No reason can be assigned for his 
selection by Mr. Buchanan, unless, indeed, as was 
supposed, the Secretary was anxious to appropriate 
all the eclat, resulting from the conclusion of a 
treaty of peace, to the State Department. An indi- 
vidual should have been selected, whose standing in 
this country would not only be a guarantee of his 
ability to enter upon a delicate negotiation, but 
whose modesty and good sense would have avoided 
any collision with the officers in command of our 
army. As it was, Mr. Trist had scarcely touched his 
foot upon the soil of Mexico, before he became involv- 
ed in a warm controversy with the Commander-in- 

which would oblige the troops to spread themselves out many leagues to 
the right and left, in search of subsistence, and to stop all military opera- 
tiono."— Dispatch of General Scott to the War Department, May 20lh, 
1847. 



216 HISTORY OF THE 

chief. It was due to General Scott that a full ex- 
planation should have been given him, with regard 
to the mission, by the State Department, especially 
when he supposed that the confidence of the admin- 
istration had been withdrawn from him. His feel- 
ings were pretty clearly indicated in a letter to Mr. 
Trist,'"' which produced a response from that per- 
son, r However objectionable may have been the 
language of General Scott, when addressing the ac- 
credited agent of the Government, the response of 
Mr. Trist is equally liable to condemnation. Both 
communications were calculated to widen the breach, 
and greatly to militate against the public service. 
Mr. Trist continued with the army until he, finally, 
in transcending his orders after the city of Mexico 
was captured, lost the confidence of the Cabinet at 
Washington, and General Scott was not alone in the 
estimation which he had placed upon his character. 
Santa Anna after his defeat at Cerro Gordo, in- 
stead of returning at once to the city of Mexico, 
retired in the direction of Orizaba, where he was 
making great exertions to rally his scattered forces. 

* "I see thai the Secretary of War proposes to degrade me, by requir- 
ing thai I. the commander of this army, shall defer to you, the chief clerk 
oi ill" Department of State, the question of continuing or discontinuing 
hostilities." — Letter of General Scott to Mr. Trist, 1th of May, 1845. 

f " You will now, Bir, I trust, understand, when the communication re- 
ferred tu shall again be placed in your hands, thai greatly deficient in wis- 
dom asthe present (and indeed any democratic) administration of the 
Government must necessarily be, it has not, in this particular instance, 
fallen into so egregious a blunder as to make the transmission and delivery 
ofthat communication dependent upon the amiable affability and gracious 
in of General Winfield Scott."' — hetter of Mr. Trist to 
i, ral Scott, May 9th, 1847. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION". 217 

At this time Anaya was acting President of Mex- 
ico. His administration was resolved to continue 
the contest, notwithstanding the repeated disasters 
which had overwhelmed the Mexican forces. 

On the 8th of May General Worth commenced 
his march from Perote along the high road to Pu- 
ebla, where he arrived on the 15th of May, and 
took possession of that city * On the 11th of May 
General Scott issued a celebrated proclamation to 
the Mexican nation.f On the 19th of May, Santa 
Anna entered the city of Mexico, where his recep- 
tion was by no means flattering to his vanity. He 
nevertheless assumed the duties of the Presidency, 
and employed all his influence in procuring a re- 

* The terms which were granted by General Worth to the authorities 
of Puebla did not meet the approbation of the Commander-in-chief. An 
issue was raised between those two officers which produced a Court of 
Inquiry, over which Quitman presided, which sustained the opinion of 
General Scott as to the impolicy of the terms granted by Worth. 

f " Considerations of high policy and of continental American inter- 
ests precipitated events, in spite of the circumspection of the Cabinet at 
Washington. This Cabinet, ardently desiring to terminate all differences 
with Mexico, spared no efforts compatible with honor and dignity. It 
cherished the most flattering hopes of attaining this end by frank expla- 
nations and reasonings, addressed to the judgment and prudence of the 
virtuous and patriotic Government of General Herrera. An unexpected 
misfortune dispelled these hopes, and closed every avenue to an honorable 
adjustment. Your new Government disregarded your national interests, 
as well as those of continental America, and yielded, moreover, to foreign 
influences the most opposed to those interests —the most fatal to the future 
of Mexican liberty, and of that republican system which the United States 
holds it a duty to preserve and to protect. Duty, honor, and dignity placed 
us under the necessity of not losing a season, of which the monarchical 
party was fast taking advantage. As not a moment was to be lost, we 
acted with a promptness and decision suited to the urgency of the case, 
in order to avoid a complication of interests which might render our rela- 
tions more difficult and involved." — Proclamation of General Scott to the 
Mexicans, May Wth, 1847. 



218 IIISTOEY OF THE 

election to that office. Preparations for the defence 
of the city were progressing with considerable en- 
ergy, the fortifications were repaired, and recruits 
for the army were obtained with all diligence 
These events did not withdraw the attention of the 
Mexicans from the internal commotions which dis- 
tracted and divided their councils, and which the 
danger to be apprehended from the American army 
could not allay, and on the 29th of May, Santa 
Anna resigned the Presidency. This resignation 
not being immediately accepted by the Mexican 
Congress, it was withdrawn on the 2d of June. It 
was supposed by the Americans, that the state of 
anarchy and disorder which prevailed in the city, 
would result in the election of a President who 
would enter into negotiations. This was certainly 
the opinion of General Scott* 

Notwithstanding the want of patriotism upon 
the part of the Mexicans, General Scott did not 
deem himself in a condition to take advantage of 
it, owing to the fact that the number of troops with 
which he landed at Vera Cruz had been greatly 
diminished.f One thousand men were left in hos- 

* "The delay here until about the 22d inst. may, however, be com- 
pensated by cue important advantage. General Santa Anna lias renounced 
tbc Presidency (see his printed letter herewith). It is understood that a 
new Government will be installed on the 15th inst., and tbere is good 
ground to hope under Ilerrera or Trias, both supposed to be desirous of 
peace with tbe United States. If we were previously to occupy the 
capital, tin- friends of peace (most of the leaders of the party belong to 
tin- capital) would lie dispersed ; or if they remained and organized under 
our colors, their Government would be denounced and decried as set up 
r army, and lose all credit and weight with the Mexican people." 
Making the further deductions of the killed and wounded, the 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 219 

pital at Vera Cruz, the same number sick and 
wounded at Jalapa, 200 sick at Perote, and on the 
sick report at Puebla, 1,017. Making a deduc- 
tion of the killed and wounded, and the garrisons 
at Vera Cruz, Jalapa, and Perote, there were only 
left under his command on the 4th of June, 5,820 
effective non-commissioned officers, artificers, musi- 
cians, and privates. 

The troops which now began to arrive at Vera 
Cruz were greatly harassed on their route to the 
headquarters of General Scott by the guerilleros 
who infested the line of march ; and each detach- 
ment was forced to fight its way through those 
bands of robbers, who contended for plunder more 
than from a desire to drive the Americans from 
their soil. The commands of Colonel M'Intosh and 
Cadwalader were followed by the division under 
Major General Pillow. The combined forces arrived 
at Puebla on the 8th of July, increasing the force 
to 10,000 men. 

Before the troops took up their line of march 
from Puebla for the city of Mexico, a reconciliation, 
apparently sincere, had taken place between Gene- 
ral Scott and Mr. Trist.* Dreading the conse- 

garrisons of Vera Cruz, Jalapa, and Perote, and we have here but 5,800 
effective non-commissioned officers, artificers, musicians, and privates ; a 
force evidently insufficient to garrison this large open city, and to march 
upon the capital, where, or near it, we may probably have to beat an in- 
different army of from 12,000 to 25,000 men. This we could do with 
4,000, but at a loss, probably, of one fourth of our numbers ; whereas, 
with 8,000, our loss would not exceed some 300." — Dispatch of General 
Scot/ to the Secretary of War, June 4th, 1847, Executive Documents, 1st 
session 30th Congress, Doc. No. 60, p. 793. 

* " Although daily in expectation of something of special interest to 



220 HISTOKY OF THE 

quences which might result from the ill feeling ex- 
isting between the Commander-in-chief and the 
American commissioner, Mr. Bnchanan addressed 
Mr. Trist on the 14th of June, urging him to effect 
a reconciliation with General Scott,* and on the 
31s1 of May, the Secretary of War wrote to Gene- 
ral Scott, explaining at length the object of Mr. 
Trie's mission. f These communications from Wash- 
ington could not have had the effect of producing 
amicable relations between the two high American 
functionaries in Mexico, and, therefore, this rather 
unexpected fraternization must be attributable to 
some other cause. The world, however, is still left 
in doubt as to the influences which produced, so 
suddenly, familiar and friendly intercourse between 
gentlemen who so recently had employed phrases, 
when addressing each other, which were not calcu- 
lated 1" exalt the character of either. At the 
same time the Department of State cannot be held 

communicate, nothing has occurred of that character save a happy change 
in my relations, both official and private, with Mr. Trist. Since about 
the 26th nit., our intercourse has been frequent and cordial ; and I have 
found him able, discreet, courteous, and amiable." — Dispatch of General 
S '.to the Secretary of War, July 25th, 1847. 

* " Whilst our armies are in the country of the enemy, and our Min- 
ister of peace is at the headquarters of the commanding general, this is 
no time for per60na] altercations between them, if these can possibly be 
avoided. Under such circumstances, the greater the sacrifice of private 
griefs, however well founded, which you may make upon the altar of 
your country, the more will this redound to your honor hereafter." — Sec- 
retary of Si, ilc Id Mr. Trist, June 1 \th. 1847. 

i Such information you would have received had Mr. Trist delivered 
in pers in, as I did not doubt he would, my letter to you of the 14th inst., 
[ultimo. I with the dispatch from the State Department to the Mexican 
Minister of Foreign Relations." — Letter of Mr. Marcy to General Scott, 
May \l]st, 1847. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 221 

entirely blameless for intrusting so important a 
mission to a person who incurred the danger of a 
disastrous breach between himself and the Com- 
mander-in-chief, by not complying to the letter with 
the wishes of the Cabinet, as indicated in the lettei 
of the Secretary of War of the 31st of May. 

A communication which had been transmitted 
by Mr. Trist to the Mexican Government through 
the British legation was responded to by Senor 
Ibarra on the 2 2d of June. That the Mexican Go- 
vernment was not disposed to accept propositions 
of jDeace, was evident from the fact that the com- 
munication of Mr. Trist was to be referred to the 
Mexican Congress, and the only recourse left was to 
advance upon the city. On the 7th, 8th, 9th and 
10th, the American troops took up their line of 
march. The enterprise which the American forces 
had now undertaken was exceedingly hazardous ; 
they had not only to assail positions which had 
been rendered formidable by nature, and made still 
more so by art, but they were advancing into the 
heart of a wealthy and populous country, where, if 
the people had rallied en masse, inevitable destruc- 
tion must have awaited them. 

The principally travelled route from Puebla lies 
through a highly cultivated country, until it reaches 
San Martin Tesmalucan. From thence to Rio Frio, 
the face of the country is more precipitous and 
broken, and a few miles from the latter point the 
highway descends into the valley of Mexico. When 
the American troops had arrived at this point, they 
saw spread out beneath them cultivated fields and 



222 HISTORY OF TIIE 

beautiful villages. Their eyes took in the country, 
which had been rendered celebrated by the tri- 
umphs of the Spaniards under Cortes, and their 
footsteps were about to press the same soil over 
which hi< victorious legions passed into the city of 
the Aztecs., The descendants of those Spaniards 
whose prowess enabled them to seize the possessions 
of the native princes, were themselves about to be 
forced, by an iron destiny and an inexorable fate, to 
submit to the northern conquerors. The army en- 
tered the valley on the 10th of August, and the 
headquarters of the Commander-in-chief were fixed 
at Ayotla. 

An extraordinary energy seemed to have taken 
possession of the Mexican troops, and a determina- 
tion to resist to the last extremity appeared to go- 
vern them all. Those persons who had hitherto 
been anxious tor the establishment of peace, now 
Instated to utter their sentiments, and all seemed 
determined to vindicate the honor of their country. 
Fortifications were repaired, cannon were cast, and 
powder was manufactured with great industry. It 
was believed that one severe repulse sustained by 
the American troops, would destroy that prestige 
with which repeated victories had encircled the 
American arms. The plan of operations adopted 
by Santa Anna, was to await the attack of the 
Americans in his intrenchments, while the army of 
the north under General Valencia, composed of the 
flower of the Mexican troops, was ordered to assail 
the invaders in the rear. The first barrier to the 
advance of General Scott was the truly formidable 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 223 

position of El Penon. This was a lofty hill, strongly 
fortified, and commanded the great thoroughfare 
leading to the city. On the southern line of the 
city were the fortifications of Mexicalcingo, San 
Antonio, the convent, and the bridge of Churubus- 
co. Its southwestern side was defended by the for- 
tress of Chapultepec. The north, from whence no 
danger of attack could be apprehended, was only 
protected by three garitas ; while the eastern part, 
where it was supposed the Americans would make 
the most formidable demonstration, was defended 
by El Penon. On the 9th of August the brigade 
of General Leon, from the midst of the enthusiastic 
and confident populace of the city, took their de- 
parture for the purpose of covering that fortifica- 
tion. Santa Anna himself visited it for the pur- 
pose of giving his final orders for its defence. 

On the 12th and 13th of August, a daring and 
successful reconnoisance of El Penon was effected 
by a detachment from the American army. It was 
ascertained that although El Penon might be taken, 
yet it could be done only at a great sacrifice ; it was 
therefore determined, instead of storming this posi- 
tion, to march along the high road which runs be- 
tween Lake Chalco and Lake Tezcuco, and pass 
around the southern shore of Lake Chalco, and 
thus attack the city from the south, instead of the 
east. The credit of discovering this route, is claimed 
by General Scott as having been made by him, long 
before he reached the valley of Mexico,* while it is 

* " These difficulties, closely viewed, threw me back upon the pro- 
ject, long entertained, of turning the strong eastern defences of the city, 



I'll HISTORY OF THE 

contended by others, that before the successful re- 
connoisance of Colonel Duncan, General Scott had 
determined to advance with the main portion of his 
army, by Mexicalcingo, and that the orders for that 
purpose, which lie had issued, were only counter- 
manded after Duncan had proved the feasibility of 
passing along the southern shore of Lake Chalco.* 
It is quite probable that the inquiring mind of Ge- 
neral Scott had ascertained the fact, that there was 
a route around Lake Chalco. This is very far from 
being an improbable supposition, when we recollect 
that the Commander-in-chief brought all the re- 
sources of his great experience, and a profound 
knowledge of his profession, into action during this 
campaign. Penetrating into the heart of the ene- 
my's country, with comparatively a small body of 
men, and surrounded on all sides, by a nation of 
foes, no one will doubt, who is acquainted with 
the character of General Scott, that he availed hini- 

by passing around, south of Lake Chalco and Jochimilco, at the foot of 
the hills and mountains, so as to reach this point, and hence to manoeuvre 
on hard ground, though much broken, to the south and southwest of the 
capital, which has been more or less under our view since the 10th in- 
stant." — Report <>f General Scott to the Secretary of War, August 19, 
1817. 

* " In the mean time, no reconnoisance had been made over the 
southern route, by American officers, and it is highly probable that none 
would have ever been made, had not Lieutenant-Colonel Duncan, who 
was intimate at Worth's headquarters, and whose views in relation to the 
proposed operations fully coincided with those of that General, volun- 
teered to make a reconnoisance on the following day." "With a letter 
from Worth, inclosing his written report, and recommending the change, 
Duncan proceeded on the evening of the 14th to Ayotla, and the effect of 
his information was, that the orders issued in the morning were counter- 
manded." — Ripley's History of the War with Mexico, vol. 2, pp. 191 
and 201. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 225 

self of every opportunity to acquire information as 
to the vulnerable point in the fortifications that de- 
fended the city. That General Scott may not have 
been acquainted with the absolute feasibility of 
turning Lake Chalco, until after the reconnoisance 
under Colonel Duncan, is very likely, and he may 
have held the army in readiness to march by Mex- 
icalcingo. The great error General Scott commit- 
ted, was in not giving to Colonel Duncan the credit 
which was due him for that reconnoisance, which 
enabled the army to reach the city without either 
storming El Penon, or passing beneath its guns. 

"While the Mexicaus were expecting to repulse 
the American army under the walls of El Penon, 
their confidence was somewhat shaken when they 
ascertained that "Worth's division, followed by the 
whole army, was advancing upon Contreras. This 
.movement was commenced on the 15th, and Gene- 
ral Twiggs, with the rear guard, left Ayotla on the 
16th, having delayed his march until that time to 
induce the Mexicans to believe that he intended to 
attack El Penon, or fall upon Mexicalcingo * The 
town of Contreras is situated upon a wide and con- 
venient thoroughfare leading to the city of Mexico ; 
here was stationed the flower of the Mexican army 
under General Valencia, one of the most despe- 
rately brave of the Mexican chieftains, who was 
determined to dispute the advance of the Ameri- 
cans at all hazards. The position which he had 
taken did not meet the approbation of Santa Anna, 

* Report of General Scott to the Secretary of War, April 19th, 
1849. 

15 



226 HISTORY OF THE 

who ordered Mm to retreat to Coyoacan and 
Churubusco, which command he refused to obey, 
and the Mexican General-in-chief left him to his 
fete* 

* " On the 18th, General Santa Anna ordered Valencia, that early in 
the next day he should march with his force to Coyoacan, and send for- 
ward his artillery to Churubusco. This disposition arose from the opinion 
he had that on the 19th the enemy would attack the fortification of San 
Antonio. 

•• In answer to him, General Valencia, notwithstanding what he had 
expressed in his first note, was inconsistent by refusing to abandon the 
point which before had been pronounced indefensible. 

" General Santa Anna, then, not opposing further than to note the 
discrepancy between the first and second communications of General 
Valencia, agreed that he should remain in the position occupied, and only 
declaring, as he said afterward, that he woukl leave Valencia to act on 
his own responsibility. 

" The advices which, from the beginning of the action, he had sent 
to General Perez and Santa Anna, he now repeated in view of the immi- 
nent danger which menaced us. 

■ 'I'm.' beat for the return of General Perez, was struck three times, 
and General Santa Anna remained immovable with his division, whose 
I iad made the enemy to hesitate, and General Scott to fear for 
ue of the battle. But Santa Anna did nothing to pass by the road 
when it was possible, and the belief was universal that he wished to 
surround with his division and ours the enemy's forces, and accomplish 
in thi- manner their defeat. 

• During all the time of this inexplicable immobility of the forces of 
Santa Anna, the firing was going on in various directions. 

•• In fact, alter this firing, General Santa Anna descended from the 
Olviar, and his company in chorus threw, what his presence gave license 
to. the blame of the defeat upon the insubordinate Valencia. The troops 
that were with General Santa Anna withdrew by his order, leaving Va- 
lencia surrounded on all sides, and going to lodge at San Angel." — Mex- 
ican History of the War with Mexico, d. 272-5-G-7. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 227 



CHAPTER IX. 

Battle of Contrcras. — Worth's division storms San Antonio.— Victory of 
Churubusco. — Armistice granted. — Negotiations broken off. — Sanguinary 
battle of 3Iolino del Rey.— Storming of Chapultepec— Surrender of the 
city. — Santa Anna resigns the Presidency. — Attacks Colonel Childs at 
Puebla — Major Lally forces his way from Vera Cruz to Jalapa. — He is 
joined by General Lane with 2,500 men. — Battle of Huamantla. — Powers 
invested in Mr. Trist revoked. — Contributions exacted. — Treaty concluded 
by Mr. Trist. — General Scott recalled.— General Butler appointed to the 
command of the army.— Treaty of Gaudaloupe Hidalgo. — Americans 
evacuate Mexico. — The army of the United Slates.— Territory acquired 
from Mexico. — Its value. 

Pillow's division was ordered to make a practica- 
ble road for heavy artillery, and Twiggs' division 
was ordered to cover that operation. By three 
o'clock on the 19th, the men engaged in making 
the new road, came under the fire of a very heavy 
park of artillery, which was advantageously posted 
to check their operations. This battery was sup- 
ported by large bodies of infantry and cavalry. 
The divisions of Pillow and Twiggs advanced for 
the purpose of storming this formidable battery. 
This movement was met by a terrible fire from the 
enemy's intrenchments. Not only did the heavy 
artillery, which lined the hills, send its iron hail 
into the ranks of the Americans, but the heavy 
columns of infantry with great gallantry defended 
that position. For three hours the battle raged 
furiously, and when night set in the Americans had 



228 ir r s t o b y o p t h e 

made no impression upon the Mexican lines. Noth- 
ing could surpass the obstinacy with which the 
Mexicans held to their position, and not all the 
gallantry of the Americans could drive them from 
it. General Scott, discovering that large bodies of 
troops were advancing from the city, ordered the 
loth regiment, under Colonel Morgan, to occupy 
Contreras. Colonel Riley was at the time on the 
enemy's left, while the brigade under the command 
of General Shields was ordered to support Colonel 
Morgan. 

It was now dark, and the cold and chilling rain 
fell in torrents. Without fires and with no tents to 
protect them from the tempest, many of the regi- 
ments without food, the officers wandering about in 
search of each other, the obstinate fury with which 
the battle had been disputed, all had a tendency to 
casi a temporary gloom over the army. But the 
glorious results of the next day proved that the 
confidence of the troops in their invincibility was 
not shaken. The morning of the 20th of August 
found the brigades of Shields, Smith, Cadwalader^ 
Riley, and Morgan's regiment around the hacienda 
of Contreras. Worth was ordered to march with 
one of his brigades to mask San Antonio, and with 
the other to advance upon Contreras. Similar 
orders were given to General Quitman, and the 
com Lined forces were to be concentrated upon the 
battle field. The plan of the attack, which re- 
sulted in the defeat of the enemy, was arranged by 
General Smith. At three o'clock in the morning, 
the movement commenced, Riley being in the ad- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 229 

vance. After surmounting many difficulties he 
gained the enemy's rear, and with irresistible im- 
petuosity, stormed their intrenchments. The bri- 
gade under Colonel Ransom, composed of the 9th 
regiment and companies from the 3d and 12th, with 
the rifles, arriving at the same moment, attacked 
the Mexicans with terrible effect, while the brigade 
under Shields poured a destructive fire upon the 
enemy during their retreat. 

The results of this brilliant victory were a loss 
upon the part of the enemy, of 700 killed, 813 
prisoners, 83 officers, 4 generals, and 22 pieces of 
brass ordnance. The battle was won before the 
arrival of the division under Worth and Quitman ; 
the former general was directed to assail San An- 
tonio in front, as soon as the divisions under Pillow 
and Twiggs should attack it in the rear. The battle 
now raged along the whole line.* Worth stormed 
the intrenchments at San Antonio, and continued to 
advance until he met Pillow, who, ascertaining that 
San Antonio had been taken, turned to the left for 
the purpose of attacking Churubusco. Here almost 
the entire Mexican force, amounting to more than 
20,000 men, commanded by Santa Anna in person, 
rallied for a last desperate stand. The Americans, 
flushed with victory, advanced to the attack with 
great ardor. The position was hemmed in and furi- 
ously assaulted by portions of Worth's, Twiggs 1 , and 
Pillows' divisions, and was carried at the point of 



* Report of General Scott to the War Department, August 28th, 
1848. 



230 HISTORY OF THE 

the bayonet. The next position to attack was the 
Convent, which, after a long and desperate defence, 
was surrendered by the garrison. 

This was a brilliant day for the American troops. 
Victory utter victory was won, and one position 
after another fell into their hands; and without 
striking another blow, they might have entered the 
capital in triumph, and thus put an end to the Avar." 
Future events proved the error which was commit- 
ted in granting an armistice. The Mexicans were 
determined to resist to the last, and nothing but 
reducing them to extremity, and subduing their 
pi'i<l<- by the capture of the city of Mexico, would 
force them to agree to terms. The history of that 
country from the time of the invasion under Cortes, 
proves that the possession of the city decides the 
late of Mexico. The revolutions, whether blood- 
less or produced at the point of the bayonet, have 
never been signal until the metropolis yielded. 

* " After so many victories, we might, with but little additional loss, have 
occupied the capital the same evening. But Mr. Trist, commissioner, 
&c, as well as myself, had boen admonished by the best friends of peace 
— intelligent neutrals and some American residents — against precipitation. 
lesl by wantonly driving away the government and others — dishonored — 
we mighl scatter the elements of peace, excite a spirit of national despera- 
tion. ,-md thus indefinitely postpone the hope of accommodation. Deeply 
impressed with this danger, and remembering our mission — to conquer a 
-the army very cheerfully sacrificed to patriotism, to the great wish 
and want of our country, the eclat that would have followed an entrance, 
Bword in band, into a great capital. Willing to leave something to this 
republic — of no immediate value to us — on which to rest her pride, and to 
recover temper, I baited our victorious corps at the gates of the city, (at 
leasl l<>r :i time,) and have them now cantoned in the neighboring villages, 
where they are well sheltered and supplied with all necessaries." — Report 
ni General Scott to the Mm- Department, August 28th, 1847, Volume 
2, /,' Documents, Is/ srssiun 307/1 Congress. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 231 

Wherever the pronunciamento was issued, the capi- 
tal was the point upon which the disaffected con- 
centrated, and its fall alone terminated the struggle. 

To prove that the pride of the Mexican people 
had not yet been broken, we have only to refer to 
the events which preceded the armistice, when 
Santa Anna was fearful of having it known that he 
had taken the initiative. On the morning of the 
21st General Scott offered to sign an armistice, con- 
taining a pledge upon the part of the Mexicans to 
enter at once into the negotiations for peace, while 
Santa Anna proposed a truce. The latter proposi- 
tion was rejected, and commissioners were apj)ointed 
on the 22d ; the armistice was signed on the 23d 
and ratified on the 21th. The first article provided 
for the absolute suspension of hostilities between 
the two armies within 30 leagues of the city of 
Mexico, for the purpose of enabling the commis- 
sioners to open negotiations. The third article pro- 
vided that the armistice should continue while those 
commissioners were engaged in negotiations, or until 
the armistice was broken off upon a notice of 48 
hours. The fourth article stated that neither army 
should be reinforced. 

As little faith could be placed in the promises 
of the enemy, General Scott was strongly urged by 
some of his generals to make the surrender of Cha- 
pultepec a guarantee of their good faith ; but to 
this proposition the Mexicans would not agree.* 

* " General Orders, ) " Headquarters of the Army, } 

No. 262. \ Tacubaya, August 24th, 1847. \ 

"The following military convention is published for the information 
and strict government of the American army, its retainers and followers. 



232 HIS TOBY OF TIIE 

The commissioners of the two powers met on the 
27th of August, 1847. It is doubtful whether 
Santa Anna agreed in good faith to open negotia- 

Anv infraction of one or more of the articles of the said convention shall 
be followed by rigorous punishment. 

" The undersigned appointed respectively, the three first by Major Ge- 
neral Winfield Scott, Commander-in-chief of the armies of the United 
States, and the two last by bis Excellency D. Antonio Lopez do Santa 
Anna. President of the Mexican Republic and Commander-in-chief of its 
. met with full powers, which were duly verified, in the village of 
Tacubaya, on the 22d day of August, 1847, to enter into an armistice, for 
the purpose of giving the Mexican Government an opportunity of receiv- 
ing propositions for peace, from the commissioner appointed by the Presi- 
dent of the United States, and now with the American army, when the 
following articles were agreed' upon : 

"Art. 1. Hostilities shall instantly and absolutely cease between the 
armies of the United States of America and the United Mexican States, 
within thirty leagues of the capital of the latter States, to allow time to 
the commissioner appointed by the United States, and the commissioners 
to be appointed by the Mexican Republic, to negotiate. 

" Akt. 2. This armistice shall continue as long as the commissioners 
of the two Governments may he engaged in negotiations, or until the 
commander of either of the said armies shall give formal notice to the 
other of the cessation of the armistice, and for forty-eight hours after such 

notice. 

" Art. 3. In the mean time, neither army shall, within thirty leagues 
of the city of Mexico, commence any new fortification or military work 
of offence or defence, or do any thing to enlarge or strengthen any exist- 
ing work or fortification of that character within the said limits. 

"Art. 4. Neither army shall be reinforced within the same. Any 
n inforcementa in troops or munitions of war, other than subsistence now 
approaching either army, shall be stopped at the distance of at least twen- 
ty-eight leagues from the city of Mexico. 

■ \ i . 5. Neitherarmy, nor any detachment from it,shall advance be- 
yond tlio line it at present occupies. 

Neither army, nor any detachment or individual of either, 
sg tin' neutral limits established by the last article, except under 
flags ot truce lirarine; the correspondence between the two armies, or on 
authorized by the nexl article ; and individuals of either army 
who may chance to straggle within the neutral limits shall, by the oppo- 
site party, he kindly warned off. or sent back to their own army under flags 
of truce. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 233 

tions, or whether he designed to take advantage of 
the suspension of hostilities, for the purpose of 
strengthening the defences of the city. By the 

" Art. 7. The American army shall not by violence obstruct the 
passage from the open country into the city of Mexico, of the ordinary 
supplies of food necessary to the consumption of its inhabitants, or the 
Mexican army within the city ; nor shall the Mexican authorities, civil or 
military, do any act to obstruct the passage of supplies from the city or the 
country needed by the American army. 

" Art. 8. All American prisoners of war remaining in the hands of 
the Mexican army, and not heretofore exchanged, shall immediately, or as 
soon as practicable, be restored to the American army against a like num- 
ber (having regard to rank,) of the Mexican prisoners captured by the 
American army. 

" Art. 9. * * * * [Omitted.] (See Mexican ratification.) 

" Art. 10. The better to enable the belligerent armies to execute these 
articles, and to favor the great object of peace, it is further agreed between 
the parties, that any courier with dispatches that either army shall desire 
to send along the line from the city of Mexico or its vicinity to and from 
Vera Cruz, shall receive a safe conduct from the commander of the oppo- 
sing army. 

"Art. 11. The administration of justice between Mexicans, accord- 
ing to the general and state constitutions and laws, by the local authori- 
ties of the towns and places occupied by the American forces, shall not 
be obstructed in any manner. 

"Art. 12. Persons and property shall be respected in the towns and 
places occupied by the American forces. No person shall be molested in 
the exercise of his profession ; nor shall the services of any one be re- 
quired without his consent. In all cases where services are voluntarily 
rendered, a just price shall be paid, and trade remain unmolested. 

"Art. 13. Those wounded prisoners who may desire to remove to 
some more convenient place for the purpose of being cured of their 
wounds, shall be allowed to do so without molestation — they still remain- 
ing prisoners. 

" Art. 14. Those Mexican medical officers who may wish to attend the 
wounded shall have the privilege of doing so, if their services be required. 

"Art. 15. For the more perfect execution of this agreement, two 
commissioners shall be appointed — one by each party — who, in case of 
disagreement, shall appoint a third. 

"Art. 16. This convention shall have no force or effect unless ap- 
proved by their excellencies the commanders respectively of the two armies, 



234 HISTORY OF THE 

terms of a treaty which had been furnished Mr. 
Trist 1 »y the Secretary of State, the boundary of 
the two countries was to be the Rio Grande, the 

within twenty-four hours, reckoning from 6 o'clock, A. M., of the 22d 

day of August, 1847. 

"J. A. QUITMAN, 

Major General U. S. A. 
"PERSIFER F. SMITH, 

Brevet Brigadier General U. S. A. 
"FRANKLIN PIERCE, 

Brigadier General U. S. A. 
" IGNACIO DE MORA Y. VILLAMIL. 
"BENITO QUIJANO." 

" Headquarters of the Army of the U. S. of America, ) 
Tacubaya, August 23d, 1847. \ 
" Considered, approved, and ratified with the express understanding that 
the word ' supplies,' as used the second time, and without qualification, in 
the seventh article of this military convention (American copy), shall be 
taken to mean — as in both the British and American armies — arms, am- 
munition, clothing, equipments, subsistence (for men), forage, money, and 
in general all the wants of an army. That the word supplies in the Mex- 
ican copy is erroneously translated ' viveres' instead of recursos. 

"WINFIELD SCOTT, 
General-in-chief U. S. Army." 

" Palacio Nacional de Mexico, 
August 24//;, 1847. 
" Ratificado, soprimiendose, el articulo 9° y con esplication del 4° en 
f •! sentidode que la paz temporal deeste armiticio se observant en la capital 
y veinte ocholiguas al rededor; convenido en quela palabra supplies se 
traduzca, recursos, y que en ella se comprenda lo que pueda. Ilaba 
menester el ejercito, escepto armas y municiones. 

" ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA." 

llr.ADQUARTERS OF THE AlIMY OF THE U. S. OF AMERICA, ) 

Tacubaya, August 2 1///, 1847. \ 
"I accept and ratify the foregoing qualifications added by the President 
G il of the Mexican Republic. 

"WINFIELD SCOTT. 

" I', command of Major General Scott. 

"II. L. SCOTT, A. A. A. General." 
/-' '/if Documents, \sl session 30th Congress, vol. 2, p. 356. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 235 

undisputed title of the United States to the State 
of Texas, and the cession by Mexico, of Upper and 
Lower California. New Mexico was to be guaran- 
teed upon the payment of a sum which was to be 
the subject of negotiation. 

To neither of these propositions were the Mexi- 
cans disposed to agree.* Negotiation was pro- 
tracted for several days, without any prospect of 
producing a favorable result, and it was apparent 
that the contest would have to be decided by the 
arbitrament of the sword. On the 6th of Septem- 
ber, a note was addressed by General Scott to the 
Mexican General-in-chief, complaining of the viola- 
tion of several articles of the armistice,f which pro- 

* " Headquarters of the Army of the United States ) 
of America, Tacubaya, September 6, 1847. $ 

" To his Excellency the President mul Commander-in-chief of the Mexican 

Republic. 

" Sir : The seventh Article, as also the twelfth, that stipulates that 
trade shall remain unmolested — of the armistice or military convention, 
which I had the honor to ratify and to exchange with your Excellency, 
the 24th ultimo, has been repeatedly violated, beginning soon after date, 
on the part of Mexico ; and now I have good reason to believe, that, within 
the last forty-eight hours, if not earlier, the third article of that convention 
has been equally violated by the same party. 

" Those direct breaches of faith give to this army the most perfect right 
to resume hostilities against Mexico, without any notice whatever ; but to 
afford time for possible explanation, apology, and reparation, I now give 
formal notice, that unless full satisfaction on these allegations should be 
received by me, before. 12 o'clock, meridian, to-morrow, I shall consider 
the said armistice at an end, from and after that hour. 

" I have the honor to be your Excellency's most ob't serv't, 

"WINFIELD SCOTT." 

f " But I shall desist offering apologies, because I cannot be blind 
to the truth, that the true cause of the threats of renewing hostili- 
ties, contained in the note of your Excellency, is, that I have not been 



236 HISTORY OF THE 

duced a response from Santa Anna, the conclusion 
of which very nearly amounted to a threat* Ne- 
gotiations were broken off, and hostilities were re- 

willing to sign a treaty which would lessen considerably not only the ter- 
ritory of the republic, but that dignity and integrity which all nations de- 
fend to the last extremity. And if these considerations have not the 
same weight in the mind of your Excellency, the responsibility before the 
world, who can easily distinguish on whose side is moderation and justice, 
will fall upon you. 

" I flatter myself that your Excellency will be convinced, on calm re- 
flection, of the weight of my reasons. But if, by misfortune, you should 
seek only a pretext to deprive the first city of the American continent of 
an opportunity to free the unarmed population of the horrors of war, there 
will be left me no other means of saving them but to repel force by force, 
with the decision and energy which my high obligations impose upon me. 

" I have the honor to be your Excellency's very obedient servant, 
" ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA. 

" A true copy of the original, — Mexico, September 7, 1847. 

"JOSE DE ROMERO." 
Executive Documents, 1st session ZOlh Congress, vol. 2, p. 261. 

* COUNTER PROJECT SUBMITTED TO MR. TRIST BY 
THE MEXICAN COMMISSIONERS. 

" 1st. There shall be firm and universal peace between the United 
States of America and the Mexican Republic, and their respective terri- 
tories. cities, towns, and villages, not excepting persons or place-.. 

• 2d. All the prisoners of war made on either side, whether by sea or 
land, shall be released immediately after the signing of the present treaty. 
It is also agreed, that if any Mexicans are now captives in the power of 
any Indian tribe within the limits ceded by the 4th article to the United 
States, the Government of the said United States shall exact their release, 
and that they be restored to liberty and to their homes in Mexico. 

" 3d. Immediately after tl xchange of the ratifications of this treaty, 

all the forts, places, and possessions, which may have been taken or occu- 
pied during this presenl war. within the limits fixed by the 4th article for 
this Republic, shall be restored to the Mexican Republic. In like manner 
shall be restored the artillery, arms, and ammunition that were in all the 
castle- and BtTOTlgholds when they fell into the power of the troops of the 
I d States. With respecl to the artillery taken outside of the said 

- and fortified places, that which is still in the power of the United 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 237 

sumed. At this time, the effective force of General 
Scott was not quite 9,000 men ; and with this force 
an attempt was to be made to take the city, after 

States troops shall be returned to Mexico at the date of the signing of the 
present treaty. 

" 4th. The dividing line between the two Republics shall commence in 
the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite the southern mouth 
of the bay of Corpus Christi, shall run in a straight line from within the 
said bay to the mouth of the river Nueces, thence through the middle of 
that river, in all its course, to its source ; from the source of the river 
Nueces shall be traced a straight line until it meets the present frontier 
of New Mexico, on the east-southeast side : it shall then follow the pre- 
sent boundary of New Mexico on the east, north, and west, until this last 
touches the 37th degree, which will serve as a limit for both Republics 
from the point in which it touches the said frontier of the west of New 
Mexico to the Pacific Ocean. The Government of Mexico promises not 
to found any new settlements or establish colonies in the tract of land 
which remains between the river Nueces and the Bravo del Norte. 

" 5th. As a just compensation for the extension of their old limits, 
which the United States acquire by the previous article, the Government 
of the said United States is bound to pay over to the Republic of Mexico 
the sum of , which shall be placed in the city of Mexico at the dis- 
posal of the said Government of the Mexican Republic, in the act of ex- 
changing the ratifications of this treaty. 

" 6th. The Government of the United States is further bound to take 
upon itself, and satisfy fully, the claimants to all the instalments which 
are due up to this time, and may become due in future, by reason of the 
claims now liquidated and decided against the Mexican Republic, agreea- 
bly to the conventions arranged between the two Republics on the 11th of 
April, 1839, and 30th of January, 1843, in such manner that the Mexican 
Republic shall have absolutely no further payment to make on account of 
said claims. 

" 7th. The Government of the United States is also bound to take 
upon itself, and pay fullyj all the claims of its own citizens, not yet de- 
cided against the Mexican Republic, whatever may be the title or motive 
from which they may proceed, or on which they are founded : so that 
from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, 
the accounts of every kind that exist, or may be supposed to exist, be- 
tween the Government of Mexico and the citizens of the United States, 
shall remain settled definitely and for ever. 

" 8th. In order that the Government of the United States may be able 



238 HISTORY OF T II E 

the Mexicans had had more than two weeks to pre- 
pare for its defence, and to recover from the dismay 
produced by the victories of Contreras and Chum- 
to satisfy, in observance of the previous article, the claims not yet decided, 
of its citizens against the Mexican Republic, there shall be established by 
the Government of the said United States a tribunal of commissioners, 
whose decision shall be conclusive and definitive : provided that, in de- 
ciding on the validity of any demand, it may be adjusted by the principles 
and rules which were established in the articles 1st and 5th of the con- 
vention (not ratified) which was concluded in Mexico on the 20th of 
November, 1843, and in no case shall a decision be given in favor of any 
claim which is not adjusted pursuant to the aforesaid rules. If the tri- 
bunal of commissioners deem it necessary for the just decision of any 
demand to examine books, registers, or documents, which are in the 
[K.wer of the Mexican Government, the Government of the United States 
shall make application for them, and either the originals or faithful copies 
Bhall be sent to it for the purpose of being, as they may, communicated to 
id tribunal : it being understood that there shall not be made by the 
Government of the United States any application for the said books, 
era, or documents, until it shall he specified in each case under 
oath, or with judicial sanction on the part of the claimant in the case, the 
tads soughl to be proved with such hooks, registers, or documents. 

"9th. All the temples, houses, ami edifices, dedicated to the rites or 
exercises of the Catholic worship, in territories belonging hitherto to the 
Mexican Republic, and which, by the 4th article of this treaty, will be 
within the limits of the United States, shall remain dedicated to the same 
rites and exercises of the Catholic religion, without any change, and 
under the special protection of the laws. The same shall be the case 
with all property, movable and immovable, which, within the said terri- 
tories is dedicated to the support of the Catholic worship, or the support 
of Bchools, hospitals, and other establishments of charity or benevolence. 
Finally, the relations and communications of the Catholics, living in the 
same territories with their respective ecclesiastical authorities, shall be 
frank, tree, and without any embarrassment, even though the said autho- 
rities have their residence within the limits which remain subject to the 
Mexican Republic in this treaty ; nor shall there be any demarkation of 
il districts, except conformably to the laws of the Catholic 
Church. 

" 10th. The Mexicans residing in territory heretofore belonging to 
Mexico, and now in the limits of the United States, may at any time re- 
turn to the Mexican Republic, preserving in the said territory the property 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 239 

busco. The closing scenes of the war were re- 
opened by the sanguinary battle of Molino del 
Rey. On the 7th, a reconnoisance was made in the 

they possess; may transfer and convey its value wherever it suits them, 
without, on this account, being liable to the exaction, by the United 
States, of any kind of contribution, tax, or impost. If the persons here 
treated of prefer to remain in the territories they now inhabit, they may 
preserve the title and rights of Mexican citizens, or at once acquire the 
title and rights of citizens of the United States, if they wish it. But in 
all cases they and their property shall enjoy the most ample security. 

" 11th. All the grants of lands made by Mexican authorities in terri- 
tories belonging heretofore to the Republic, and by this treaty to be for 
the future within the limits of the United States, shall be valid and per- 
manent, and shall be sustained and guarded for ever by the Government 
of the said United States. 

" 12th. The Republic of the United States promises solemnly, not t< 
permit hereafter the annexation of any district or territory, comprehended 
in the limits which, by the present treaty, are assigned to the Mexican 
Republic. This solemn agreement has the character of a condition from 
the territorial cessions which Mexico now makes to the Republic of 
North America. 

" 13th. All goods now in the Mexican ports occupied by the North 
American troops, shall pay the duties established by the tariff of the Mex- 
ican Republic, provided they have not before paid duties to that Republic ; 
but they shall not incur the penalty of confiscation. 

" 14th. The Government of the United States shall satisfy, according 
to just terms, the claims of Mexican citizens for the injury sustained in 
their affairs by the North American troops. 

" 15th. The present treaty shall be ratified," &c. 

NOTE WHICH ACCOMPANIED THE COUNTER PROJECT. 

" To his Excellency, Senor. D. Nicholas P. Trist, Commissioner, uitli full 
powers, of the Government of the United States, near the Government of the 
Republic of Mexico. 

"House of Alfaro, at Chapultepec, Sept. 6, 1847. 

" The undersigned, commissioners of the Mexican Republic, to form 
with you an agreement of peace, placing in your hands the counter pro- 
jet which they have formed in accordance with the last instructions of 
their Government, deem it opportune to accompany it with the observa- 
tions which this note contains, which will serve to show more clearly the 



240 IIISTOEY OF THE 

vicinity of Chapultepec, under the eye of the Com- 
mander-in-chief, which resulted in obtaining a fair 
observation of the configuration of the grounds, but 
without placing in the possession of the reconnoiter- 

pacific disposition of Mexico in the contest which unfortunately divides 
both countries. 

■• Article 4lh of the projet, which you were pleased to deliver to us 
on the evening of the 27th ultimo, and which was discussed at our pre- 
vious conferences, imports the cession of part of Mexico. 1st. The 
State of Texas ; 2d. Of the territory without the limits of the said State, 
which extends to the left bank of the Bravo and to the southern boundary 
of New Mexico; 3d. All New Mexico; 4th. Of the two Californias. 

" The war which now exists has been caused solely on account of the 
territory of the State of Texas, to which the Republic of North America 
i title, the act of the same State by which it annexed itself to 
the North American confederacy, after having proclaimed its indepen- 
dence of Mexico. The Mexican Republic agreeing, (as we have mani- 
fested to you that it does,) on account of the owing indemnity, to the 
pretensions of the Government at Washington to the territory of Texas, 
the cause of the war lias disappeared, and it should cease, since all the 
reasons for continuing it has ceased to exist. In regard to the other 
territories comprehended in the 4th article of your projet, until now the 
Republic of North America has urged no claim, nor did we believe it 
possible that any could be alleged. It then could not acquire them but 
by right of conquest, or by that which would result from sale or cession, 
to which it would now force Mexico. Cut as we are persuaded that the 
Republic of Washington would not only absolutely repel, but would hold 
in odium the first of these titles, and as, on the other hand, it would be 
a new thing thai war should be made upon a people for the simple 
i that it refuses to sell a territory which its neighbor wishes to 
purchase; we hope, from the justice of the Government and people of 
North America, that the great modification which we have to propose of 
the cession of territory (without the State of Texas) which is claimed 
in the said article 4th, will not be considered a motive for continuing a 
war which the worthy general of the North American forces as justly 
characterized as uncommon (desnaturalizada). 

" In our conferences we have declared to you that Mexico cannot 

• belt of land comprehended between the left bank of the Bravo 

an'! th' ri'.'lit nl the Nueces. The reason of this is not only the full 

certainty thai the stated territory never has belonged to the State of Texas, 

nor that it is of great value, considered in itself. It is that this zone, with 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 241 

ing party the nature of the defences which it was de- 
signed to carry. General Worth was ordered with his 
division, reinforced by three squadrons of dragoons, 
three pieces of field artillery, two battering guns, and 

the Bravo at its back, forms the natural frontier of Mexico, as much in a 
military as in a commercial point of view ; and of no people should it be 
claimed, nor should any people consent to abandon such a frontier. But, 
in order to remove all cause of dissension for the future, the Government 
of Mexico binds itself not to found new settlements or establish colonies 
in the space between the two rivers ; in this manner preserving it in the 
depopulated state in which it now exists, presenting equal security to both 
republics. The preservation of this territory is, according to our instruc- 
tions, a condition sine qua non of peace. Sentiments of honor and deli- 
cacy, (which your noble character will cause you to estimate properly,) 
more than a calculation of interest, prevent our Government from con- 
senting to the dismemberment of New Mexico. On this point we believe 
it to be superfluous to add any thing to what we have already stated to 
you in our conferences. 

" The cession of Lower California, little profitable to North America, 
offers great embarrassments, considering the position of that peninsula, 
opposite our coast of Sonora, from which it is separated by the Gulf of 
Cortez. 

" You have given to our observations on this subject their true value, 
and we have learned with satisfaction that you have been convinced by 
them. 

" Besides the preservation of Lower California it would be necessary 
for Mexico to retain a portion of the Upper ; otherwise that peninsula 
would remain without land communication with the remainder of the Re- 
public, which would always be a great embarrassment, especially for a 
non-maritime power, such as Mexico. The cession of the part of Upper 
California, offered by our Government, (for the compensation,) will not 
bring to the United States merely fertile lands and intact mineral wealth, 
but presents the advantage of an uninterrupted communication with its 
territories of Oregon. The wisdom of the Government of Washington, 
and the energy of the American people, will know how to draw abundant 
fruits from the acquisition which we now offer them. 

' : In Article 8 of your projet, the concession of a free passage by the 
Isthmus of Tehuantepec to the southern sea, is claimed in favor of the 
North Americans. We have verbally stated to you, that some years have 
elapsed since the Government gave a privilege of this kind to a particular 
individual, who afterwards transferred it, with the authority of the same 
16 



242 HISTORY OF THE 

Cadwalader's brigade, to storm the intrenchments, 
and tli-.-troy the machinery and material which it was 
supposed was in the foundry Kl Mblino del Rey. It 

discovered by Captain Mason of the engineer 

Government, to English subjects, of whose rights Mexico cannot dispose. 
You will not complain, therefore, that in this point we cannot accede to 
the desires of your Government. 

" We have entered into this ingenuous explanation of the motives of 
the Republic for not ceding all the territory beyond the boundaries of 
Texas, which is required of it, because we desire that the Government and 
North American people should be convinced that our partial negative does 
not proceed from sentiments otaversii >n generated by the events of this war, 
or what has caused Mexico to suffer, but only from considerations dic- 
tated by reason and justice, and which would equally influence it at any 
time with the most friendly people, and in the midst of relations of the 
strictest amity. The other alterations which you will find in our counter 
prqjet, are of less importance ; and we believe that to them you will find 
no important objection. The contents of Article 12 have been already 
spoken of in vour country. We flatter ourselves that, your Government 
will not refuse to contract an obligation so conformable to honor, and to 
the harmony in which two neighboring people should live. 

•• P iace !» tween the two countries will be most solemnly established, 
if a foreign power, (England,) which has in the present contest so nobly 
interposed its good offices, would now consent to guarantee the faithful 
observance of the treaty which may be entered into. The Government of 
Mexico understands that it would be convenient to solicit this guarantee. 

" Our Government has commanded us to recommend to you that your 
i upon the counter frqjel, which we have the honor to submit to 
yon. should be communicated within three days. 

■ The salutary work of peace cannot, in our opinion, come to a happy 
termination, if each one of the contending parties should not resolve to aban- 
don some of its original pretensions. This has in all cases happened, and all 
have not hesitated, in such cases, to make greal sacrifices to ex- 
tinguish the desolating flame of war. Mexico and the United States have 
: reasons for acting in this manner. Not without sorrow ought we 
to confess, that we are giving to humanity the scandalous example of two 
Christian people of two republics, in the view of all the monarchies, who, 
for .1 dispute concerning boundaries, mutually do themselves all the injury 
that is possible, when wo have more land than is sufficient to populate and 
cultivate, in the beautiful hemisphere in which Providence has cast our 
lot. We venture to recommend the con iderations to your Excellency, 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 243 

corps, by a reconnoisance which exhibited great 
daring, that the left of the enemy occupied several 
strong stone buildings, called El Molino del Rey, 
in the vicinity of the castle of Chapultepec, and 
immediately under the guns of that celebrated for- 
tress, while the right of his line rested upon another 
stone building, called Cassa M&ta. Between these 
buildings was the Mexican field battery, which was 
defended by strong columns of infantry ; and as this 
was considered the vulnerable point, Worth deter- 
mined to attack and carry it.* For this purpose 
Colonel Garland's brigade was ordered to take po 
sition on the right, strengthened by two pieces of 
Captain Dunn's battery. A storming party of 500 
picked men, under the command 0^ Major Wright, 
was ordered to carry the centre, while the second 
brigade, with Colonel Duncan's battery, was directed 
to take position nearly in front of the Cassa Mata, 
and Cadwalader's brigade was held in reserve. At 
three o'clock on the morning of the 8th, the assault- 
ing party ' advanced with great impetuosity, and 
took the enemy's battery at the point of the bay- 
onet ; but the Mexicans discovering by what a 
small body of men they had been driven from their 
guns, returned to the assault, and assisted by that 

before you may take any definitive resolution on our propositions. We do 
ourselves the honor to offer to you our attention and respect. 

"JOSE JOAQUIN DE HERRERA, 
"BERNARDO COUTO, 
" IGNACIO MORA Y VILLAMIL, 
" MIGUEL ATRISTAIN." 
See Mexican History of the War with Mexico. 

* Report of General Worth, September 10th, 1847. 



244 HISTORY OF THE 

portion of the enemy who were protected in the 
Molino del Rey, they inflicted a terrible loss upon 
the Americans. The right wing of Cadwalader's 
brigade was ordered forward as a reinforcement, 
and the enemy were again driven from their guns 
with great slaughter. The battery under Duncan 
c< >nimenced rapid discharges upon the enemy's right, 
and the second brigade under the command of Co- 
lonel Mcintosh, was ordered to assault the same 
position. That gallant brigade, composed of vete- 
ran-, whose courage had been often tried upon the 
battle-field, advanced steadily to the charge. But, 
instead of finding that part of the ground defended 
by a field battery, they came at once in front of an 
almost i in pregnable stone citadel, strongly de- 
fended by a large body of Mexican infantry, who 
opened upon the advancing columns an appalling 
fire of musketry. Still the Americans closed up 
their ranks as fast as the storm of balls swept them 
aw ay. Accustomed to carnage and slaughter, on- 
ward they advanced against the iron hail, which, 
without intermission, poured upon them an incessant 
tide of death, until they reached the very slope of the 
parapet which environed the citadel. But it required 
more than mortal endurance to withstand the sheet 
of fire which continued to pour from the Mexican 
lines; and the soldiers who composed that cele- 
brated brigade, who upon many a bloody field had 
established a character for invincibility, faltered be- 
fore the awful flame which blazed from the Mexi- 
can guns. Colonel Scotl was killed, and Colonel 
Mcintosh and Major Waite were desperately wound- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 245 

ed; and those hardy veterans, for the first time 
thrown into disorder, fell back, l>ut rallied in the 
rear of Duncan's battery. In the mean time, Major 
Summer's command passed in front of the Cassa 
Mata, and within pistol shot of that citadel, for 
the purpose of gaining a more favorable position, 
and here the second scene of carnage occurred. 
Summer's command advanced with great gallantry ; 
but before they could pass the Cassa Mata, five 
officers and thirty-three soldiers were wounded, six 
soldiers were killed, and twenty-seven horses were 
killed, and seventy-seven wounded. Duncan's bat- 
tery now re-opened its fire upon the Cassa Mata, 
and in a short time the Mexicans were driven from 
it. Every point upon the field was now in the pos- 
session of the Americans ; but they had purchased 
the victory by a sacrifice of life, which cast a gloom 
over the whole American army. When we take 
into consideration the strength of the Mexican 
position, the number of troops which defended it, 
the awful fury of the battle which raged for two 
hours before it was carried, and the horrible slaugh- 
ter of the American troops, we can come to no 
other conclusion, than that it was by far the most 
bloody and sanguinary engagement winch was ever 
fought upon this continent. The results of the vic- 
tory have not been regarded as commensurate 
with the loss sustained by the American troops. 
There was no foundry to be destroyed, and to take 
the position, and then abandon it, has been regarded 
as doubtful policy. It is quite probable, that if 
Worth's division had been reinforced, the castle of 



246 HISTORY OF THE 

Chapultepec could have been easily taken ; but his 
command when Hushed with victory, were prevented 
from reaping a substantial triumph, which the pos- 
session of the castle would have yielded. As it was, 
the principal fruits of the victory were the terror 
produced in the ranks of the enemy, by the obsti- 
nate and irresistible impetuosity of the American 
troops.* 

The number of Mexicans engaged was more 
than L4,000, commanded by Santa Anna; while the 
A i aericans engaged did not exceed 3,100 men. The 
1. — ( >f the Americans in killed and wounded amount- 
ed to more than 700 ; and among the officers who lost 
their lives upon this memorable field, were some of 
the brightest ornaments of the service, who had 
often escaped death in the midst of slaughter. 

General Worth, who was desirous of following 
up his victory by an attack upon Ohapultepec, re- 
tained to Tacubaya under the reiterated orders of 
the Coniniander-in-ehief.f 

* " To set this matter at rest, let it be said that it is now known in 
Mexico, that Santa Anna was in possession of a copy of General Scott's 
nnl.-r to attack the .Molino del Rey, in a few hours after it was written ; 
ajul duringthe whole of the 7th, troops were, as you state, taking up their 
positions on that ground. It is believed, further, that Santa Anna knew 
the precise force thai was to attack. 

'• When, therefore, Scott supposed that Worth would surprise the 
Mills and Cassa Mata, he was met by what? Shall the veil be raised 
8 little further .' There was a traitor among the list of high ranking offi- 
cers in the Mexican army, and for gold he had told your force. Scott 
had been betrayed by one uol an American, not an officer or soldier, but 
Santa Anna was betrayed by one of his own officers, and a .Mexican. 
Santa Anna believed the information he received, and acted on it. 
General Scotl did not believewhal he learned at night, and — the victory 
was won." — Sole by the American Editor of the Mexican History of the 
War with Mexico. 

f " The second modification was in the end to be gained as the result 



POLK AD MINIS TE ATION. 247 

The supposition that General Scott entertained 
the belief that El Molino del Rey could be easily ta- 
ken, could alone justify an isolated attack upon that 
point, not to be followed up by an assault upon the 
castle of Chapultepec, because the result of the vic- 
tory was not comniensurate with the loss sustained. 

Reconnoisances were made along the southern 
part of the city, in the vicinity of the gates of Pie- 
dad, San Angel, San Antonio, and the Paseo de la 
Viga.* The approach in that direction was ren- 
dered extremely hazardous, and General Scott de- 
termined to attack the city from some other direc- 

of the attack, and the reason for the modification is to be found in the dif- 
ferent view which Worth entertained of the matter from that of General 
Scott. He believed that he was going to fight a battle, and he wished 
something tangible as the fruit of it. He believed the castle of Chapulte- 
pec was of great importance, and as it lay near the proposed field of battle 
he wished to extend operations to include its capture. His order was ac- 
cordingly issued to the effect, that the commanders should make disposi- 
tions for the assault so soon as the enemy had been routed from the posi- 
tions of his line at Molino del Rey." 

" General Cadwalader and Colonel Duncan came down from Worth's 
headquarters to confer with him upon the subject; but as to the assault 
on Chapultepec, Scott was inflexible. He permitted the change in the 
time, but he directed the two officers to return to General Worth, and give 
him his positive orders that he should on no account advance beyond Mo- 
lino del Rey ; that he should effect the capture of that point, break up the 
machinery, and at once retire into Tacubaya. And Worth modified his 
order accordingly." 

" Worth, however, was in the spirit for battle, and seeing the arrival 
of fresh troops, the thought of seizing Chapultepec while the enemy was 
broken and dispirited, recurred to him. Riding up to Pillow, he requested 
him to move down to Molino del Rey, to pass through and take position 
in the grove, in preparation to assault and carry the castle. Under the 
positive orders of the General-in-chief to the contrary, Pillow refused to 
comply. " — Ripley's History of the Mexican War, Vol. 2, p. 363-4, 380. 

* Report of General Scott to the War Department, September 18th, 
1847. 



248 II I S T E Y OF THE 

tion. On the lltli of September Quitman's divi- 
sion was ordered to join Pillow by daylight, south 

of the city; and by night those two commanders 
with their division- were directed to join General 
Scott at Tacnl »aya. The first step in the plan i >.f 
operations was to carry Chapnltepec, which was 
absolutely necessary before the city could be at- 
tacked from the west. Heavy 1 catteries were planted 
bearing upon Chapnltepec, and the bombardment 
and cannonade were commenced on the morning of 
the 12th, and it was resolved to make the assault 
on the morning of the 13th, the moment being in- 
dicated by the cessation of the discharges from the 
heavy batteries, and the columns of Pillow and 
Quitman advanced to the attack. The route se- 
lected for Pillow's division was through a grove. 
While leading his men with great gallantry, Pillow 
was wounded, and the command devolved upon 
Cadwalader. About half way up the ascent was 
a formidable redoubt ; this was soon carried by the 
gallantry of a company under the command of 
Capt. Chase. The troops continued to advance with 
impetuosity, which tremendous discharges of 
artillery and musketry could not check. No oppor- 
tunity was given the enemy to fire the mines which 
were laid along the ascent, without involving friends 
as well as foes in one common ruin. The Avail 
of the main work was at length scaled, and the for- 
midable castle of Chapnltepec was in the possession 
of the Americans. While Pillow's division was 
advancing from the west, Quitman's approached 
along tic causeway leading to the southeast. That 



POLK ADMINISTKATION. 249 

part of the Mexican defences were protected by 
strong works, which rendered it exceedingly diffi- 
cult to approach Chapultepec from that direction. 
Several batteries were stormed and the division was 
gradually nearing the castle ; while Shields' brigade 
and the second Pennsylvania volunteers crossed the 
fields under a tremendous fire, and carried the first 
wall which inclosed Chapultepec as Pillow's divi- 
sion stormed the heights. From the north an ad- 
vance was made by the 11th and 14th infantry un- 
der Colonel Trousdale, who not only sustained their 
positions against superior numbers, but gallantly 
carried a battery which had been planted in the 
road. Among the officers who fell at the head of 
the troops was Colonel Ransom of the 9th, who 
was shot dead while heroically leading his regiment 
up the ascent from the west. Many other gallant 
officers were killed and wounded. It had been de- 
termined to follow up the attack upon Chapultepec 
by the capture of the city itself. There were two 
roads leading from the castle to the city ; the one 
on the right passing through Piedad and entering 
the Belen gate, and the other called the San Cosme 
road, terminating in the gate of that name. These 
roads were both elevated causeways, wide enough 
for a double track. Upon both sides of these 
roads were erected formidable breastworks, which 
rendered the approach to the city extremely dan- 
gerous. The division under Worth advanced in 
the direction of the San Cosme gate, while that 
under Quitman was proceeding along the Belen 
road, and the operations of each were overlooked 



250 HISTOKY OF THE 

by the Connnander-in-chief, who occupied a posi- 
tion upon Chapultepec. Clarke's and Gadwala- 
der's brigades were ordered to reinforce Worth's 
division, while that under Pierce was directed to 
support Genera] Quitman. Before 6 o'clock in the 
evening Worth's division had forced the San Cosine 
gate, and turned upon the disordered Mexicans their 
own artillery, while one of his brigades was quar- 
tered within the city, and the pickets and patrols 
were advanced half way from the San Cosine gate 
to the Allameda. At 8 o'clock a mortar and twen- 
ty-tour pounder were planted, and soon poured de- 
structive missiles into the grand plaza, which had 
the effect of bringing to the headquarters of Gene- 
ral Worth a deputation from the city authorities, a 
little past midnight, and who were by him dis- 
patched in charge of an officer to General Scott. 

General Scott believing that the San Cosme 
route was the most vulnerable point of attack, in- 
tended Quitman only to manoeuvre in the direction 
of the Helen gate, for the purpose of facilitating the 
principal assault under Worth. But overcome with 
ardor, and gallantly supported by his officers and 
men, Quitman continued an onward movement in 
the face of front and flank fires, which produced 
greal havoc among his troops. They continued 
steadily to advance, until they were within the city 
irates, where they rested for the night. 

At I o'clock the next morning, September 14th, 
the deputation from the city waited upon the Com- 
mander-in-chief, with the information that the Go- 
vernment and the army had fled, leaving the city 



POLK ADMINISTBATIO'N. 251 

to its fate. The deputation demanded terms of ca- 
pitulation, which were refused by General Scott, 
who gave orders to Worth and Quitman at daylight 
to move into the heart of the city. Quitman's di- 
vision proceeded first into the great plaza by the 
especial directions of the Commander-in-chief, al- 
though he might have been anticipated in that 
pleasure by General Worth, if the motions of nei- 
ther had been controlled. Soon afterwards a fire 
was commenced upon the American troops by 
about 2,000 liberated convicts, and a similar num- 
ber of Mexican troops, and it was 24 hours before 
the outbreak could be suppressed. 

Great forbearance had characterized the conduct 
of General Scott ever since his entrance into the 
Mexican territory. After the decisive victories of 
the 19th and 20th of August, he had tendered an 
offer of negotiation to the vancpiished, instead of 
following them at once into the city. And after 
the American arms had triumphed again and again 
over greatly superior numbers, and the impossibil- 
ity of defending the city had been demonstrated, 
the entrance of the American forces had been or- 
derly and soldierlike, and it was only when dis- 
banded soldiers and liberated convicts commenced 
a cowardly assault from windows and the roofs of 
houses, that the horrors ensued which must follow a 
combat of that description, and for which the Mex- 
icans and not the Americans should be blamed. 

The city of Mexico was now in the possession 
of the American army, and the stars and stripes 
waved in triumph on the national palace. This 



252 HISTORY OF THE 

brilliant achievement had not been obtained with- 
out great loss. At the battles of Contreras and 
Churubusco, the loss of the Americans was 137 
killed and 877 wounded; at Molino del Rev, in 
killed and wounded and missing, 789 ; at the storm- 
ing of Chapultepec, and the capture of the city, 
130 were killed and 703 wounded. The loss of offi- 
cers in these engagements was 33 killed and 170 
wounded. Although the slaughter was great, yet 
the triumph of so small an army, who succeeded in 
driving a greatly superior force from one intrench - 
ment to another, and that, too, in the very heart of 
the enemy's country, was certainly unsurpassed in 
the annals of military warfare. After he had gar- 
risoned Chapultepec, the force with which General 
Scott advanced against the city was less than 0,000 
men, while the army under Santa Anna before the 
battle of Contreras, was more than 30,000. In- 
trenched behind formidable defences, which were 
protected by powerful trains of artillery, and fight- 
ing under the eyes of the people of Mexico, with 
the capital of the country as the prize for which 
they contended, the success of the American arms 
seems almost miraculous. That the Mexicans fought 
with greal desperation is proved by the immense 
loss which they sustained, amounting in killed and 
wounded to more than 7,000. 3,73<> prisoners were 
taken, among the number being 13 generals. With 
the loss of the city was destroyed the morale of 
the Mexicans, who gave up the Btruggle in despair, 
and disbanded, leaving their capital and their 
country in the possession of the conquerors. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 253 

The spectacle which was presented on the morn- 
ing of the 14th to the citizens of Mexico, by the 
entrance of the American troops, must have been 
startlingly grand and imposing. They saw for the 
first time those terrible legions, who, upon the many 
bloody fields which signalized this war, had estab- 
lished a character for invincibility. The slow and 
measured tread, and the calm, stern countenance, 
marked the progress of Worth's regulars ; while the 
gallant bearing, youthful appearance, and enthusi- 
astic movements of Quitman's division, designated 
them as the volunteers. They were no holiday sol- 
diers, decked with waving plumes, and gilt trap- 
pings, but the resolute and invincible soldiers, 
whose prowess had conquered an empire. 

The Americans who composed the army of in- 
vasion, were certainly remarkable for their skill 
and gallantry. The regulars had seen service upon 
many sanguinary fields, and their high state of dis- 
cipline, and steady bravery in the hour of battle, 
rendered their movements always irresistible, while 
the volunteers, who had left their homes to obtain 
renown in the face of the enemy, were celebrated 
for their reckless impetuosity. 

The officers by whom they were commanded, 
were composed of some of the brightest ornaments 
in the service. Their movements were directed by 
the vast experience and unrivalled military skill of 
General Scott, who was surrounded by the scientific 
and brilliant Worth, the experienced and impetuous 
Twiggs, the energetic and gallant Pillow, the brave 
and daring Quitman, the cool and skilful Cadwal- 



25 I HISTORY OF THE 

ader, the fiery and reckless Shields, the calm and 
resolute Pierce, the profound and able Smith, and 
the dashing and sagacious Duncan; besides an array 
of distinguished officers who would have rivalled 
the splendid array of Napoleon's Marshals. 

When we take into consideration the numbers 
of the invading army, and the obstacles to be over- 
come before the city of Mexico could be taken at 
the month of the cannon, we can come to no other 
conclusion, than that the second conquest of Mexico 
was won under far more threatening dangers, than 
Lay in the path of Fernando Cortez. 

Soldiers and volunteers from all portions of the 
Union composed the army of invasion, and were 
equally distinguished for gallantry and good con- 
duct. The New Englander fought by the side of 
the Southerner — the citizen from the Atlantic coast, 
and from the far West, mingled together where free- 
men were contending for the honor of their native 
land. Kmnlation and rivalry prompted each to 
seek that spot where fame was to be acquired. 
Commanders and subordinates exhibited a reckless 
disregard of danger, and all united in upholding 
the honor of the country amid the horrors of battle, 
and assisted to cover with immortal renown those 
terrible legions who bore aloft the banner of the 
Union, until it floated in triumph over the ''Halls 
of the Mbntezumas." 

Defeated at all points, and driven from the ca- 
pital, Santa Anna resigned the presidency, and de- 
termined to attack the American garrison stationed 
at Puebla. Thai city was defended by 500 effective, 



POLK ADMINIS TEAT ION. 255 

and 1,800 disabled men, who were attacked on the 
18th of September by a party of Mexicans. Santa 
Anna reached Puebla on the 2 2d of September, 
and on the 25th summoned Colonel Childs to sur- 
render, which was peremptorily refused. An attack 
was commenced on the 27th, without, however, mak- 
ing any impression. Finding himself foiled in that 
quarter, Santa Anna left Puebla on the 1st of Oc- 
tober, with a column of about 4,000 men, for the 
purpose of cutting off a detachment of Americans, 
who were on their way from Vera Cruz to the 
headquarters of General Scott. The blockade of 
the Americans in Puebla was continued until the 
12 th of October, when it was raised by a party of 
American troops, who had arrived from the coast. 
In the mean time, it was determined by the Cabinet 
in Washingtou, to dispatch a portion of the army 
of the north, under General Lane, as a reinforce- 
ment to the army of invasion. Before they arrived, 
however, about 1,000 recruits for the regular army 
left that city under the command of Major Lally, 
who encountered and defeated the Guerilleros at 
Paso de Ovega, Puente Nacional, and at Cerro 
Gordo. The reason Lally and his command was 
forced to fight their way to Jalapa, was the belief 
entertained by the Mexicans that he had in his train 
a large amount of money. 

On the 20th of September, General Lane took 
up his line of march with about 2,500 soldiers, and 
arrived at Jalapa, and effected a junction with the 
command under Lally. The confined forces moved 
on in the direction of Puebla. Information was < >1 >- 



2f>6 HISTORY OF Til E 

tained by General Lane that the Mexican troops 
under Santa Anna were stationed, at Huamantla, 
several miles from the high road. On the 9th. the 
Americans attacked the troops under his command, 
and having dispersed them, Lane continued his 
march to Puebla, where he arrived on the 12th of 

OctolxT. 

After the resignation of Santa Anna, the execu- 
tive power passed under the control of Pena y 
Pena, who attempted to organize a government at 
Toluca, on the 27th of September, 1847. The seat 
of government was soon after removed to Queretaro. 
A great desire was now felt by the administration 
as \\ I'll as by our troops in Mexico, that the Mexi- 
can Government should be able to sustain itself in 
the attempt to negotiate a peace. General Afiaya 
was elected President, to serve until January, 1848. 
I 'en a y Pena and Rosa were appointed cabinet offi- 
cers. They were in favor of negotiation; while 
Bustamente, who was opposed to that policy, was 
appointed Commander-in-chief of the army, for the 
purpose of conciliating him. Communications passed 
between Rosa and the American Commissioner; 
and to prove that the Mexican Government were 
now seriously disposed to terminate the war, they 
appointed commissioners in November, to conclude 
a treaty of peace. 

On the 1st of September another and still more 
positive intimation was given from the War De- 
partment to General Scott, to force contributions 
from the Mexican^ and this in view of the posses- 



POLK ADMINISTKATION. 257 

sion of the city of Mexico by the troops under his 
command.* 

The propositions which the Mexicans made 
during the armistice which preceded the battle 
of Molino del Key, and the offer of Mr. Trist to 
refer the question of title to the country lying be- 
tween the Rio Grande and Nueces to the Govern- 
ment at Washington, produced a letter from Mr. 
Buchanan, on the 6th of October, 1847, in which 
Mr. Trist was ordered to return home. This com- 
mand was reiterated, and on the 6th of October, 

* " The obstinate persistence of the Mexicans in refusing to treat, 
their utter disregard of the rules of civilized warfare, and the large ex- 
penditures which we are compelled to make, has impressed on the Pre- 
sident the firm conviction that those rights of exacting contributions from 
the enemy, which are conferred on a belligerent by the acknowledged 
law of nations, should be exercised. Your remarks in your dispatch, No. 
28, dated at Jalapa, May 20th, 1847, have been carefully observed. Your 
circumstances are since materially changed ; and if, as we doubt not, 
you have triumphantly entered the city of Mexico, the President directs 
me again to call your attention to the dispatch to this Department of the 
3d of April last, a copy of which is here inclosed. The property-holders 
of Mexico have no claim to find in the market afforded by sales to our 
army, an actual pecuniary benefit resulting from the war. They must be 
made to feel its evils, and it is earnestly hoped and expected that you will 
not find, in your present circumstances, a necessity to adhere to your 
opinion, expressed in your dispatch referred to, that a resort to forced con- 
tributions will exasperate and ruin the inhabitants, and starve the army. 
Contributions' may be exacted from cities, or states, or wealthy indi- 
viduals, and payment made for provisions and other supplies brought to 
the camp, or collected in kind. It is not improbable that men of wealth 
and means may profess to belong mainly to the peace party ; and it may 
be apprehended that they will be driven from their pacific position by 
coercive proceedings. But however such an effect may be apprehended, 
it is more probable that their exertions to promote a termination of the 
war will be made more serious and efficient when they feel the oppressive 
evils of the state of war." — Letter from John Y. Mason, Acting Secre- 
tary of War, to General Scott, September 1st, 1847. 
17 



258 HISTOEY OF TIIE 

the Secretary of War addressed a letter to General 
Scott, informing him that the powers vested in Mr. 
Trist had been revoked, and directing him to in- 
form the Mexican Government of that fact.* In 
the same communication, the Commander-in-chief 
was directed to forward any propositions the Mexi- 
cans might make to the Government at Washing- 
ton, hut not to relax his exertions in the prosecu- 
tion of hostilities.*]' r -^ ne designs of the adminis- 
tration were thus fully communicated to the Com- 
mander-in-chief, and Mr. Trist. It was determined 
to transfer the negotiations from Mexico to Wash- 
ington, and for this purpose the powers which had 
hitherto been invested in Mr. Trist were annulled. 
But that individual, witli a strange and unaccount- 
able pertinacity, still determined to act as the 
Commissioner of the United States, and positively 
refused to obey the injunctions of the Secretary of 
State. In the meantime volunteers and regulars, 
under the command of Generals Butler and Patter- 
son, continued pouring into the valley of Mexico, 
and by the 20th of December, the American troops 

* " The views of the Government in relation to propositions and 
negotiations for concluding a peace, are disclosed in a dispatch from the 
Department of State to Mr. Trist, a copy of which accompanies this 
communication. By it you will perceive that he is recalled. You will 
embrace a proper occasion to notify the Mexican authorities of this fact." 
— Letter of Mr. Marcy to General Scott, October 6lh, 1847. 

f •• Should they offer, through you, terms of accommodation, or propose 
to enter on negotiations, the President directs that such propositions be 
forwarded without delay to him ; but it is not expected that your move- 
nt- measures for carrying on hostilities will thereby be relaxed or 
in any wise changed." — Secretary of War to General Scott, Septeynber 
1st, 1817. 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 259 

in the vicinity of the capital amounted to 15,000 
men. 

Detachments from this force were sent in differ- 
ent directions from the capital ; contributions were 
levied and enforced, and the whole power of the 
army was brought to bear for the purpose of forcing 
the Mexicans to agree to terms. 

On the 2d of February, 1848, the labors of Mr. 
Trist, which were conducted upon his own responsi- 
bility, produced a paper, signed at Guadalupe Hi- 
dalgo, which was transmitted by the order of Gen- 
eral Scott to the Government at Washington* The 
course pursued by the Commander-in-chief towards 
Mr. Trist was somewhat remarkable. In the letter 
of the Secretary of War, of September 1st, he was 
distinctly informed that Mr. Trist was recalled, and 
that all communications which the Mexicans there- 
after made, relative to the establishment of a treaty 
of peace, should be transmitted to Washington. 
After he had received those instructions, General 
Scott knew that no one in Mexico was empowered 
to conclude a treaty, and that the course pursued 
by Mr. Trist was an unauthorized assumption of 
power. Still he forwarded the result of the illegal 
acts of Mr. Trist to Washington, and instead of 

* " I write in haste, by the express who carries the project of a treaty 
that Mr. Trist has, at the moment, signed with the Mexican Commis- 
sioners. 

" In about forty days I may receive an acknowledgment of this re- 
port. By that time, if the treaty be not accepted, I hope to be sufficiently 
reinforced to open the commercial line between Zacatecas and Tampico." 
— Letter of General Scott to the Secretary of War, February 2d, 1848. 
Volume 7, Executive Documents, 1st session 30th Congress. 



260 HISTORY OF THE 

prosecuting the war vigorously, he awaited the 
answer to his report of February 2d, 1848. 

It was undoubtedly the duty of General Scott 
to obey the orders that were issued from the War 
1 ►epartment, and thus set an example to the whole 
army of subordination to superior officers. 

The difficulties which had occurred between the 
Commander-in-chief and several of the distinguished 
officers of the army, induced the President on the 
loth of January, 1848, to grant the desire which 
General Scott had expressed on the 4th of June, 
1847, for his recall,* and the command of the army 
devolved upon General Butler. 

The charges whic-li General Scott made against 
Pillow and Duncan had to be investigated. It was 
due to all parties that it should be clone ; and as the 
war in effect had been terminated by the possession 
of the enemy's country, there was no more appro- 
priate time for an examination of the charges made 
by General Scott, than that which was selected. 

* " Sir ; In view of the present state of things in the army under 
your immediate command, and in compliance with the assurance contained 
in my reply to your letter of the 4th of June, wherein you ask to be re- 
called, the President has determined to relieve you from further duty as 
commanding general in Mexico." 

" Desirous to secure a full examination into all the matters embraced 
in the several charges which you have presented against Major General 
Pillow and Brevet Lieutenant Colonel Duncan, as well as the charges or 
grounds of complaint presented against you by Brevet Major General 
Worth, and deeming your presence before the court of inquiry which has 
been organized to investigate these matters, indispensably necessary for 
tin- purpose, you are directed by the President to attend the said court of 
inquiry wherever it may hold its Bitthlgs," &c. &c. — Letter of the Secre- 
tary of War to General Scott, January 13th, 1848. Executive Documents, 
1st session 30lh Congress, vol. 7. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 261 

Besides, the Commander-in-chief, several months 
before, had expressed a wish to be relieved from the 
command of the army,* and he had received assur- 
ances that his desire would be complied with when 
the public service would justify it.f This request 
of the General-in-chief created some surprise at 
Washington, where it was known that he had mani- 
fested an anxious desire to receive, in person, the 
command of the armies in the field. J 

What those grievances were of which General 
Scott complained, were set forth in detail in his let- 
ter of February 24th, 1848. 

That document set out with some extraordinary 
assumptions, § and contained several specifications 

* " Considering the many cruel disappointments and mortifications I 
have been made to feel since I left Washington, or the total want of sup- 
port and sympathy on the part of the War Department which I have so 
long experienced, I beg to be recalled from this army the moment that it 
may be safe for any person to embark at Vera Cruz, which I suppose will 
be early in November." — Dispatch of General Scott to (he Secretary of 
War, June 4th, 1847. Executive Documents, 1st sessionSOth Congress, 
vol. 7, p. 994. 

f " Regarding the inducements you have assigned for begging to be 
recalled, as deserving to have very little influence on the question, it will 
be decided by the President with exclusive reference to the puhlic good. 
When that shall render it proper, in his opinion, to withdraw yon from 
your present command, his determination to do so will be made known to 
you." — Letter of the Secretary of War to General Scott, July 12///, 1847. 
Executive Documents, 1st session 30th Congress, vol. 7, p. 1002. 

I " Considering that you had claimed, as a matter of right due to your 
superior rank, to be placed at the head of our armies in the field, in a state 
of actual war, and had earnestly besought that position as a matter of favor, 
the President was not a little surprised that, after so brief a period of ser- 
vice, you should ask to be recalled." — Ibid., p. 1001. 

5 "As the officers detailed for the court of inquiry before which I am 
ordered to appear as a criminal, are not known to have arrived in the coun- 
try, I avail myself of a moment's leisure to recall some of the neglects, 



262 ii [sro b v o v the 

which were triumphantly refuted by the Secretary 
of War, in an argument, which for logical power 
has seldom been surpassed, and obtained for its au- 
thor a high reputation. 

The first charge made by General Scott was 
the want of time which was allowed him before his 
departure from Washington, only four days having 
been granted, when twenty might have been em- 
ployed with great benefit to the service. To which 
Mr. Marcy responded that he was not restricted as 
to time, and that it was not until after he had re- 
ported himself ready for departure, that he was 
ordered away; and that instead of going directly 
to Mexico, his desire was granted to pass through 
New- York, where he remained nearly a week ; and 
that he did not arrive in New-Orleans until 26 days 
after he left Washington. * 

Another accusation was a refusal upon the part 
of the cabinet to permit one of three accomplished 
captains whom he had named, to act as his assistant 
adjutant-general, alleging that there was a vacancy 
which he desired to be filled by one of those per- 
sons. This the administration could not grant, first 
upon the ground that there was no vacancy, and if 
there had been, a compliance with his wishes would 
have produced a violation of the rules which go- 
verned the service. He then charged upon the ad- 

disnppointments, injuries and rebukes which have been inflicted upon me 
by tin' \V;tr Department since my departure from Washington, November 
23d, 18)tl." — Litter of General Scott to the Secretary of War, February 

S\'h. ]S|H. 

* Letter of the Secretary of War to General Scott, April 21st, 1848. 
Executive Documents, 1st session 30th Congress, vol. 2, p. 1,228. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 263 

ministration a failure to supply the necessary vessels 
to transport the troops from Tampico and the Bra- 
zos to Vera Cruz, and that his operations were de- 
layed from the 15th of January until the 9th of 
March.* If there is any force at all in this charge, 
it means that on the 15th of January the army un- 
der General Scott was ready to embark at that 
time, and for want of transportation, occasioned by 
the fault of the Government, they were delayed 
until the 9th of March. There are two facts which 
conclusively answer this complaint. First, the regu- 
lars from Taylor's column, who were an important 
part of Scott's force, did not arrive at the place of 
embarkation until after the 25th of January, ten 
days subsequently to the time indicated by the 
Commander-in-chief as the period when he was 
ready to embark ; and second, he bore testimony 
himself to the faithful performance of his duty by 
the Quartermaster General,-)- who was subject to his 
orders, and was in a position to execute them with 
the greatest promptitude. 

The complaint which he made of being rebuked 
for releasing on parole the prisoners taken at Cerro 

* " Relying upon them, confidently, the embarkation was delayed in 
whole or in part, at the Brazos and Tampico, from the 15th of January to 
the 9th of March, leaving, it was feared, not half the lime needed for the 
reduction of Vera Cruz and its castle before the return of the yellow fever." 
—Letter of General Scott to the Secretary of War, February 2-Uh, 1848. 
Executive Documents, 1st session 30//i Congress, vol. 7, p. 1220. 

f " The Quartermaster General, Brevet Major General Jesnp, at New- 
Orleans, I find, has taken all proper measures with judgment and prompti- 
tude, to provide every thing depending on his department for the dispatch and 
success of my expedition."— Dispatch of General Scott to the Secretary 
of War, January 26th, 1847. Executive Documents, 1st session 30th 
Congress, vol. 7. 



264 HISTORY OF THE 

Gordo, is far from being sustained "by the language 
which Mas addressed to him on that subject * 

It was very unfortunate for General Scott that 
he brought his accusations against the administra- 
tion ; and so far from evincing sympathy from the 
American people and improving his prospects for 
the Presidential chair, his warmest friends felt that 
his hopes were blasted by the crushing reply of the 
Secretary of War. The opposition members of 
Congress who were disposed to favor the nomina- 
tion of General Scott for the Presidency, expected 
to increase his popularity by the publication of the 
correspondence between himself and the War De- 
partment ; while others, whose preferences were 
exhibited for another military chieftain, hoped by 
bringing odium upon the administration, to obtain 
a triumph over the democratic party. Foiled in 
their expectations, they could only express their in- 
dignation, because Mr. Marcy furnished under the 
call of the House of Representatives of the 17th 
of April, 1848, his celebrated reply to General 
Scott, dated on the 21st. f 

( >n the L8th of February, 1848, the Commander- 
in-chief of the army of invasion was informed that 
he was relieved from further duty in Mexico. It is 
a subject of much rcgivt, that one who had led our 
conquering legions to the far-famed Halls of the 
Montezumas, could not still retain the command 

* Letter of the Secretary of War to General Scott, May 31st ; 1847. 
t The letter of General Scotl and the reply of the Secretary of War 
e found in the Appendix. Volume 7 Executive Documents, 1st ses- 
sion 30th Congress, pp. 1218 to 1261 inclusive. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 265 

until the treaty of peace was ratified. As it was, 
however, he had won all the glory which could be 
obtained in that celebrated campaign, and the posi- 
tion bestowed upon Butler as his successor, conferred 
but an empty honor. 

Although a brave, courteous, and gallant officer, 
General Butler had many superiors in point of mili- 
tary skill, in the valley of Mexico. The necessity 
which rendered his appointment imperative, is a 
subject of much regret. To rank those heroic chief- 
tains who had assisted to elevate the military re- 
nown of our country upon the sanguinary fields of 
Mexico, with an officer who had participated to only 
a limited degree in the contest, should, if possi- 
ble, have been avoided. If honor was to be con- 
ferred, almost every General Officer in the valley 
was entitled to the position. If danger was appre- 
hended, the profound military skill and great abili- 
ties of General Worth, designated him as the appro- 
priate successor of General Scott.* He possessed 
the ardor and impetuosity of Murat, the bravery 
and inflexible determination of Ney, the ability and 
judgment of Massena, and the bearing and frankness 
of Macdonald. 

The document signed by Mr. Trist, at Guada- 
lupe Hidalgo, was received by the President in 
February, 1848, and produced at Washington a 
strong feeling of indignation against Mr. Trist for 

* It was supposed that the President was induced to order Butler to 
Mexico, owing to the feelings with which Pillow had inspired the army. 
He was next in rank to General Scott, and consequently would have suc- 
ceeded him in the command of the army, but for the presence of General 
Butler. 



266 HISTORY OF THE 

his unauthorized assumption of power. Mr. Polk 
submitted the document to his constitutional advi- 
sers, and after a warm and animated debate, the 
treaty, with certain amendments, was ratified March 
10th, 1848, thirty-eight Senators voting for, and four- 
teen against it. Messrs. Sevier and Clifford were ap- 
pointed Commissioners for the purpose of obtaining 
a ratification of the treaty from the Mexican Gov- 
ernment at Queretaro, which was done on the 30th 
of May, 1848. The Americans soon after evacuated 
the Mexican territory* The results of the war 

♦"TREATY 
Of peace, friendship, limits and settlement between the United States of America 
and the Mexican Republic. Dated at Guadalupe Hidalgo, February 2, 
1848; ratified by the President of the United States, March 16, 1848; ex- 
changed at Queretaro, May 30, 1848 ; proclaimed by the President of the 
I ited States. July 4, 1848. 

"By the President of the United States of America. 

"A PROCLAMATION. 

■• Whereas, a treaty of peace, friendship, limits, and settlement, be- 
tween the United States of America and the Mexican Republic, was con- 
cluded and signed at the city of Guadalupe Hidalgo, on the second day 
of February, one thousand eight hundred and forty-eight, which treaty, as 
amended by the Senate of the United States, and being in the English and 
Spanish languages, is word for word as follows : 

■• In the name of the Almighty God : the United States of America, 
and the United Mexican States, animated by a sincere desire to put an end 
to the calamities of the war which unhappily exists between the two repub- 
lics, and to establish upon a solid basis relations of peace and friendship, 
which .-hall confer reciprocal benefits upon the citizens of both, and assure 
the concord, harmony, and mutual confidence wherein the two people 
Bhould live, as good neighbors, have for that purpose appointed their re- 
Bpective plenipotentiaries, thai is to say, the President of the United States 
has appointed Nicholas P. Trist, a citizen of the United States, and the 
President of the Mexican Republic lias appointed Don Luis GonzagaCue- 
vas, Don Bernardo Couto, and Don Miguel Atristain, citizens of the said 
republic, who, after a reciprocal communication of their respective full 



POLK ADMINISTEATION 267 

with Mexico, which was thus terminated tiy a treaty 
of peace, will exert a vast influence over the destiny 
of the confederacy. The alacrity with which the 

powers, have, under the protection of the Almighty God, the author of 
peace, arranged, agreed upon, and signed the following 

Treaty of peace, friendship, limits, and settlement, between the United 
States of America and the Mexican Republic. 

" ARTICLE I. 

" There shall be firm and universal peace between the United States of 
America and the Mexican Republic, and between their respective coun- 
tries, territories, cities, towns, and people, without exception of places or 
persons. 

" article n. 

" Immediately upon the signature of this Treaty, a Convention shall 
be entered into between a commissioner or commissioners, appointed by 
the General-in-chief of the forces of the United States, and such as may 
be appointed by the Mexican Government, to the end that a provisional sus- 
pension of hostilities shall take place, and that, in the places occupied by 
the said forces, constitutional order may be re-established, as regards the 
political, administrative, and judicial branches, so far as this shall be per- 
mitted by the circumstances of military occupation. 

" ARTICLE III. 

" Immediately upon the ratification of the present treaty by the Gov- 
ernment of the United States, orders shall be transmitted to the commanders 
of their land and naval forces, requiring the latter (provided this treaty shall 
then have been ratified by the Government of the Mexican Republic, and 
the ratifications exchanged) immediately to desist from blockading any 
Mexican ports ; and requiring the former (under the same condition) to 
commence at the earliest moment practicable, withdrawing all troops of 
the United States then in the interior of the Mexican Republic, to the 
points that shall be selected by common agreement, at a distance from the 
seaports not exceeding thirty leagues ; and such evacuation of the interior 
of the Republic shall be completed with the least possible delay ; the Mex- 
ican Government hereby binding itself to afford every facility in its power 
for rendering the same convenient to the troops, on their march and in 
their new positions, and for promoting a good understanding between them 
and the inhabitants. In like manner, orders shall be dispatched to the per- 
sons in charge of the custom-houses, at all ports occupied by the forces 



268 histoey of the 

volunteers rushed to the standard of their country, 
and bore it aloft into the heart of the enemy's ter- 
ritory, and the gallantry with which they preserved 

of the United States, requiring them (under the same condition) imme- 
diately to deliver possession of the same to the persons authorized by the 
Mexican Government to receive it, together with all bonds and evidences 
of debts for duties on importations and on exportations, not yet fallen due. 
Moreover, a faithful and exact account shall be made out, showing the 
entire amount of all duties on imports and on exports collected at such cus- 
tom-houses, or elsewhere in Mexico, by authority of the United States, 
from and after the day of the ratification of this Treaty by the Government 
of the Mexican Republic ; and also on account of the cost of collection; 
and such entire amount, deducting only the cost of collection, shall be de- 
livered to the Mexican Government, at the city of Mexico, within three 
months after the exchange of the ratifications. 

" The evacuation of the capital of the Mexican Republic, by the 
troops of the United States, in virtue of the above stipulations, shall be 
completed in one month after the orders there stipulated for shall have 
been received by the commander of said troops, or sooner if possible. 

"article rv. 

"Immediately after the exchange of ratifications of the present treaty ? 
all castles, forts, territories, places, and possessions, which have been 
taken or occupied by the forces of the United States during the present 
war, within the limits of the Mexican Republic, as about to be established 
by tin' following article, shall be definitely restored to the said Republic, 
i«i'ji -iln-i- with all the artillery, arms, apparatus of war, munitions, and 
other public property, which were in the said castles and forts when 
captured and which shall remain there at the time when this treaty shall 
be duly ratified by the Government of the Mexican Republic. To this 
end. immediately upon the signature of this treaty, orders shall be dis- 
patched to the American officers commanding such castles and forts, secur- 
linsl the removal or destruction of any such artillery, arms, apparatus 
of war, munitions, or other public property. The city of Mexico within 
the inner line of intrenchments surrounding the said city, is compre- 
hended in the above stipulations, as regards the restoration of artillery, 
apparatus of war, &c. 

"The final evacuation of the territory of the Mexican Republic, by 

.1 the United States, shall be completed in three months from 

the iid exchange of ratifications, or sooner if possible: the Mexican 

Government hereby engaging, as in the foregoing article, to use all means 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 269 

its folds unsullied in the midst of carnage and 
slaughter, stamped the Americans as the most mili- 
tary nation of modern times. There was no neces- 

in its power for facilitating such evacuation, and rendering it convenient 
to the troops, and for promoting a good understanding between them and 
the inhabitants. 

" If, however, the ratification of this treaty by both parties should not 
take place in time to allow the embarkation of the troops of the United 
States to be completed before the commencement of the sickly season at 
the Mexican ports on the Gulf of Mexico, in such case a friendly arrange- 
ment shall be entered into between the General-in-chief of the said troops 
and the Mexican Government, whereby healthy and otherwise suitable 
places, a', a distance from the ports not exceeding thirty leagues, shall be 
designated for the residence of such troops as may not yet have embarked, 
until the return of the healthy season. And the space of time here re- 
ferred to as comprehending the sickly season, shall be understood to ex- 
tend from the first day of May to the first day of November. 

" All prisoners of war, taken on either side, on land or on sea, shall 
be restored as soon as practicable after the exchange of ratifications of 
this treaty. It is also agreed, that if any Mexicans should now be held 
as captives by any savage tribe within the limits of the United States, as 
about to be established by the following article, the Government of the 
United States will exact the release of such captives, and cause them to 
be restored to their country. 

"article v. 
" The boundary line between the two Republics shall commence in 
the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite the mouth of the 
Rio Grande, otherwise called Rio Bravo del Norte, or opposite the mouth 
of its deepest branch, if it should have more than one branch emptying 
directly into the sea, from thence up the middle of that river, following 
the deepest channel, where it has more than one, to the point where it 
strikes the southern boundary of New Mexico, thence westwardly along 
the whole southern boundary of New Mexico (which runs north of the 
town called Paso) to its western termination ; thence northward along the 
western line of New Mexico until it intersects the first branch of the 
river Gila, (or if it should not intersect any branch of that river, then to 
the point on the said line nearest to such branch, and thence in a direct 
line to the same,) thence down the middle of the said branch and of the 
said river, until it empties into the Rio Colorado ; thence across the Rio 



270 HISTORY OF THE 

sity for drafting, or of resorting to the services of a 
press-gang to fill the ranks of the army ; but at the 
hist roll of a Mexican drum within the borders of 

Colorado, following the division line between Upper and Lower California 
to the Pacific Ocean. 

" The southern and western limits of New Mexico, mentioned in this 
article, are those laid down in the map entitled, ' Map of the United 
Mexican States, as organized and defined by various Acts of the Con- 
gress of said Republic, and constructed according to the best authorities. 
Revised edition. Published at New-York, in 1847, by J. Disturnell.' Of 
which map a copy is added to this treaty, bearing the signatures and seals 
of tht' undersigned plenipotentiaries. And, in order to preclude all diffi- 
culty in tracing upon the ground the limit separating Upper from Lower 
California, it is agreed that the said limit shall consist of a straight line 
drawn from the middle of the Rio Gila, where it unites with the Colorado, 
to a point on the coast of the Pacific ocean, distance one marine league 
due south of the southernmost point of the port San Diego, according to 
the plan of said port made in the year 1782, by Don Juan Pantoja, second 
Bailing-master of the Spanish fleet, and published at Madrid in the year 
1802, in the Atlas to the voyage of the schooners Sutil and Mexicana, of 
which plan a copy is hereunto added, signed and sealed by the respective 
plenipotentiaries. 

" In order to designate the boundary line with due precision, upon 
authoritative maps, and to establish upon the ground landmarks which 
shall show the limits of both Republics, as described in the present article, 
the two Governments shall each appoint a commissioner and a surveyor, 
who. before the expiration of one year from the date of the exchange of 
ratifications of this treaty, shall meet at the port of San Diego, and pro- 
ceed to run and mark the said boundary in its whole course to the mouth 
of the Rio Bravo del Norte. They shall keep journals and make out 
plans of their operations ; and the result agreed upon by them shall be 
deemed a part of this treaty, and shall have the same force as if it were 
inserted therein. The two Governments will amicably agree regarding 
what may be necessary to these persons, and also as to their respective 
. should such be necessary. 

" The boundary line, established by this article, shall be religiously 
respected by each of the two Republics, and no change shall ever be 
made therein, except by the express and free consent of both nations, 
lawfully given by the General Government of each, in conformity with 
its own constitution. 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 271 

the Union, the American people were literally in 
arms. The powers of Europe, who had regarded us 
merely as a nation of traders, were startled by an 

" ARTICLE VI. 

" The vessels and citizens of the United States shall, in all times, 
have a free and uninterrupted passage by the Gulf of California, and by 
the river Colorado below its confluence with the Gila, to and from their 
possessions situated north of the boundary line defined in the preceding 
article ; it being understood that this passage is to be by navigating the 
Gulf of California and the river Colorado, and not by land, without the 
express consent of the Mexican Government. 

" If, by the examinations which may be made, it should be ascertained 
to be practicable and advantageous to construct a road, canal, or railway, 
which should in whole or in part run upon the river Gila, or upon its 
right or its left bank, within the space of one marine league from either 
margin of the river, the Governments of both Republics will form an 
agreement regarding its construction, in order that it may serve equally 
for the use and advantage of both countries. 

" ARTICLE VII. 

" The river Gila, and the part of the Rio Bravo del Norte, lying below 
the southern boundary of New Mexico, being, agreeably to the fifth 
article, divided in the middle between the two Republics, the navigation 
of the Gila and of the Bravo below said boundary shall be free and 
common to the vessels and citizens of both countries ; and neither shall, 
without the consent of the other, construct any work that may impede 
or interrupt, in whole or in part, the exercise of this right ; not even for 
the purpose of favoring new methods of navigation. Nor shall any tax 
or contribution, under any denomination or title, be levied upon vessels, 
or persons navigating the same, or upon merchandise or effects trans- 
ported thereon, except in the case of landing upon one of their shores. 
If, for the purpose of making said rivers navigable, or for maintaining 
them in such state, it should be necessary or advantageous to establish 
any tax or contribution, this shall not be done without the consent of both 
Governments. 

" The stipulations contained in the present article shall not impair the 
territorial rights of either Republic within its established limits. 

"ARTICLE VIII. 

" Mexicans now established in territories previously belonging to 
Mexico, and which remain for the future within the limits of the United 



272 HISTORY OF THE 

exhibition of military enthusiasm, unequalled since 
the <lay> of the crusades; and they will pause be- 
fore they encroach upon the rights of a people who 

States, as defined by the present treaty, shall be free to continue where 
they now reside, or to remove at any time to the Mexican Republic, re- 
taining the property which they possess in the said territories, or disposing 
thereof, and removing the proceeds wherever they please, without their 
being subjected, on this account, to any contribution, tax, or charge 
whatever. 

" Those who shall prefer to remain in the said territories, may either 
retain the title and rights of Mexican citizens, or acquire those of citizens 
of the United States. But they shall be under the obligation to make 
their election within one year from the date of the exchange of ratifica- 
tions of this treaty ; and those who shall remain in the said territories 
after the expiration of that year, without having declared their intention 
to retain the character of Mexicans, .-hall be considered to have elected to 
become citizens of the United States. 

" In the said territories, property of every kind, now belonging to 
Mexicans not established there, shall be inviolably respected. The pre- 
sent owners, the heirs of these and all Mexicans who may hereafter 
acquire said property by contract, shall enjoy with respect to it guarantees 
equally ample, as if the same belonged to the citizens of the United 
States. 

" ARTICLE IX. 

" The Mexicans who, in the territories aforesaid, shall not preserve 
the character of citizens of the Mexican Republic, conformably with 
what is stipulated in the preceding article, shall be incorporated into the 
Union of the United States, and be admitted at the proper time (to be 
judged of by the Congress of the United States) to the enjoyment of all 
the ri^'liN of citizens of the United States, according to the principles of 
th>- constitution; and in the meantime shall be maintained and protected 
in the free enjoyment of their liberty and property, and secured in the 
free exercise of their religion without restriction. 

" article x. 
[Stricken out.] 

"article XI. 
" Considering that a great part of the territories which, by the present 
treat v. are to be comprehended for the future within the limits of the 
United States, is now occupied by savage tribes, who will hereafter be 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 273 

are so ready to wash out with blood every stain up- 
on the national honor. The most effectual way to 
prevent aggressions, is not only to possess sufficient 

under the exclusive control of the Government of the United States, and 
whose incursions within the territory of Mexico would be prejudicial in 
the extreme, it is solemnly agreed that all such incursions shall be forcibly 
restrained by the Government of the United States whensoever this may 
be necessary ; and that when they cannot be prevented, they shall be 
punished by the said Government, and satisfaction for the same shall be 
exacted all in the same way, and with equal diligence and energy as if 
the same incursions were meditated or committed within its own territory, 
against its own citizens. 

" It shall not be lawful, under any pretext whatever, for any inhabi- 
tant of the United States to purchase or acquire any Mexican or any 
foreigner residing in Mexico, who may have been captured by Indians 
inhabiting the territory of either of the two Republics, nor to purchase or 
acquire horses, mules, cattle, or property of any kind, stolen within Mex- 
ican territory by such Indians. 

" And in the event of any person or persons, captured within Mexican 
territory by Indians, being carried into the territory of the United States, 
the Government of the latter engages and binds itself in the most solemn 
manner, so soon as it shall know of such captives being within its ter- 
ritory, and shall be able so to do through the faithful exercise of its in- 
fluence and power, to rescue them and return them to their country, or 
deliver them to the agent or representative of the Mexican Government. 
The Mexican authorities will, as far as practicable, give to the Govern- 
ment of the United States notice of such captures ; and its agent shall 
pay the expenses incurred in the maintenance and transmission of the 
rescued captives ; who, in the meantime, shall be treated with the utmost 
hospitality by the American authorities at the place where they may be ; 
but if the Government of the United States, before receiving sucli notice 
from Mexico, should obtain intelligence through any other channel of the 
existence of Mexican captives within its territory, it will proceed forth- 
with to effect their release and delivery to the Mexican agent as above 
stipulated. 

" For the purpose of giving to these stipulations the fullest possible 
efficacy, thereby affording the security and redress demanded by their true 
spirit and intent, the Government of the United States will now and here- 
after pass, without unnecessary delay, and always vigilantly enforce, such 
laws as the nature of the subject may require. And finally, the sacred- 
ness of this obligation shall never be lost sight of by the said Government 
18 



274 HISTORY OF THE 

ability, but the requisite amount of military ardor 
to resent them. It is true that the war cost the 
United States a large amount of money ; and what 

when providing for the removal of the Indians from any portion of the said 
territories, or for its being settled by citizens of the United States, but on 
the contrary, special care should be taken not to place its Indian occupants 
under the necessity of seeking new homes, by committing those invasions 
which the United States has solemnly obliged themselves to restrain. 

"article xii. 

" In consideration of the extension acquired by the boundaries of the 
United States, as defined in the fifth article of the present treaty, the Go- 
vernment of the United States engages to pay to that of the Mexican Re- 
public the sum of fifteen millions of dollars. 

" Immediately after this treaty shall have been duly ratified by the Go- 
vernment of the Mexican Republic, the sum of three millions of dollars 
shall be paid to the said Government by that of the United States, at the 
city of Mexico, in the gold or silver coin of Mexico. The remaining 
twelve millions of dollars shall be paid at the same place and in the same 
coin, in annual instalments of three millions of dollars each, together with 
interest on the same, at the rate of six per centum per annum. This in- 
terest shall begin to run upon the whole sum of twelve millions from the 
day of the ratification of the present treaty by the Mexican Government, 
and the first of the instalments shall be paid at the expiration of one year 
from the same day. Together with each annual instalment as it falls due, 
tin whole interest accruing on such instalment from the beginning shall 
also be paid. 

" ARTICLE XIII. 

" The United States engage, moreover, to assume and pay to the claim- 
ants all the amounts now due them and those hereafter to become due, by 
reason of the claims already liquidated and decided against the Mexican 
Republic, under the conventions between the two Republics severally 
concluded on the eleventh day of April, eighteen hundred and thirty-nine, 
and on the thirteenth day of January, eightegn-hundrod and forty-three ; 
so that the Mexican Republic shall be absolutely exempt, for the future, 
from all expense whatewcfon account of the said claims. 

/ ' : ARTICLE XIV. 

"The U/nted States do furthermore discharge the Mexican Republic 
from all claims of citizens of the United States, not heretofore decided 
against the Mexican Government, which may have arisen previously to 
the date of the signature of this treaty ; which discharge shall be final and 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 275 

is of far more importance, the lives of many men.* 
That, however, was the inevitable result of a vindi- 
cation of the national honor. The number of troops 

perpetual, whether the said claims be rejected or be allowed by the Board 
of Commissioners provided for in the following article, and whatever shall 
be the total amount of those allowed. 

" ARTICLE XV. 

" The United States, exonerating Mexico from all demands on account 
of the claims of their citizens mentioned in the preceding article, and con- 

* " THE REGULAR ARMY. 

" Statement A shows, on the extreme right, in the first line of figures, 
the strength of the army at the commencement of hostilities with the Re- 
public of Mexico, April, 1846, 7,244. The force on the frontier of Texas, 
May, 1846, present and absent, 3,554, of which 131 were sick. Troops 
sent to Mexico, including recruits, 23,136, of which 12,551 are of the old 
establishment, and 10,585 new regiments, which, with the force on the Rio 
Grande in May, 1846, makes the whole number of the regular army em- 
ployed every where in the prosecution of the war, inclusive of December, 
1847, about 26,690, besides a battalion of marines, (350.) Twenty-nine 
thousand men have been recruited since the 13th of May, 1846, and 
23,556 sent to Mexico, which exceeds the number joined as reported on 
the rolls and returns, many of which are wanting. (See the Table " Re- 
marks," paragraph 5.) 

" The statement shows that the regular force in Mexico, New Mexico, 
and California, was, in December, about 21,202 ; and since the 1st of Ja- 
nuary, 2,493 recruits have been sent to the army, which increases the re- 
gular troops in all Mexico, it is estimated, to about 23.695. The six com- 
panies stationed in the United States, (556,) and 1,200 recruits in depot 
and at rendezvous, (total 1 ,760,) carry up the regular army every where, 
on the rolls, to about 25,445. 

Table B presents a detailed view of the number of officers and men of 
the regular army, killed and wounded in battle, died of wounds from the 
first conflict of the reconnoitering party, under Captain Thornton, on the 
left bank of the Rio Grande, April 25, 1846, to the close of the campaign 
of 1847, in which the battles, and the regiments and corps engaged, are 
specified." 

CASUALTIES. 

"Old Establishment. — Discharges by expiration of service, 1,435; 
for disability, 887 ; by order and civil authority, 253. Total, 2,575. 

" Deaths. — Killed in battle, 45 officers, 434 men. Died of wounds, 19 



276 HISTORY OF THE 

which were called into service, was small, when we 
take into consideration the magnitude of the strusr- 
gle in which we were engaged. Of that number, 

sidering tliem entirely and forever cancelled, whatever their amount may 
be, undertake to make satisfaction for the same, to an amount not exceed- 
ing three and one quarter millions of dollars. To ascertain the validity 
and amount of those claims, a Boa id of Commissioners shall be established 
by the Government of the United States, whose awards shall be final and 

officers, 331 men. Total killed and died of wounds, 64 officers, 765 men ; 
ordinary deaths. 44 officers, 1787 men. Total deaths, 108 officers, 2,552 
men. Aggregate, 2,660. Wounded in battle, 130 officers, 1,799 men. 
Aggregate, 1,929. Resignations. 32, in 1840 and 1847. Desertions, 
1,637, of which 9 are marines. 

•• Additional Regiments. — Discharges by expiration of service, 2 ; for 
disability, 248 ; by order and civil authority, 56. Total, 306. Deaths. — 
Killed in battle, 6 officers, 62 men. Died of wounds, 4 officers, 71 
men. Total killed and died of wounds, 10 officers, 133 men. Ordinary 
deaths, 38 officers, 977 men. Total deaths, 38 officers, 1,1 10 men. * Ag- 
gregate, 1,148. Wounded in battle, 41 officers, 427 men. Aggregate, 
468. Resignations, 76 ; desertions, 445. 

THE VOLUNTEER SERVICE. 

" Statement C exhibits in detail, by States, regiments, and corps, the 
whole number of volunteers mustered into the service from May, 1846 — 
of which 15,911 are mounted men, 1,164 artillery, and 54,234 infantry ; 
making an aggregate of 71,309, including 3,087 commissioned officers. 
From this number it is proper to deduct the force not called out by autho- 
rity of the War Department, nor called out under the Act of May 13, 
1846, and also the number mustered ; but soon after discharged as super- 
numerary. This class is embraced in the three and six months' men, 
and two regiments of twelve months' men from Ohio and Missouri, and 
one company from Iowa, amounting to 14,383 ; of which 2,774 were dis- 
charged a few days after being mustered into service, (except the com- 
pany,) not being required to proceed to the seat of war. Deducting this 
class of volunteers from the aggregate mustered and paid, (71,309,) the 
force enrolled under the Act of May 13, 1846, and under the 5th section 
of March 3, 1847, which authorizes the President to accept the services 
of " individual volunteers," to fill vacancies, &c, is about 56,926 officers 
and nun. But this number was farther reduced by discharges, &c, be- 
fore the battalions had left the United States; and it is probable the num- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 277 

but a small portion encountered the enemy in the 
field ; and that gallant band in less than seventeen 
months, repulsed an arrogant foe from our soil, fol- 

conclusive : -provided, that in deciding upon the validity of each claim, the 
Board shall be guided and governed by the principles and rules of decision 
prescribed by the first and fifth articles of the unratified convention, con- 
cluded at the city of Mexico on the twentieth day of November, one 

ber exceeded but little, if any, 50,000 men, when put en route for the 
army. 

" So far as can be ascertained from the latest returns received, it 
appears that the volunteer force for the war and for twelve months, (2,017) 
now employed in Mexico, New Mexico, and California, (25,260) and 
eleven companies (1,082) within the limits of the United States, the sick 
included, amounts to 1,456 officers and 24,886 men; aggregate, 26,342, 
being 7,589 less than the number of the same regiments and companies 
(war men) when first mustered into service. But this difference does 
not show the actual loss ; first, because the greater number of the indi- 
vidual volunteers enrolled, (i. e. recruited,) among which there is much 
loss, had not joined their regiments at the date of the last returns, and 
were not, of course, taken up on the rolls, but they are included in the 
table, in the aggregate " received into service." And second, the casu- 
alties, i. e., discharges and deaths (ordinary) exhibited in the statement, 
must be considerably under the actual number, owing to the missing 
muster rolls yet due from many of the regiments, from which the infor- 
mation alone can be obtained. 

" Table D presents a detailed view of the volunteer officers and men 
killed and wounded in battle, and died of wounds, in which the several 
battles, the regiments engaged, and the States where raised, are specified, 
and may be regarded as supplemental to statement C, as table B is to 
statement A, with respect to the regular forces. 

" The following general statement presents a condensed view of the 
various objects of inquiry respecting the volunteer forces, seen in detail 
in the tabular statement C. 

" Three months' men : The strength when mustered into service was 
1,390, when discharged 1,269, being a loss of 121. Discharges before 
the expiration of the term, 82, of which 3 were for disability. Deaths, 
18 ; ordinary, 8 ; killed in battle and died of wounds, 10. Desertions, 22. 

" Six months' men, (but held only for three months, the legal term :) 
Strength when mustered into service, 11,150, and when discharged, 
9,559; loss, 1,591. Discharges before the expiration of the term, 826, 



278 HISTORY OF THE 

lowed his retreating footsteps, storming his cities, 
driving him from his strongholds, and defeating his 
troops in the open field, against tremendous odds, 

thousand eight hundred and forty-three ; and in no case shall an award be 
made in favor of any claim not embraced by these principles and rules. 

" If, in the opinion of the said Board of Commissioners or of the claim- 
ants, any books, records, or documents in the possession or power of the 



of which 370 were for disability. Deaths, 127; ordinary, 107; killed in 
battle and died of wounds, 6 ; accidental, 14 ; desertions, 524. 

" Twelve months' men : Strength when mustered into service, 26,344; 
when discharged, 1S.724 ; loss, 7,620, including loss or difference between 
original and present strength of 21 companies twelve months' men still 
in service, 2,017 strong at the last returns. Discharges before the expi- 
ration of the term, 4,391, of which 3,966 were for disability. Deaths, 
2,111 ; ordinary, 1,633 ; killed in battle and died of wounds, 423; acci- 
dental, 55. Desertions, 568. 

"Volunteers for the war : There are now 31 regiments, (or equal to as 
many) and 4 companies in service — the aggregate strength of which, 
when mustered under calls from the War Department, respectively dated 
June 26, 1846, (1 regiment,) November 16, 1846, (equal to 8 regiments 
and 5 companies,) April 19, 1847, (equal to 7 regiments and 2 compa- 
nies.) August 26, 1847, (5 regiments,) October 8, 1847, (2 regiments.) 
and at various other dates (equal to 7 regiments and 7 companies.) was 
31,914, being 2.6:26 less than if all the regiments and companies had been 
full as authorized by law. Strength at the last returns, officers, 1,357; 
men, 22,968 ; aggregate, 24,325; reduced by this date probably less than 
20,000. Discharges, 1,339, of which 1,084 were for disability. Deaths, 
1,691 ; to wit, ordinary, 1,481 ; killed in battle and died of wounds, 171 ; 
accidental, 39. Desertions, 1,770. 

" The casualties incident to the whole number of volunteers, under 
various periods of service, so far as can be ascertained from the rolls re- 
ceived, arc as follows, viz. — Discharges for the expiration of the term, 
6,638, of which 5.123 were for disability. Deaths, 3,947, to wit. ordi- 
nary. 3,229; killed in battle, 47 officers and 119 men; died of wounds, 
1 1 JT officers and men. as far as now ascertained, 108; accidentally wounded, 
129 officers, 1,217 men. Resignations, 275. Desertions, 2,884. 

"Table E presents a detailed statement of the volunteers on the rolls 
for service in Mexico. New Mexico, and California, including eleven corn- 
panic- (1,082) within the United Stales, according to the latest returns, 
to wit. 5,527 horse, 297 artillery, 20,518 infantry, making a total of 



POLK AD MINISTRATION. 279 

until the capital and Republic of Mexico were at 
the mercy of our victorious arms. A peace ensued, 
which produced a dismemberment of the Mexican 

Government of the Mexican Republic, shall be deemed necessary to the 
just decision of any claim, the commissioners, or the claimants through 
them, shall, within such period as Congress may designate, make an ap- 
plication in writing for the same, addressed to the Mexican Minister for 
Foreign Affairs, to be transmitted by the Secretary of State of the United 
States ; and the Mexican Government engages, at the earliest possible 
moment after the receipt of such demand, to cause any of the books, re- 
cords, or documents, so specified, which shall be in their possession or 
power (or authenticated copies or extracts of the same,) to be transmitted 
to the said Secretary of State, who sball immediately deliver them over 
to the said Board of Commissioners : provided, that no such application 
shall be made by, or at the instance of, any claimant, until the facts which 
it is expected to prove by such books, records, or documents, shall have 
been stated under oath or affirmation. 

" ARTICLE xvi. 
" Each of the contracting parties reserves to itself the entire right to 
fortify whatever point within its territory it may judge proper so to fortify, 
for its security. 

24,886 men, and 1,456 commissioned officers; aggregate, 26,342, of 
which 2,017 are twelve months' volunteers. This view includes absent 
men recruited under the law of 18 47, many of whom will never join, and 
as is already remarked, it is believed that the actual strength of regiments 
and companies in the field does not exceed 20.000 men, including a 
numerous invalid list. The forces called out by regiments, and separate 
or independent companies, and now in service, equal 33 regiments and 
1 battalion, and require not less than 15,000 men to complete the estab- 
lishment. 

" General and staff officers provided for the volunteer troops : — The 
number of general and staff officers appointed for the volunteer forces under 
the acts of July 5, 1838, June 18, and June 26, 1846, is 289, of which 
number 11 are generals, 26 majors, 104 captains, 124 surgeons and assist- 
ant surgeons, and 24 additional paymasters. Thirty-seven of the persons 
appointed declined acceptance, 47 were discharged as supernumeraries, 
44 resigned, 18 appointed in other corps, 15 died, and 128 are now in ser- 
vice." — Report of the Adjutant General to the Secretary of War, April 
5th, 1848. Volume 8 Executive Documents, 1st session 30th Congress, 
Document 62. 



280 HISTORY OF THE 

territory, and indemnity for the past was obtained, 
in the cession of New Mexico and California.* 

" ARTICLE XVII. 

" The treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, concluded at the city 
of Mexico on the fifth day of April, A. D. 1831, between the United 
States of America and the United Mexican States, except the additional 

* " The country ceded to the United States, lying west of the Rio 
Grande, and to which Texas has no title, is estimated by the Commissioner 
of the General Land Office, to contain 526,078 square miles, or 
366,689,920 acres. 

" The period since the exchange of ratifications of the Treaty, has 
been too short to enable the Government to have access to, or to procure 
abstracts or copies of, the land title issued by Spain, or by the Republic of 
Mexico. Steps will be taken to procure this information at the earliest 
practicable period. It is estimated, as appears from the accompanying 
Report of tlie Secretary of the Treasury, that much the larger portion of 
die land within t lie territories ceded, remains vacant and unappropriated, 
and will be subject to be disposed of by the United Suites. Indeed, a very 
inconsiderable portion of the land embraced in the cession, it is believed, 
has been disposed of or granted either by Spain or Mexico. 

'• What amount of money the United States may be able to realize 
from the sales of these vacant lands, must be uncertain ; but it is confi- 
dently believed, that with prudent management, after making liberal grants 
to emigrants and settlers, it will exceed the cost of the war, and all the 
expenses to which we have been subjected in acquiring it. 

"The resolutions also called for the ' evidence, or any part thereof,' 
■ • extensive and valuable territories ceded by Mexico to the United 
States, constitute indemnity for the past.' 

"The immense value of the ceded country does not consist alone in 
tlm amount of money for which the public lands may be sold. If not a 
dollar could be realized from the sale of these lands, the cession of the ju- 
ri diction over the country,and the fact that it has become a part of our 
Union, and cannot be made subject to European power, constitutes ample 
' indemnity for the past.' in the immense value and advantages which its 
acquisition must give to the commercial, navigating, manufacturing, and 
agricultural interests of our country. 

" The value of the public lands embraced within the limits of the ceded 

territory, great as thai value may be, is tar less important to the people of 

the United States, than the sovereignty over the country. Most of our 

mi no public lands owned by the United States ; and yet the 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 281 

During the war with Mexico, the prosperity of 
our country was unimpaired. The national credit 
was high ; our sails whitened every sea ; and while 

article, and except so far as the stipulations of the said treaty may be in- 
compatible with any stipulation contained in the present treaty, is hereby 
revived for the period of eight years from the day of the exchange of rati- 
fications of this treaty, with the same force and virtue as if incorporated 
therein ; it being understood that each of the contracting parties reserves 
to itself the right, at any time after the said period of eight years shall 
have expired, to terminate the same by giving one year's notice of such 
intention to the other party. 

" ARTICLE XVIII. 

" All supplies whatever for troops of the United States in Mexico, ar- 
riving at ports in the occupation of such troops previous to the final evac- 
uation thereof, although subsequently to the restoration of the custom- 
houses at suc-h ports, shall be entirely exempt from duties and charges of 
any kind ; the Government of the United States hereby engaging and 
pledging its faith to establish, and vigilantly to enforce, all possible guards 
for securing the revenue of Mexico, by preventing the importation, under 
cover of this stipulation, of any articles other than such, both in kind and 
quantity, as shall really be wanted for the use and consumption of the 

sovereignty and jurisdiction over them is of incalculable importance to the 
nation. In the State of New-York, the United States is the owner of no 
public lands, and yet two-thirds of our whole revenue is collected at the 
great port of that. State ; and within her limits is found about one-seventh 
of our entire population. Although none of the future cities on our coast 
of California may ever rival the city of New- York in wealth, population, 
and business ; yet, that important cities will grow up on the magnificent 
harbors of that coast, with a rapidly increasing population, and yielding a 
large revenue, would seem to be certain. By the possession of the safe 
and spacious harbors on the California coast, we shall have great advan- 
tages in securing the rich commerce of the East, and shall thus obtain for 
our products new and increased markets, and greatly enlarge our coasting 
and foreign trade, as well as augment our tonnage and revenue. 

" These great advantages, far more than the simple value of the public 
lands in the ceded territory, ' constitute our indemnity for the past.' 

"JAMES K. POLK." 

Message of James K. Polk to the House of Representatives, July 
24, 1848. 



282 HISTORY OF THE 

we were with one hand chastising an insolent and 
unscrupulous enemy, with the other we were giv- 
ing bread to a starving nation. By the terms of 

forces of the United States during the time they may remain in Mexico. 
To this end, it shall be the duty of all officers and agents of the United 
States to denounce to the Mexican authorities at the respective ports any 
attempt at a fraudulent abuse of this stipulation which they may know of, 
or may have reason to suspect, and to give to such authorities all the aid 
in their power with regard thereto; and every such attempt, when duly 
proved and established by sentence of a competent tribunal, shall be pun- 
ished by the confiscation of the property so attempted to be fraudulently 
introduced. 

" ARTICLE XIX. 

- With respect to all merchandise, effects and property whatsoever, im- 
ported into ports of Mexico whilst in the occupation of the forces of the 
United States, whether by citizens of either Republic, or by citizens or 
subjects of any neutral nation, the following rules shall be observed : 

" 1st. All such merchandise, effects and property, if imported pre- 
viously to the restoration of the custom-houses to the Mexican authorities, 
as stipulated for in the third article of this treaty, shall be exempt from 
confiscation, although the importation of the same be prohibited by the 
Mexican tariff. 

" 2d. The same perfect exemption shall be enjoyed by all such mer- 
chandise, effects and property, imported subsequently to the restoration of 
;mn-houses, and previously to the sixty days fixed in the following 
article for the coming into force of the Mexican tariff at such ports re- 
spectively ; the said merchandise, effects and property being, however, at 
the time of their importation, subject to the payment of duties, as provided 
for in the said following article. 

" 3d. All merchandise, effects and property described in the two rules 
ing shall, during their continuance at tin- place of importation, and 
up,, n their leaving such place for the interior, be exempt from all duty, tax, 
or impost of every kind, under whatsoever title or denomination. Nor 
shall they be there subjected to any charge whatsoever upon the sale 
thereof. 

• 1th. All merchandise, effects and property, described in the first and 
sec, mil rules, which shall have been removed to any place in the interior 
whilst such place was in the occupation of the forces of the United States, 
shall, during their continuance therein, he exempt from all tax upon the 
sale or consumption thereof, and from every kind of impost or contribu- 
tion, under whatsoever title or denomination. 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 283 

the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, tlie Goverament 
of the United States agreed to pay to Mexico, as 
part consideration for the cession of New Mexico 

" 5th. But if any merchandise, effects or property, described in the 
first and second rules, shall be removed to any place not occupied at the 
time by the forces of the United States, they shall, upon their introduction 
into such place, or upon their sale or consumption there, be subject to the 
same duties which, under the Mexican laws, they would be required to 
pay in such cases if they had been imported in time of peace, through the 
maritime custom-houses, and had there paid the duties conformably with 
the Mexican tariff. 

" 6th. The owners of all merchandise, effects or property, described 
in the first and second rules, and existing in any port of Mexico, shall 
have the right to reship the same, exempt from all tax, impost, or contri- 
butions whatever. 

" With respect to the metals or other property, exported from any 
Mexican port whilst in the occupation of the forces of the United States, 
and previously to the restoration of the custom-houses at such port, no 
person shall be required by the Mexican authorities, whether general or 
state, to pay any tax, duty, or contribution upon any such exportation, or 
in any manner to account for the same to the said authorities. 

" ARTICLE xx. 
" Through consideration for the interests of commerce generally, it is 
agreed, that if less than sixty days should elapse between the date of the 
signature of this treaty and the restoration of the custom-houses, con- 
formably with the stipulation in the third article, in such case all merchan- 
dise, effects and property whatsoever, arriving at the Mexican ports after 
the restoration of the said custom-houses, and previously to the expiration 
of sixty days after the date of the signature of this treaty, shall be admit- 
ted to entry ; and no other duties shall be levied thereon than the duties 
established by the tariff found in force at such custom-houses at the time 
of the restoration of the same. And to all such merchandise, effects and 
property, the rules established by the preceding article shall apply. 

" ARTICLE XXI. 

" If unhappily any disagreement should hereafter arise between the 
Governments of the two Republics, whether with respect to the interpre- 
tation of any stipulation in this treaty, or with respect to any other partic- 
ular concerning the political or commercial relations of the two nations, 
the said Governments, in the name of those nations, do promise to each 



284 HISTORY OF THE 

and California,* the sum of fifteen millions of dol- 
lars, and to assume the payment of certain claims 
due our citizens by the Mexican Government. 

other that tliey will endeavor, in the most sincere and earnest manner, to 
settle the differences so arising, and to preserve the state of peace and 
friendship in which the two countries are now placing themselves ; using, 
for this end, mutual representations and pacific negotiations. And if, by 
these means, they should not be enabled to come to an agreement, a resort 
shall not, on this account, be had to reprisals, aggression, or hostility of 
any kind, by the one Republic against the other, until the Government of 
that which deems itself aggrieved shall have maturely considered, in the 
spirit of peace and good neighborship, whether it would not be better that 
such difference should be settled by the arbitration of commissioners ap- 
pointed on each side, or by that of a friendly nation. And should such 
course bo proposed by either party, it shall be acceded to by the other, 
unless deemed by it altogether incompatible with the nature of the differ- 
ence or the circumstances of the case. 

"article xxii. 

" If (which is not to be expected, and which God forbid !) war should 
unhappily break out between the two Republics, they do now, with a view 
to such calamity, solemnly pledge themselves to each other and to the 
world, to observe the following rules ; absolutely, where the nature of the 



* " The boundary line between the two republics shall commence in the 
Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite the mouth of the Rio 
Grande, otherwise called Rio Bravo del Norte, opposite the mouth of its 
deepest branch, if it should have more than one branch emptying directly 
into the sea ; from thence up the middle of that river, following the deepest 
channel, where it has more thnn one, to the point where it strikes the 
southern boundary of New Mexico; thence, westwardly, along the whole 
southern boundary of New Mexico, (which runs north ofthe town called 
; to its western termination ; thence, northward, along the western 

lineof New Mexico, until it intersects the first branch of the river Gila; 
(or if it should not intersect any branch of that river, then to the point on 
the -aid line nearest to such branch, and thence in a direct line to the 
Bame;) thence down the middle ofthe -aid branch and of the said river, un- 
til it empties intothe Rio Colorado; thence across the Rio Colorado, fol- 
lowing the division line between Qpperand Lower California, to the Pa- 
cific Ocean."— Art. 5, Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 285 

There was also a clause in the Treaty, requiring the 
Government of the United States to liberate any 
prisoners which might thereafter be captured by 

subject permits, and as closely as possible in all cases where such abso- 
lute observance shall be impossible : 

" I. The merchants of either Republic then residing in the other, 
shall be allowed to remain twelve months (for those dwelling in the inte- 
rior) and six months (for those dwelling at the seaports), to collect their 
debts and settle their affairs, during which periods they shall enjoy the 
same protection, and be on the same footing, in all respects, as the citizens 
or subjects of the most friendly nations ; and, at the expiration thereof, or 
any time before, they shall have full liberty to depart, carrying off all 
their effects without molestation or hindrance ; conforming therein to the 
same laws which the citizens or subjects of the most friendly nations are 
required to conform to. Upon the entrance of the armies of either nation 
into the territories of the other, women and children, ecclesiastics, scholars 
of every faculty, cultivators of the earth, merchants, artisans, manufac- 
turers, and fishermen, unarmed and inhabiting unfortified towns, villages, 
or places, and in general all persons whose occupations are for the com- 
mon subsistence and benefit of mankind, shall be allowed to continue 
their respective employments unmolested in their persons. Nor shall 
their houses or goods be burned or otherwise destroyed, nor their cattle 
taken, nor their fields wasted, by the armed force into whose power, by 
the events of war, they may happen to fall ; but if the necessity arise to 
take any thing from them for the use of such armed force, the same shall 
be paid for at an equitable price. All churches, hospitals, schools, col- 
leges, libraries, and other establishments for charitable and beneficent 
purposes, shall be respected, and all persons connected with the same pro- 
tected in the discharge of their duties, and the pursuit of their vocations. 

" II. In order that the fate of prisoners of war may be alleviated, all 
such practices as those of sending them into distant, inclement, or unwhole- 
some districts, or crowding them into close and noxious places, shall be 
studiously avoided. They shall not be confined in dungeons, prison- 
ships, or prisons, nor be put in irons, or bound, or otherwise restrained in the 
use of their limbs. The officers shall enjoy liberty on their paroles, within 
convenient districts, and have comfortable quarters ; and the common 
soldiers shall be disposed in cantonments, open and extensive enough for 
air and exercise, and lodged in barracks as roomy and good as are pro- 
vided by the party in whose power they are for its own troops. But if 
any officer shall break his parole by leaving the district so assigned him. or 
any other prisoner shall escape from the limits of his cantonment, after 



286 HISTORY OF TIIE 

Indians residing within the limits of the United 
States. There was a precedent for the last clause, 
in the policy of the Cabinet of John Quincy Ad- 

thej shall have been designated to him, such individual, officer, or other 
prisoner, shall forfeit so much of the benefit of this article as provides for 
his liberty on parole or in cantonment. And if any officer so breaking 
his parole, or any common soldier so escaping from the limits assigned 
him, shall afterwards be found in arms, previously to his being regularly 
exchanged, the person so offending shall be dealt with according to the 
established laws of war. The officers shall be daily furnished by the 
party in whose power they are with as many rations, and of the same 
articles, as are allowed, either in kind or by commutation, to officers of 
equal rank in its own army ; and all others shall be daily furnished with 
such ration as is allowed to a common soldier in its own service ; the 
value of all which supplies shall, at the close of the war, or at periods to 
be agreed upon between the respective commanders, be paid by the other 
party, on a mutual adjustment of accounts for subsistence of prisoners; 
and such accounts shall not be mingled with or set off against any others, 
nor the balance due on them be withheld, as a compensation or reprisal 
for any cause whatever, real or pretended. Each party shall be allowed 
to keep a commissary of prisoners, appointed by itself, with every canton- 
ment of prisoners, in possession of the other ; which commissary shall 
see the prisoners as often as he pleases ; shall be allowed to receive, 
exempt from all duties or taxes, and to distribute whatever comforts may 
be sent to them by their friends; and shall be free to transmit his reports 
in open letters to the party by whom he is employed. 

" And it is declared that neither the pretence that war dissolves all 
treaties, nor any other whatever, shall be considered as annulling or sus- 
pending the solemn covenant contained in this article. On the contrary, 
the state of war is precisely that for which it is provided; and during 
which, its stipulations are to be as sacredly observed as the most acknow- 
ledged obligations under the law of nature or nations. 

"article xxtii. 

" This treaty shall be ratified by the President of the United States of 
America, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and 
by the President of the Mexican Republic, with the previous approbation 
of its general Congress; and the ratifications shall be exchanged in the 
city of Washington, or at the seat of Government in Mexico, in four 
months from the date of the signature thereof, or sooner if practicable. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 287 

ams* The territory acquired was immense in 
extent and importance. It embraced nearly ten 
degrees of latitude upon the Pacific coast, and ex- 

" In faith whereof, we, the respective plenipotentiaries, have signed this 
treaty of peace, friendship, limits, and settlement, and have hereunto 
affixed our seals respectively. Done in quintuplicate, at the city of 
Guadalupe Hidalgo, on the second day of February, in the year of 
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-eight. 

" N. P. TRIST, [l. s.] 

" LUIS G. CUEVAS, [l. s.] 

" BERNARDO COUTO, [l. s.] 
"MIGL. ATRISTAIN. [l. s.] 

" And whereas, the said treaty, as amertded, has been duly ratified on 
both parts, and the respective ratifications of the same were exchanged at 
Queretaro on the thirtieth day of May last, by Ambrose H. Sevier and 
Nathan Clifford, Commissioners on the part of the Government of the 
United States, and by Seiior Don Louis de la Rosa, Minister of Relations 
of the Mexican Republic, on the part of that Government ; 

" Now, therefore, be it known, that I, James K. Polk, President of the 
United States of America, have caused the said treaty to be made public, 
to the end that the same, and every clause and article thereof, may be 
observed and fulfilled with good faith by the United States and the citizens 
thereof. 

" In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal 
of the United States to be affixed. 

" Done at the city of Washington, this fourth day of July, one 
[l. s.] thousand eight hundred and forty-eight, and of the indepen- 
dence of the United States the seventy-third. 

" JAMES K. POLK. 
" By the President : 

" James Buchanan, Secretary of State." 
Executive Documents, 1st session 30th Congress, Vol. 8, Doc. No. 69. 

* " If the line were so changed, the greater part, if not the whole, of 
the powerful, warlike, and turbulent Indian nation of the Camanchcs, 
would be thrown on the side of the United States ; and as an equivalent 
for the proposed cession of territory, they would stipulate to restrain, as 
far as practicable, the Camanches from committing hostilities and depreda- 
tions upon the territories and people, whether Indians or otherwise, of 
Mexico." — Letter of Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Mr. Poinsett, 
U?iited Stales Minister in Mexico, March26th, 1825. 



288 II IS TOBY OF THE 

tended from that ocean to the Rio Grande, a dis- 
tance of nearly one thousand miles. Included with- 
in the new boundaries, are the harbors of Monterey, 
Santiago, and San Francisco, which give us three 
commercial fronts. One upon the Pacific, another 
upon the Atlantic, and the third upon the Gulf of 
Mexico, being in extent more than 5,000 miles of 
sea-coast. 

Of all the harbors in the world, none surpass 
the celebrated Bay of San Francisco. It lies in 
Latitude 38 degrees north — about four degrees from 
the southern boundary of Oregon, and about five 
or six degrees from the southern boundary of our 
possessions in California. This harbor maybe re- 
garded as a most fortunate acquisition, and which, 
taken in connection with the rest of the territory 
ceded, and the commercial advantages resulting 
therefrom, is of vast importance to the Republic. 

In the Bay of San Francisco the combined na- 
vies of the world could ride in safety. The ac- 
to it is easy, and yet it could be defended 
readily from its bold and rocky shores. The en- 
trance opens into the Bay, which is about forty 
miles in length, protected from the winds coining 
from every direction. Two beautiful rivers wdrich 
drain a country five hundred miles in extent, pour 
their waters into the Bay. The climate along the 
valley of the Sacramento, and San Joaquin rivers 
is delightful. The soil is rich and productive, fa- 
vorable to wheat, Indian corn, rye, oats, tobacco and 
cotton. Grapes, olives, bananas, cocoanuts, sugar- 
cane, apples, j tears, &c, were formerly found in lati- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 289 

tucle 34 degrees north. A rare union of the pro- 
ductions of the temperate and tropical climates. 

Li the Bay of San Francisco will converge the 
commerce of Asia and the model Republic. It 
possesses advantages over every other harbor upon 
the western coast of North or South America. 
Whether a railroad is constructed across the Isth- 
mus of Panama to the Columbia river, or to San 
Francisco, that point will become the New- York of 
the Pacific Ocean. The vast and increasiug com- 
merce of Asia, and the islands of the East, is now 
open to our adventurous seamen. It is difficult to 
conceive the importance which this country is des- 
tined to occupy as a commercial nation. In the 
first place, it can be safely asserted that no people 
upon the earth are so well calculated to develope 
the resources of our country, as the citizens of the 
United States, while at the same time the liberal 
principles upon which our commercial relations are 
conducted with the nations of the earth, afford am- 
ple opportunities for a display of that energy and 
enterprise, for which the American merchant is so 
justly celebrated, notwithstanding the importance 
to which the commerce of England has attained ; 
yet her citizens have very many disadvantages to 
encounter, which are fast disappearing from our 
path. It will be seen by an examination of a globe, 
that the locality of England is most unfortunate for 
commercial purposes. 

Upon the northwestern part of Europe, with 
the broad Atlantic separating her from her Cana- 
dian provinces and from the West Indies, she is 
19 



290 HISTORY OF THE 

forced to double either the Cape of Good Hope or 
Cape Horn, to reach China and her possessions in 
the East. Taking in connection the fact, that it re- 
quires sixty-five days for the overland mail to reach 
London from Canton, and we have some idea of the 
commercial difficulties encountered by the merchants 
of England* 

* From Mr. "Whitney's Calculations. 

From London to Panama, 81° of longitude, and 44° of lati- 
tude must be overcome, and which, on a straight line, 
would vary little from 5,868 miles. 

From Panama to Canton is 170° of longitude, measuring 

full 60 miles to the degree, is 10,200 " 

Making from London to Canton, on a line, . . . 16,068 " 
Now from ( lanton to England, via the Cape of Good Hope, 

during the northeast monsoon, is ... 
From Canton through the China Sea, to the Equator, . 1,320 " 
From the Equator to Sunda Straits, to 12° south latitude, 750 " 
Through the region of southeast trades to 27° south lati- 
tude, and 5n° east longitude, 3,200 " 

Thence to the Cape of Good Hope, .... 1,560 " 

And from the Cape to London 6,900 " 

13,730 " 
Again — from Canton to London, via the Cape of Good 

1 lu|»>. during the southwest monsoon, is ... " 

From Canton to the Straits of Formosa, . . . 480 " 

Thence to Pitt's Straits, passing near the Pillow Islands, 1,300 " 

Thence to Alias' Straits, 1,200 " 

Thence to 27 u south latitude, and 50° east longitude, . 3,900 " 

Thence to the Cape, 1,560 "■ 

And thence to London, 6.900 " 



15,340 



In the first instance, the route hymnal would increase the 

distance between London and Canton, . . . 2,338 

And in the latter, 728 

The distances, both for a canal and via the Cape, are cal- 
culated lor a Btraight line from poinl to point, but ow- 
ing to trades and currents, a sail-vessel could not make 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 291 

The route to London from Canton is over 1,000 
miles nearer, via Puget's Sound and New- York, than 
to double the Cape of Good Hope. To proceed 
still further south by the Bay of San Francisco and 
New- York to London, would be 3,000 miles nearer 
than the old route.* 

In speaking of the distance to China from our 
western possessions, it should be remembered, that 
it is not necessary to pursue the track by the Sand- 
wich Islands. It is much nearer to pass on a great 
arc to the northwest, crossing from the Western to 
the Eastern Continent, where the degrees of longi- 
tude converging to the North Pole, are only about 
half so far across as they are between the tropics. 
The new route will be far preferable by steam, as 

either voyage on a straight line ; and the voyage from 
London to China is estimated at not less than 17.000 
miles, and it would be increased in the same manner 
and proportion for any canal route. 

It has been estimated that the distance from Shanghae in 

China to Puget's Sound, is ..... 5,405 miles. 

From Puget's Sound to New-York, by railroad, via Lake 

Michigan, 3,963 " 

8,368 " 
Making 8,368 miles from our Atlantic coast to China, 

about half the distance from London to China. 

From New-York to London, 3,330 " 

Total distance from China to London, via Puget's Sound 

and New-York, 11,698 " 

* " The transit of intelligence, merchandise and passengers from Chi- 
na to Europe, by way of New-York, can be effected, when these several 
lines shall be in operation in connection with the line from that city to 
Liverpool, in less than one half the time now occupied in the voyage be- 
tween those countries." — Report of the Secretary of War, December 4th, 
1848. 



202 HISTOEY OF THE 

flic same necessity will not exist for pursuing the 
old one, for the purpose of avoiding the trade winds. 

Now let us turn our attention to the position 
occupied upon the globe by the United Stales. 
Conveniently situated to carry on a trade with Eu- 
rope and Canada, with the West India Islands, and 
the powers of South America, the great difficulty 
to be surmounted was the distance to Asia and the 
East Indies. With that portion of the earth our 
trade is fast increasing, notwithstanding the long 
route from our eastern shores to China and the isles 
of the East, either by passing the Cape of Good 
Hope, or the southern extremity of South America. 
To perform a voyage from New-York to Canton 
and back, generally required twelve months. All 
these difficulties will soon be obviated by a develop- 
ment of our resources in Oregon and California. 

It is a matter of vast importance to our com- 
merce, which will soon hover upon the Pacific 
Ocean, that spacious and convenient harbors should 
be ol (tained for our shipping. This, for two reasons. 
First, because it is necessary for its protection in 
time of war, and for repairs in time of peace ; and, 
secondly, that a point may be obtained from whence 
the produce of the United States may be sent 
abroad, and foreign produce or fabrics may be 
landed, and taken into the interior, without making 
the circuitous route of Cape Horn. 

It will be seen that the route from Japan and 
China via Oregon and California, is not only the 
nearest to Charleston, New- York and Boston, but 
also to London; and we may not only expect that 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 293 

the transmission of intelligence may be made by 
that route, but that it will be the great highway 
for many articles of merchandise and produce con- 
veyed to and from Europe. 

In this connection I will refer to the proposed 
canals at Panama, Nicaragua, and Tehuantepec. 

The great objection to these routes to Asia and 
the East, is, that we have to diverge from the direct 
route ; the distance being about 2,000 miles further 
from the Mississippi valley to China, even by Te- 
huantepec, than by California, and much further 
via Panama. I shall now proceed to notice the 
harbors in Oregon, and that portion of California 
which we have acquired from Mexico by the recent 
treaty. Along the coast of Oregon, there is but 
one large and convenient harbor, and that is nearly 
in latitude 49°. There is one circumstance, too, 
connected with the harbor of Puget's Sound, and 
that is contained in the treaty of 1846 with Eng- 
land, settling the boundary of Oregon. The en- 
trance to that sound is through the Straits of 
Fuca. The navigation of these straits, by the terms 
of the treaty, is open to the commerce of both na- 
tions. This is one objection to the erection of a 
commercial city upon Puget's Sound. Another is, 
the fact that the Straits of Fuca are commanded by 
the southern part of Vancouver's Island, which be- 
longs to Great Britain. These would be objections 
in time of a war between the two countries, which 
it is not unlikely will occur in the next half cen- 
tury. 

The immense commerce carried on between this 



294 HISTORY OF THE 

country and Asia, which will concentrate at some 
point upon our western coast, must be under the 
command of our own, instead of British guns. 

It will be discovered from this view of the sub- 
ject, that the harbors acquired from Mexico by the 
Treaty of 1848, are of very great value to this 
country. 

The bay, or roadstead, of Monterey, is a half 
circle, protected from the storms coming from the 
west or southwest, but exposed to the northwestern 
winds. It can be rendered a very important harbor, 
by the erection of a breakwater. San Diego is an 
important acquisition; lying a short distance from 
the new line established between the United States 
and Mexico. 

England has hitherto obtained more advantages 
from the China trade than any other nation; yet it 
is very evident the elements of commercial inter- 
course are possessed to a far greater extent by the 
United States and China, than by that country and 
Great Britain. The popular idea, long entertained, 
that trade to be beneficial to one nation, must have 
a balance in its favor, to be liquidated by the pre- 
cious metals, is now exploded. Commerce between 
nations, based upon mutual benefits, must consist in 
iin interchange of commodities. The dishonest in- 
tention of overreachinar the nation with whom we 
trade, by obtaining a balance in our favor, to be 
discharged 1»\ abstracting from them, and drawing 
into our own coffers the precious metals necessary 
for their commercial prosperity, should be aban- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 295 

doned. The effect of the latter policy is already 
felt Iby England* 

The Select Committee of the House of Com- 
mons, in their report, alluding to the cause of the 
declension in the British trade with China, assign as 
a reason for that result, that the sole difficulty is in 
finding a return for the articles supplied to China, f 
Thus we discover that the drain of specie upon 
China to discharge the balance against her, is too 
great, and the trade between the two countries is 
falling off. 

The trade between the United States and China, 
although now very extensive, can be still increased. 
There is a heavy balance against us, however, which 
might be liquidated by the demand in that country 
for cotton.^ There is no reason why this amount 

* The total of British imports into China, in 1844, was $35,929,132 
The exports from China on English account, for the 

same period, amounted to ... - 17,925,360 

Leaving a balance against China, .... $18,003,772 

f " In reporting on the condition of our commercial relations with Chi- 
na your Committee regret to state, on undoubted evidence, that the trade 
with that country has been for some time in a very unsatisfactory posi- 
tion, and that the result of our extended intercourse has by no means real- 
ized the just expectations which had been naturally founded on a freer ac- 
cess to so magnificent a market." 

" We find that the difficulties of the trade do not arise from any want 
of demand in China for articles of British manufacture, or from the increas- 
ing competition of other nations. There is no evidence that foreign com- 
petition is to be seriously apprehended in the articles of general demand. 
The sole difficulty is in providing a return." — Report of the Select Com- 
mittee of the House of Coimnons. 

I The imports of merchandise into China from the United 

States, in 1844, amounted to ... - $1,320,170 
The export from China on American account, was - 6,686,171 



Leaving a balance against the United States of - $5,366,001 



296 HISTORY OF THE 

of imports in China should not be furnished by the 
United States. We can raise cotton cheaper, and 
of a better quality, than any other people. We can 
manufacture coarse cotton goods cheaper; and the 
route to its destination will be much nearer, by 
means of the great highway via California and the 
Pacific. It must be recollected, that England and 
the United States are the great competitors for the 
trade with that country. There is no reason, how- 
ever, that the commerce with China should not in- 
crease very largely. We can not only supply them 
with cotton, raw and manufactured, but with lead, 
ginseng, wheat, and corn; for which we can receive 
whatever necessaries and luxuries they may have to 
exchange. 

The empire of China contains at least three 
hundred millions of people. The density of the 
population is most remarkable, so much so, that it 
is exceedingly difficult to obtain a living. What 
benefits will not be extended to them by the utmost 
freedom of commercial intercourse ? Not only can 
we supply them with raiment, but with food, in ex- 
change for which we can receive whatever their 
climate or their ingenuity may enable them to fur- 
nish us. In this way the vast amount of surplus 
produce, which the fertility of our soil and the in- 



Have wo the means of discharging this balance, other than by a pay- 

of s|iocic ? 
Value of raw cotton imported into China in 1844, - 6.983.347 
Cotton fabrics, 5,383,093 



Total, cotton and cotton fabrics, .... $12,366,440 



POLK ADMINISTRATION". 207 

dustry of our people places at our disposal, will 
banish from the firesides of millions the gaunt 
spectre of famine which stalks through the hovels 
of the poor. 

"We should not overlook the advantages which 
will certainly result from the establishment of libe- 
ral commercial relations with the Empire of Japan. 
The population of these islands is variously estimated 
at from 50 to 100,000,000 inhabitants. They live 
still nearer our possessions upon the Pacific than 
China, being between 32° and 45° north latitude. 

The first American ship which attempted to 
trade with the Japanese was in 1797. It was a 
Ions: time before the authorities could be made to 
distinguish between English and American sailors. 
The owner, however, of this ship, the Eliza, sailing 
under Dutch colore, was suffered to trade with 
them. 

But returning in 1803, under the American flag, 
he was compelled to depart. The Dutch, who alone 
were suffered to trade with them, artfully aroused 
their suspicions, that no rival might divide the 
trade with themselves. Another attempt was made 
in 1807, with no better success. Similar efforts 
have been made by England and Russia up to 
1837, but unsuccessfully. The Americans are re- 
garded with much more favor than either the Eng- 
lish or Russians. The hope may be confidently 
entertained that at no distant day commercial rela- 
tions will be established with those islands, mutu- 
ally beneficial to both countries. 

It is remarkable that China and Japan have 



298 HISTORY OF THE 

almost insurmountable objections to tlie admission 
of foreigners within their dominions. The conse- 
quences are the absence of that intelligence and 
morality which characterizes other countries. 

As the eye glances along the map of the world 
to the west, passing over Asia and Europe, the 
pleasing reflection crosses the mind of the observer, 
that with eaeli degree of longitude increases the 
regard for liberality of intercourse between neigh- 
boring powers. And when we look at our own 
country, we find that Christianity wields a con- 
trolling influence — the arts and sciences have reach- 
ed a greater degree of perfection — the people have 
enlarged and enlightened views, and the female sex 
are treated with much of that deference and respect 
which distinguished the age of chivalry. 

In whatever light we regard the intercourse be- 
tween the nations of the earth, benefits must be the 
result. Commercial advantages, the extension of 
liberal principles, the dill'nsion of the doctrines of 
the Bible, will flow from the most unrestrained 
commercial regulations. 

A- the tide of emigration flows westward, it is to 
be hoped that a disposition will be manifested still 
further to remove restrictions upon our commerce, 
and tli ns accelerate the moment when our new pos- 
sessions upon the Pacific wall become the centre of a 
flourishing and extensive commerce. 

California is, undoubtedly, the richest mineral 
country upon the Globe. Not only does gold 
abound in such quantities that thousands have be- 
conie enriched byitwithoul incurring the expense 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 299 

of mining operations, but there is also vast quanti- 
ties of silver and quicksilver. The amount of gold 
dust which has been brought from California since 
Jury, 1849, to the present time,* has been estimated 
in value at 9,000,000 of dollars, and still the supply 
appears inexhaustible. As fast as the quantity 
seems to diminish at one placer another is easily 
found, where, with the sifter, the gold is easily 
separated from the sand, and in a short time wealth 
crowns the efforts of the laborer. Where such vast 
quantities are found in the sand, still more can un- 
doubtedly be obtained by mining operations, and 
from the hills and mountains of Upper California, 
the Government and people of the United States 
will obtain immense quantities of the precious me- 
tals.f The number of persons who have thronged 
to California • since its acquisition by the United 
States is almost inconceivable. They have poured 
into that country from almost every land, and there 
may be found congregated together, the South 
American, the Asiatic, the European, the African, 
and the Mexican, and from the United States a 
ceaseless tide of emigration has continued to roll 
thither. New routes have been explored, and so 

* March, 1850. 

f " Thus it appears that the deposits of gold, wherever found in the 
Territory, are the property of the United States. Those, however, which 
are known to exist upon the lands of individuals are of small comparative 
importance, by far the larger part being upon the unclaimed public lands. 
Still our information respecting them is yet extremely limited ; what we 
know in general is, that they are of great extent and extraordinary pro- 
ductiveness, even though rudely wrought. The gold is found sometimes 
in masses, the largest of which brought to the mint weighed eighty-nine 
ounces." — Report of the Secretary of the Interior, December 'id, 1849. 



300 niSTORY OF TIIE 

fiv [uently traversed that the hitherto trackless re- 
gions of the West have become a great highway, 
and the burning sun of the torrid zone has pre- 
sented no obstacle to the thousands who throng to 
the Isthmus of Darien, while the threatening dan- 
gerns of Cape Horn have presented no terrors 
to those who have left their homes in search of 

gold. 

The early and rapid development of the re- 
sources of California is mainly attributable to the 
precious metals, but it is very questionable whether 
they equal in importance the commercial and agri- 
cultural advantages which must inevitably flow from 
their possession. Of the former I have already 
spoken. With regard to the latter, little has been 
done to test the capacity of the soil. When the 
existence of gold was first discovered, people of 
every occupation at once took their departure for 
the gold regions. Farmers left the plough, the me- 
chanic his workshop, the doctor his patient, the 
lawyer his clients, the sailor deserted his ship, and 
the soldier his colors, and all sought for the glitter- 
ing dust. The emigrants have relied upon foreign 
supply for the necessaries of life, and very few of 
the inhabitants of California have turned their at- 
tention to the cultivation of the earth. It is true 
that the want of rain during a portion of the year 
is one disadvantage, but that has been' greatly ex- 
aggerated. There can undoubtedly be produced in 
California, wheat, rye, oats, buckwheat, vegetables, 
and fruits, of ;is fine quality as in any part of the 
United Slates territory, and it only remains for 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 301 

enterprise and industry to deveiope the resources 
of California, to render it one of the richest and 
most productive States in the Union. 

After years will fully illustrate the three great 
results which must flow from the acquisition of that 
territory: its mineral wealth, and its agricultural 
and commercial advantages.* 

* " The prospects of California were never brighter than now. Skep- 
ticism as to its immense mineral resources is gradually yielding to the 
solid and radiant proofs now abundantly made manifest. Three millions 
of dollars' worth of native gold shipped by a single steamer, following 
and to be followed by others, at intervals of barely two weeks, ought to 
vanquish the most stubborn incredulity. An intelligent friend who en- 
joyed good opportunities for information in San Francisco, estimates the 
amount of gold in the hands of the gamblers alone, of that city, on the 
1st of January, (our latest date,) at fourteen millions of dollars." — Edito- 
rial of the New- York Tribune, February 11 th, 1850. 

" San Francisco, December 15lh, 1849. 
" Messrs. Greeley tj- McElrath : 

"Of all the marvellous phases of the history of the present, the 
growth of San Francisco is the one which will most tax the belief of the 
future. Its parallel was never known, and shall never be beheld again. 
I speak only of what I have seen with my own eyes. When I landed 
here, not quite four mouths ago, I found a scattering town of tents and 
canvas houses, with a show of frame buildings on one or two streets, and 
a population of about six thousand. Now I see around me an actual me- 
tropolis, displaying street after street of well-built edifices, filled with an 
active and enterprising people, and exhibiting every mark of permanent 
commercial prosperity. Then, the town was limited to the curve of the 
bay fronting the anchorage and the bottoms of the hills. Now, it stretches 
to the topmost heights, follows the shore around point after point, and, 
sending back a long arm through a gap in the hills, takes hold of the 
Golden Gate, and builds its warehouses on the open strait and almost 
fronting the blue horizon of the Pacific. Then, the gold-seeking so- 
journer lodged in muslin rooms and canvas garrets, with a philosophic 
lack of furniture, and ate his simple though substantial fare from pine 
boards. Now, lofty hotels, gaudy with verandahs and balconies, are met 
with in all quarters, furnished with home luxury, and aristocratic restau- 
rants present daily their long bills of fare, rich with the choicest techni- 



302 HISTORY OF THE 

When we reflect upon the extension of the terri- 
torial limits of this country, since its first settlement, 
we can scarcely realize where our ultimate bounda- 

calities of the Parisian cuisine. Then, vessels were coming in day after 
day, to lie deserted and useless at their anchorage. Now, scarce a day 
but some cluster of sails, bound outward through the Golden 
Gate, take their way to all the corners of the Pacific. Like the magic 
seed of the Indian juggler, which grew, blossomed, and bore fruit before 
the eyes of his spectators, San Francisco seems to have accomplished in 
a day the growth of half a century. 

" When I first landed here, bewildered and amazed by what seemed 
an unnatural standard of prices, I expressed the opinion that there would 
be before long a great crash in speculation. Things, it appeared then, 
had reached their crisis, and it was pronounced impossible that they could 
remain stationary. This might have been a very natural idea at the time, 
hut tin' subsequent course of affairs has shown it to be incorrect. Land, 

goods, subsistence, &c, have continued steadily to advance in cost, 
and as the credit system has been meanwhile prudently contracted, the 
character of the business now done is the more real and substantial. Two 
or three years will pass, in all probability, before there is a positive abate- 
ment of the standard of prices. There will be fluctuations in the mean- 
time, occasioning great gains and losses, but the fall in rents and raal 
estate, when it comes, as it inevitably must in the course of two or three 
years, will not be so crushing as I at first imagined. I doubt whether it 
will seriously injure the commercial activity of the place. Prices will 
7n 1 i< r fall to the same standard as in the Atlantic States. Fortunes will 
always be made here by the sober, intelligent, industrious, and energetic; 
but. no one who is either too careless, too spiritless, or too ignorant to 
succeed at home, need trouble himself about emigrating. The same 

il rule holds good, as well here as elsewhere, and it is all the better 
for human nature that it does. 

- \nt only is the heaviest part of the business here conducted on cash 
principles, but all rents, even to lodgings in hotels, are paid in advance. 
A single bowling-alley, in the basement story of the Ward House — a new 
Hotel on Portsmouth-square — prepays $5,000 monthly. The firm of 
Pindley, Johnson & Co., recently sol.! their real estate, purchased a year 
aim for $20,000, at $300,000 ; $25,000 down, and the rest in monthly 
enta of $12,500. The purchaser. Mr. Steinberger, has since 
been offered .xl-j.500 monthly, in advance, for the rent alone, which would 
thus pay at once the first cost of the property, This is a fair specimen 
of the speculations daily made here. Those on a lesser scale are fre- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 303 

ries are to be. From the lauding of the pilgrims, 
successive years have witnessed the triumph of our 
ancestors over the Indians and French, to be quickly 
followed by the obstinate encounter with, and the 
final overthrow of the British power within these 
States. The steady progress of civilization succeed- 
ed ; the Alleghanies were passed, and thriving cities 
studded the shores of the father of waters. Flor- 
ida, Louisiana and Texas have been acquired ; and 
a neighboring nation, against whom a brilliant war 
has been waged, has consented to yield one half 
of her immense territory. And still our vast re- 
sources are undeveloped. The oak and the pine, 
spreading far westward to the Pacific Ocean, are yet 
waving their towering forms undisturbed by the 
woodman's axe, while each year illustrates our pow- 
er, and proves that our destiny is not yet fulfilled.* 

quently of a very amusing character, but the claims on one's astonishment 
are so constant, that the faculty soon wears out, and the most unheard of 
operations are looked upon as matters of course. The greatest gains are 
still made by the gambling tables and eating-houses. Every device that 
art can suggest is used to swell the custom of the former. The latter 
find abundant support in the necessities of a large floating population, in 
addition to the swarm of permanent residents. Rovve's Circus, which is 
still here, does an immense business, and a large and handsome theatre is 
about to be erected on the upper side of Portsmouth-square. If con- 
ducted with becoming order and decency, the latter establisluuent will 
have a decidedly moral effect, by diminishing the influence of a much 
greater evil." — Extract of a Letter from Bayard Taylor. 

* The inhabitants of California, through their delegates, in 1849, 
framed a constitution, which was ratified by the people. Members of Con- 
gress and Senators were elected, who took their departure for Washing- 
ton. The question of the admission of California into the Union has oc- 
cupied much of the attention of the 31st Congress. Clay, Calhoun and 
Webster have given their views, but the sequel no ono can with certainty 
divine. 



30-4 HISTORY OF THE 

While new improvements are made in the arts, 
and new discoveries are made in science; while the 
moral tone of society is becoming more and more 
healthy, and each year adds to our veneration and 
regard tor the Constitution, who can proclaim the 
extent of our greatness as a nation? 

What ground is there, then, for the senseless 
cry that our brilliant destiny has reached its merid- 
ian ( What is there to produce so melancholy a 
result? The treachery of individuals cannot effect 
it. There is no approaching danger from without. 
No internal dissensions of so alarming a character, 
as to threaten so terrible a disaster. 

The fears of those who dread a dissolution of 
the Union are as idle as the wishes of the dissatis- 
fied and depraved, who would gladly produce so 
di<a-trous a result to gratify their own selfish views. 
Such an event might have occurred in the infancy 
of this republic, when patriots doubted the capacity 
of the people for self-government. But now, when 
that problem lias been solved, when the public heart 
brat- with almost idolatrous love for that Constitu- 

Wli.it will bo the result of the settlement of the country bordering upon 
the Pacific ? Hitherto our enterprising citizens have gone westward until 
the farthest west is occupied. Will California and Oregon arrest the on ward 
nut of the Americans? No! Tliey will diverge to the south and 
overrun Mexico; not, it is true, as the Goths and Vandals ravaged the 
of the Romans ; and then, if the citizens of Japan still refuse 
to enter into commercial regulations, a little of that persuasion will be em- 
ployed which bo effectually moderated the tone of the Chinese towards the 
English. It will not be extraordinary if the citizens of the United States 
before the lapse of another century, should gain a foothold upon Asia, and 
either overawe and control the natives, or drive them back upon the Eu- 
ropeans. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 305 

tion which, for more than half a century, has proved 
the palladium of our liberties, who can be guilty of 
such folly as to suppose that the masses will submit 
to its destruction ? 

The people understand fully the object of a few 
disorganizes at the north and south. They appre- 
ciate to the full value, and no more, the threats at 
encroachment or dissolution which are so freely 
used. They can listen to this with some patience ; 
but let threats be followed by a single overt act, and 
they will hang the traitors as high as Haman was 
hung. 

The thanks of Congress were voted repeatedly 
to the army for their gallant conduct in the face of 
the enemy. On the 16th of July, 1846, a joint 
resolution, presenting the thanks of Congress to 
General Taylor, his officers and men, for their forti- 
tude, skill, enterprise and courage upon the Rio 
Grande, was approved by the President. Similar 
resolutions passed Congress March 2d, 1847, March 
9th, 1848, and August 7th, 1848, tendering the 
thanks of Congress to General Taylor and his men 
for the victory of Monterey and Buena Vista ; and 
to General Scott, his officers and men, for the bril- 
liant campaign of 1847 ; and to the officers, sailors 
and marines, for their zeal and ability before the 
walls of Vera Cruz, and the castle of San Juan de 
Ulloa* 



* " An exciting scene characterized an attempt to pass a resolution 
tendering the thanks of Congress to several general officers. Mr. Chase 
of Tennessee, on the 21st of February, 1848. introduced certain resolu- 
tions for that purpose. The question before the House was, ' Shall the 
20 



306 HISTORY OF THE 

This was not only done, but substantial benefits 
were conferred, with great liberality, upon the pri- 
vate soldiers, in the shape of bounties and bounty 
Ian lis. 

main question be now put ?' when Mr. John Quincy Adams, in the attempt 
toaddress the Speaker, was seized apparently with the agonies of death, 
and was borne to the Rotunda, and thence to the Speaker's room, where 
after lingering a few days he expired." — Congressional Globe, 1st session 
30//i Congress, p. 381. 



POLK ADMINISIKATIOM. 307 



CHAPTER X. 

The Tariff. — Opinions of Messrs. Clay and Polk upon that question.— Mes- 
sage of Mr. Polk. — Report of the Secretary of the Treasury. — Passage of 
the Tariff of 1846. — Arguments of the friends and opponents of free trade. 
— The Constitutional Treasury established. — Discussions in the Constitu- 
tional Convention — Public Debt of the United States. — Proposed Tax 
upon Tea and Coffee. 

The tariff was a prominent question in the presiden- 
tial contest of 1844. The act of 1842 had violated 
the principles of the compromise of 1833,* and the 
exciting subject, instead of being put "to rest for 
ever," was again to be decided by the American 
people. The principles of the two candidates upon 
this interesting and difficult question, were well de- 
fined prior to the termination of their congressional 
career. Mr. Polk was thoroughly committed to the 
policy of a revenue tariff, and Mr. Clay, when the 
compromise act was under discussion, pledged the 
party favorable to protection, to a reduction of the 
tariff to a revenue standard.-)- Previous to his nomi- 

* " The present tariff law is sufficiently discriminating ; holds to com- 
mon sense, and rejects the principles of the Compromise Act, I hope, for 
ever." — Mr. Webster's Speech at Faneuil Hall, September, 1842. 

f " I am anxious to find out. some principles of mutual accommodation, 
to satisfy, as far as practicable, both parties ; to increase the stability of 
our legislation ; and, at some distant day — but not too distant, when we 
take into view the magnitude of the interests which are involved — to bring 
down the rate of duties to that revenue standard for which our opponents 



308 HISTORY OF THE 

nation for the presidency, Mr. Clay made a speech 
at Raleigh, in which he advocated discriminating 
duties for the protection of domestic industry.'"* 
This was followed by his letter, in September, 1844, 
to a whig committee in Pennsylvania, in which he 
gave in his adhesion to the tariff of 1842. Alarmed 
at the prospect of losing votes in the Southern 
States, by his opposition to the annexation of Texas, 
he saw certain defeat in the future, unless he could 
rally to his support the people of the North. This 
produced one concession after another, until he had 
abandoned the ground which he occupied in 1833.f 
No excuse can be offered for this palpable aban- 
donment of principles which had been so solemnly 
proclaimed ; and the words which he uttered in 
Is:':;, arc a withering rebuke upon the course which 
he subsequently pursued, and stamp in letters of 
living tire upon his own forehead, the anathemas 
which he fulminated in advance against others. 

The course pursued by Mr. Polk during that 
campaign, is by no means free from a just criticism. 

have so long contended." — Speech of Mr. Clay in the Senate on a Com- 
promise Act, 1833. 

* " Here is a basis for accommodation and mutual satisfaction. Let 
the amount which is requisite for an economical administration of the 
Government, when we are nol engaged in a war, be raised exclusively on 
foreign imports ; and in adjusting a tariff for that purpose, let such discrim- 
inations be made as will foster and encourage our own domestic industry. 
All parties ought to be satisfied with a tariff for revenue, and discrimina- 
tions for protection." — Mr. Clay's Raleigh Speech. 

f •• When this was known, what Congress, what Legislature, would 
mar the guaranty ? What man, who is entitled to deserve the character 
of an American statesman, would stand up in his place in either House of 
C in! disturb the treaty of peace and amity?" — Mr. Clay's 

Sj F bruary 12, 1833. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 309 

Several letters were addressed to him, soliciting bis 
views upon the tariff question ; and the answer 
which he gave to one of them, was the subject of 
much discussion in every section of the Union.* 
While it was admitted in several of the Southern 
States, that Mr. Clay was in favor of discriminations 
for the protection of home industry, it was at the 
same time insisted that Mr. Polk entertained the same 
views.f In Pennsylvania, it was argued by the 
democratic party, that the two candidates occupied 
the same platform upon the tariff question. J If the 
principles which Mr. Polk really entertained were 
misunderstood, owing to the phraseology of his Kane 
letter, he was not himself altogether blameless for 

* " Dear Sir : I have received recently several letters, in reference 
to my opinions on the subject of the tariff, and, among others, yours of the 
30th ultimo. My opinions on this subject have been often given to the 
public. They are to be found in my public acts, and in the public discus- 
sions in which I have participated. 

" I am in favor of a tariff for revenue, such a one as will yield a suffi- 
cient amount to the treasury to defray the expenses of the Government, 
economically administered. In adjusting the details of a revenue tariff, I 
have heretofore sanctioned such moderate discriminating duties as would 
produce the amount of revenue needed, and at the same time afford reason- 
able incidental protection to our home industry. I am opposed to a tariff 
for protection merely and not for revenue." — Letter of Mr. Polk to John 
K. Kane, dated Columbia, Tennessee, June 19, 1844. 

f The author was upon the democratic electoral ticket in Tennessee, 
in 1844, and his opponent, while he admitted that Mr. Clay was in favor 
of discriminating duties for the protection of home industry, would insist, 
from the language of the Kane letter, that Mr. Polk was a protectionist to 
the same extent as Mr. Clay. 

\ " We therefore insisted that the one was as good a tariff man as the 
other."— Speech of James Thompson of Penn., July 1, 1846. CcngsneSr 
stomal Globe, Appendix, 1st session 29th Congress. 

Mr. Thompson was explaining the course pursued in that State in the 
contest between Messrs. Clay and Polk. 



310 HISTORY OF THE 

the error which was committed by his supporters. 
It is not to be disguised, that the English language 
was of sufficient scope and flexibility to enable him 
to define his opinions with more clearness and 
greater precision. If he had stated that he was in 
favor of a tariff discriminating alone in favor of re- 
venue, there would have been no misconception of 
his views. Or if he had expressed his preference 
for such discriminating duties as would produce the 
ai i mm it of revenue needed, — protection flowing as a 
necessary incident therefrom, every man of ordinary 
understanding would have comprehended his mean- 
ing. The voters in the North were deceived by the 
use of language which had the effect of obscuring, 
instead of more clearly defining his position. The 
assertion that he had sanctioned such moderate dis- 
criminating duties as would produce the amount of 
revenue needed, was the statement of a met which 
the record confirms ; and there he ought to have 
stopped, because every one understands that pro- 
tection flows as a necessary incident from a revenue 
tariff. The statement that he was opposed to a 
tariff for protection merely, and not for revenue, 
should have been transposed, by asserting that he 
was in favor of a tariff for revenue merely, which 
Mould have endorsed the principles he had always 
entertained, and which he subsequently enforced 
\with his characteristic ability and energy. 

The views which Mr. Polk entertained, were ex- 
plained with precision and ability in his first annual 
message.'" The principles which would govern his 

* " The attention of Congress is invited to the importance of making 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 311 

administration were proclaimed with great boldness, 
and the odious features of the tariff of 1842 were 
thoroughly investigated and exposed. Congress 

suitable modifications and reductions of the rates of duty imposed by our 
present tariff laws. The object of imposing duties on imports should be 
to raise revenue to pay the necessary expenses of Government. Congress 
may, undoubtedly, in the exercise of a sound discretion, discriminate in 
arranging the rates of duty on different articles ; but the discriminations 
should be within the revenue standard, and be made with a view to raise 
money for the support of the Government." 

" It becomes important to understand distinctly what is meant by a 
revenue standard, the maximum of which should not be exceeded in the 
rates of duty imposed. It is conceded, and experience proves that duties 
may be laid so high as to diminish, or prohibit altogether, the importation 
of any given article, and thereby lessen or destroy the revenue which, at 
lower rates, would be derived from its importation. Such duties exceed 
the revenue rates, and are not imposed to raise money for the support of 
government. If Congress levy a duty for revenue of one per cent, on a 
given article, it will produce a given amount of money to the treasury, 
and will incidentally and necessarily afford protection or advantage to the 
amount of one percent, to the home manufacturer of a similar or like arti- 
cle over the importer. If the duty be raised to ten per cent., it will pro- 
duce a greater amount of money, and afford greater protection. If it be 
still raised to twenty, twenty-five, or thirty per cent., and if as it is raised 
the revenue derived from it is found to be increased, the protection or ad- 
vantage will also be increased ; but if it be raised to thirty-one per cent., 
and it is found that the revenue produced at that rate is less than thirty 
per cent., it ceases to be a revenue duty. The precise point in the as- 
cending scale of duties at which it is ascertained from experience that the 
revenue is greatest, is the maximum rate of duty which can be laid for the 
bona fide purpose of collecting money for the support of the Government. 
To raise the duties higher than that point, and thereby diminish the 
amount collected, is to levy them for protection merely, and not for reve- 
nue. As long, then, as Congress may gradually increase the rate of duty 
on a given article, and the revenue is increased by such increase of duty, 
they are within the revenue standard. When they go beyond that point, 
and as they increase the duties, the revenue is diminished or destroyed, 
the act ceases to have for its object the raising of money to support Gov- 
ernment, but is for protection merely." 

" It does not follow that Congress should levy the highest duty on all 
articles of import which they will bear within the revenue standard ; for 



312 HISTORY OF THE 

was urged to substitute ad valorem for specific and 
m illinium duties. That portion of his message is a 
masterly and unanswerable argument in favor of free 
trade, and bore the impress of a comprehensive mind, 
thoroughly imbued with the subject. 

such rates would probably produce a much larger amount than the econo- 
mical administration of the Government would require. Nor does it fol- 
low that the duties on all articles should be at the same, or a horizontal 
rate. Some articles will bear a much higher revenue than others. Below 
the maximum of the revenue standard Congress may and ought to discri- 
minate in the rates imposed, taking care so to adjust them on different arti- 
cles as to produce in the aggregate the amount which, when added to the 
proceeds of sales of public lands, may be needed to pay the economical ex- 
penses of the Government. In levying a tariff of duties, Congress exer- 
cise the taxing power, and for purposes of revenue may select the objects 
of taxation. They may exempt certain articles altogether, and permit their 
importation free of duty. On others they may impose low duties. In 
these classes should be embraced such articles of necessity as are in gene- 
ral use, and especially such as are consumed by the laborer and the poor, 
as well as by the wealthy citizen. Care should be taken that all the great 
interests of the country, including manufactures, agriculture, commerce, 
navigation and the mechanic arts, should, as far as maybe practicable, 
derive equal advantages from the incidental protection which a just system 
of revenue duties may afford. Taxation, direct or indirect, is a burden, and 
it should be so imposed as to operate as equally as may be on all classes 
in the proportion of their ability to bear it. To make the taxing power 
an actual benefit to one class, necessarily increases the burden of the 
others beyond their proportion, and would be manifestly unjust. The 
terms ' protection to domestic industry ' are of popular import ; but they 
Bhould apply under a just system to all the various branches of industry 
in our country. The farmer or planter who toils yearly in his fields, is 
engaged in 'domestic industry,' and is as much entitled to have his labor 
■ protected ' as the manufacturer, the man of commerce, the navigator, or 
tin mechanic, who are engaged also in ' domestic industry' in their differ- 
ent pursuits. The joint labors of all these classes constitute the aggre- 
gate of tlic • domestic industry' of the nation, and they are equally entitled 
to tli'' nation's ' protection.' No one of them can justly claim to be the 
exclusive recipient of ' protection ' which can only be afforded by increas- 
ing burdens on ' domestic industry' of the others." — Message of Mr. Polk 
to Congress, December, 1845. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 313 

The doctrines which were sustained by the Ex- 
ecutive were enforced with consummate ability by 
the Secretary of the Treasury. He made certain 
principles the basis of his celebrated report against 
the protective policy* That argument has been 
submitted to the test of scrutiny and of time. The 
most powerful advocates of the protective system 
employed their energies in refuting his assumptions, 
and controverting his facts. But his platform was 
never abandoned; and like the sailor, whose eye is 
fixed upon his compass amidst storms and tempests, 
he adhered to his principles with an iron will, and 
an inflexibility of purpose, which insured success 
against all opposition. 

On the 15th of June, 1846, the House of Repre- 
sentatives proceeded to the consideration of a bill for 
the repeal of the tariff of 1842. The debate upon 
this bill was characterized by great power. Princi- 
ples w r ere laid down, and facts adduced. Musty 

* " 1st. That no more money should be collected than is necessary for 
the wants of the Government, economically administered. 

" 2d. That no duty be imposed on any article above the lowest rate 
which will yield the largest amount of revenue. 

" 3d. That, below such rate, discrimination may be made, descending 
in the scale of duties ; or, for imperative reasons, the article may be placed 
in the list of those free from all duty. 

" 4th. That the maximum revenue duty should be imposed on luxuries. 

" 5th. That all minimums, all specific duties, should be abolished, and 
ad valorem duties substituted in their place, care being taken to guard 
against fraudulent invoices and under-valuation, and to assess the duty 
upon the actual market value. 

" 6th. That the duties should be so imposed as to operate as equally as 
possible throughout the Union, discriminating neither for nor against any 
class or section."— Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, December 
3d, 1845. 



314 HISTORY OF THE 

volumes were examined, and the talents which were 
concentrated in the House of Representatives were 
devoted to the discussion of the subject. The city 
of Washington was thronged by the manufacturers 
and their agents, and every effort which ingenuity 
could devise was exerted to defeat the passage of 
the tariff of 1846. After a long discussion, the bill 
passed the House of Representatives on the 3d of 
-July, 1846, by a vote of 114 to 95.* Among the 
number who voted for the passage of the bill there 
was but one whig. 

Although the bill had passed by a triumphant 
majority through the House of Representatives, it 
was destined to encounter a formidable opposition 
in the Senate. The supporters and opponents of 
free trade in that body were nearly equal. The 
bill came very near being defeated by the unex- 
pected resignation of William H. Haywood, of 
North Carolina,f whose conduct produced a feeling 
of indignation in the democratic party, and at once 
elevated the hopes of the opponents of reform. 
The contest became more exciting, and great anxi- 
e1 \ was felt not only in Washington, but throughout 
the country. The fate of the bill now depended 
upon the vote of Mr. Jarnagin, a whig member of 
the Senate from Tennessee, who had been instructed 

* Congressional Globe. 1st session 29th Congress, p. 1053. 

f "Washingtom City, July 26th, 1846. 
"I hereby respectfully resign my scat in the Senate as one of the 
Senators fr< .■ n North Carolina. 

"I have the honor to be your obedienl servant, 

"WILLIAM II. HAYWOOD, Jr." 
Congressional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 1141. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 315 

to vote for a bill which embodied the principles of 
the one then before the Senate. It was a matter 
of great doubt whether he would not either openly 
disobey those instructions, or manage in some way 
to evade them. Contrary to the expectations of 
those who placed a just appreciation upon the 
general character of that Senator, he said he would 
obey his instructions,* although the instincts of the 
man were illustrated, when he hazarded its defeat 
by intrusting the fate of the bill to the casting vote 
of the Vice President. 

A motion was made by Mr. Johnson, of Mary- 
land, to commit the bill with instructions, and upon 
that proposition the Senate was equally divided, 
27 Senators voting for and 27 against the propo- 
sition. It was decided in the negative by the cast- 
ing vote of the Vice President.f If Mr. Jarnagin 
had faithfully obeyed his instructions, Mr. Dallas 
would not have been called upon to exercise the 
duty which his position as presiding officer imposed 
upon him, during that struggle.^ It was, however, 
expecting too much from Spencer Jarnagin to sup- 
pose he would pursue the path of duty with unde- 
viating footsteps. The course which he adopted, 
while it exemplified his own character, afforded the 

* " But the leading features of the bill I am instructed to maintain, and 
by voting against the bill I would vote against the principles which I am 
instructed to support. I shall obey these instructions." — Speech of Mr. 
Jarnagin. 

f Congressional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 1155. 

\ " The President said that he was taken by surprise in consequence 
of the course pursued by the Senator from Tennessee, [Mr. Jarnagin,] 
who did not vote ; but as he was called upon to give the casting vote, he 
would vote in the negative.'''' — Ibid. 



310 HISTORY OF THE 

Vice President an opportunity of illustrating his 
moral firmness by an act of bold and majestic gran- 
deur, which stamped him as one of the distinguished 
men of the a^e. When the bill was ordered to a 
third reading, Mr. Jarnagin again refused to vote, 
and the Senate was again equally divided, and the 
fate of the measure was decided by the casting vote 
of Mr. Dallas. Before proceeding to decide the 
important question which was now under his con- 
trol, and upon which so much interest and feeling 
depended, the Vice President addressed the Senate* 

* " The President rose and said : 

" The Senate being equally divided on this important question, I may 
be indulged in briefly stating the principal reasons. for the vote I am re- 
quired by the Constitution to give. 

" Fixcluded from any participation in forming or modifying the bill, I 
am bound to sanction or condemn it exactly in the shape in which it 
Btands. The responsibility is deeply felt. It belongs, however, to the 
office assigned to me by my fellow-citizens, and will be assumed with 
frankness, and, I hope, not unbecoming firmness. The consequences of 
my decision, either way, may seriously affect the country. No one can 
entertain, as to that, a profounder solicitude. But, after summoning to 
my aid the best purposes and best lights that I can command, the conse- 
quences, be they what they may, must be hazarded. 

" The system for obtaining the revenue necessary to support their Go- 
vernment is established, directly or indirectly, by the people of the United 
States, within the limits, and agreeably to the prescribed forms of the Con- 
stit ui ion. Whatever is ascertained to be their will on the subject, all 
should undoubtedly acquiesce in. That there are known and approved 
modes by which their will is expressed, cannot be questioned ; and the 
public officer who reads that will with candor and integrity, may feel as- 
sured that he conforms to the institutions of his country when he makes 
it the guide of his conduct. To my mind ample proof has been furnished 
that a majority of the people and of the States desire to change, to a great 
extent, in principle, if not fundamentally, the system heretofore pursued 
in assessing the duties on foreign imports. That majority has manifested 
itselt' in various ways, and is attested by its representatives in the other 
House of Congress, by whom this bill has been approved, and whose votes 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 317 

The scene which was witnessed upon that occasion 
was one of the most imposing that ever occurred in 
that chamber. It was not known with certainty 

undeniably indicate the popular sense in the large proportion of o i lt 1 ) ' ' - < ■ 1 1 
out of the twenty-eight States. In this Senate an analysis of the vote 
before me discloses that while six States (Ohio, Virginia, New-Hampshire, 
Georgia, Michigan and Maine) are equally divided ; eleven (Louisiana, 
Pennsylvania, Delaware, Kentucky, Massachusetts, New-Jersey, Rhode 
Island, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina and Vermont) are against, 
and eleven (Arkansas, Missouri, Alabama, Illinois, Indiana, South Caroli- 
na, Mississippi, New-York, Texas, Tennessee and Florida) are for the 
change. Peculiarly situated as I am in my relation to the national legis- 
lature, these impressive facts cannot be overlooked. In a case free from 
constitutional objection, I could not. justifiably counteract, by a sort of offi- 
cial veto, the general will. 

" The struggle to exert without abatement the constitutional power of 
taxation, in such a manner as to protect, by high duties on imports, many 
of the productions of our own soil and labor from the competition of other 
countries, has endured for more than thirty years. During that period, a 
system of high taxation has prevailed, with fluctuations of success and 
failure. It is as vigorously and as exactingly insisted upon now as ever; 
and, indeed, it would seem, in some instances, as if the longer the advan- 
tage of a particular tax was enjoyed, the stronger became the desire for its 
oontinuance, and even its augmentation. And yet it ought to be remem- 
bered that this exercise of the taxing power, by which the great mass of 
consumers are made to swell the profits of a few branches of industry, 
was originally intended to be temporary, to be continued only so long as 
its continuance was necessary to the industrial independence and safety 
of the whole people. Such was the language, the inculcation, the spirit, 
in which it was proposed'and justified by its earliest and wisest friends. 
The design was to foster feeble ' infanC manufactures, especially such as 
were essential to the defence of the country in time of war. In this de- 
sign the people have persevered until, with some, but not weighty, excep- 
tions, these saplings have taken deep root, have become vigorous, expand- 
ed and powerful, and are prepared to share the common lot of human pur- 
suits, and to enter with confidence the field of free, fair, and universal 
competition. 

" The arrival of this period of time, long promised, has been anxiously 
looked for by a large and justly respected portion of our fellow-citizens, 
who deemed themselves peculiar and almost exclusive sufferers by the po- 
licy of protection. They have sometimes, perhaps, imprudently endeav- 



318 HISTORY OF THE 

what course Mr. Dallas would pursue. The Repre- 
sentative Hall was almost deserted, and the mem- 
bers crowded into the Senate to witness the termi- 

ored to anticipate it. Their numbers, at first entitled to influence only 
from their patriotism and intelligence, have gone on, gradually increasing 
as the system ripened to its fruit, and they now constitute what I am 
bound by registered facts to regard as a decided majority of the people 
and of the Union. 

" It is undoubtedly true that this change of financial arrangement, 
brought about by public opinion, 'which every where ought to guide and 
influence statesmen,'' should, nevertheless, be characterized by moderation, 
nay. by scrupulous tenderness for those interests of our fellow-citizens 
that are to be affected by it. The legislation which encouraged their in- 
vestments, their educational training, or their habits, should cease, finally 
and firmly, if required, but still soothingly and gently ; and hence T may be 
pardoned for expressing a regret that certain provisions which, in their 
bearing, seem to me trenchant and sudden beyond the calls of the occa- 
sion, have been allowed to remain as parts of this bill. Were it in my 
power to except these provisions from the operation of my vote, I would 
do so ; but viewed as a whole, as a measure to accommodate a vast and in- 
tricate subject to the prevailing sentiment of the American people, to re- 
duce the burdens artificially imposed upon the laboring and productive 
masses, and to reconcile diminished restrictions of trade, with increased 
contributions from it, I cannot resist the impression that the bill is more 
equal, more tempered and more just, than the act of 1842, which it super- 
sedes. That it deals with some pursuits and resources of my native com- 
monwealth less kindly than she might well expect, does not relieve me 
from my duty, but only makes its performance personally reluctant and 
painful. 

•• In aid of these considerations, adequate, perhaps, in themselves to 
control my vote, there is another which, I am free to confess, nothing but 
an unforeseen, sheer and pressing public necessity, could ever induce me 
to forego or forget. In strict concord with the letter and spirit of the 
Constitution, the Vice President, of the United States, now called upon to 
act, is the direct agent and representative of the whole people. In ad- 
vance, and dependent upon contingent results, it, is perfectly competent 
to this, his national constituency, to give instructions, and to receive 
pledges for their execution. On this identical subject of a tariff of duties 
on imports, whatever may have been the cause of local and casual incon- 
icy, my own honor can admit of no disclaimer of instructions that 
were formally announced, and my own good tiith stands inviolable to a 



POLK ADMINISTEMION. 319 

nation of the struggle. The galleries were thronged 
with beauty and fashion. The manufacturers were 
assembled in strong force. The reporters bent ea- 
gerly forward to catch the words which fell from 
the lips of the presiding officer. A solemn silence 
reigned profound, while Mr. Dallas proceeded to 
deliver his celebrated address. All eyes were bent 
upon his commanding and expressive countenance, 
and each ear drank in the language which he ut- 
tered with an earnestness and impressiveness of 
tone, that proved his sincerity. As he proceeded, 
the hopes and fears of his audience alternated, and 
when he concluded, the most unbounded satisfaction 
was expressed by all who favored reform, and the 
deepest disappointment and chagrin were imprinted 
upon the countenances of the protectionists. 

On the 28th of 'July, the bill passed the Senate 
with an unimportant amendment, and was returned 
to the House for concurrence, where it run the 
hazard of defeat. After its passage in that body, 
several members had become alarmed, and there 
was great danger that the bill would be defeated 
by the insertion of specific duties. The object of 
its friends, therefore, was to sustain the demand for 
the previous question, which would have the effect 
of preventing amendment or debate. That motion 

pledge voluntarily given. If by this acting it be my misfortune to offend 
any portion of those who honored me with their suffrages, I have only to 
say to them, and to my whole country, that I prefer the deepest obscurity 
of private life, with an unwounded conscience, to the glare of official em- 
inence, spotted by a sense of moral delinquency." — Address of the Vice 
President of the United States, July 28th, 1846. Congressional Globe, 
1st session 29th Congress, p. 1156. 



320 niSTOEY OF THE 

could not, by the rules of the House, be decided by 
yeas and nays. The danger that was incurred re- 
sulted from the fact that certain members would 
vote one way, when their names were placed upon 
the journal, and differently when they were not 
put to that ordeal, and the consequence was, that 
the vote for sustaining the call for the previous 
question was 102 ayes and 101 noes* If the pre- 
vious question had not been sustained, the bill, in 
all probability, would have been amended in such 
a manner as to insure its defeat; as it was, it passed 
the House by a vote of 115 to 92, and the Tariff 
Act of 1846, having received the signature of the 
President, became the law of the land. 

For the reason that the Tariff question was the 
great domestic measure of reform during the ad- 
ministration of Mr. Polk, I shall give at considera- 
ble length the arguments upon both sides.f 

* Congressional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 1165. 

f '• Mr. S. said he wished to consider for a moment the Tariff as con- 
nected with agriculture, and it might startle the Secretary to tell him that 
chusetts now exported to foreign markets more agricultural produce 
than any other State in the Union. She exported it as the British im- 
ported it. not in its raw form, but converted into manufactures; and, 
what was still more important to the grain-growing Staff's, she exported 
it in a form not to compete with, or at all effect, the price of produce, in 
its raw condition, in the foreign markets. And it might startle the Secre- 
tary still more to tell him that millions of dollars' worth of hay, oats, straw, 
grass, and corn, were transported annually over the mountains to the 
Atlantic markets, from Ohio, Kentucky, and the other western States. 
But is it not strictly and undeniably true? Not in its original form, but 
like Briti-h (muds, converted and changed into a condition in which it can 
be transported to markel — converted into hogs, horses, and fat cattle; for 
what are those but the corn, oats, and hay of the western farmer, changed 
into animated forms, and made to carry itself to market. A fat hog carries 
eight or ten bushels of corn to market, and a fine western horse carries 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 321 

The adjustment of a tariff lias been the cause 
of much difficulty fur the last thirty years. In its 
discussion the ripest scholars and profoundest states- 
seventy or eighty dollars' worth of hay and oats to the eastern market, 
with the farmer on top of it, which he sells for the cash, and returns home 
to repeat the process. And thus foreigners convert their agricultural 
produce, not. into hogs, and horses, but into cloth, iron, hats, shoes, every- 
thing you find on the merchant's shelf, and send them here for sale and 
consumption. Our merchants throughout the country, so far as they sell 
foreign goods, are in fact but retailers of foreign agricultural produce, 
converted into goods and sent here for sale ; and, when we look abroad at 
their vast numbers, is it surprising that money should be scarce ? It has 
been clearly proved that more than half the value of a yard of cloth con- 
sists of wool, and the subsistence of the labor employed in its manufac- 
ture. That nine-tenths of the value of pig-iron consists of agricultural 
produce, and that even a yard of lace is but little else than the subsistence 
of the foreign pauper labor employed in its fabrication. Yet the farmer 
seems not to be aware, that when he pays $20 for a suit of British cloth, 
he sends $10 of the 20 in hard money (they take no paper) to purchase 
British wool, and bread, and meat, while he has no market for his own. 
Yet is it not true ? And is not this the policy recommended by this Ad- 
ministration ? He was admonished to be brief, but he would, while on 
this point, state another fact susceptible of the clearest demonstration, 
that the constituents of every member in this House from Ohio, Indiana, 
Illinois, and all the grain-growing States, are at this moment purchasing 
and consuming five dollars' worth of British agricultural produce to one 
dollars' worth Great Britain takes of theirs. By referring to the official 
reports on commerce and navigation for ten or twenty years back, it 
would be found that our imports of British goods amount to nearly fifty 
millions a year, while she has taken, of all the agricultural products of 
the grain-growing States of this Union, flour, grain, meat, &c, less then 
two millions and a half. Now if only half the value (and it was much 
more) of these goods consisted of agricultural produce, this would give 
twenty-five millions of British agricultural produce, taken annually by us, 
to two and a half millions of ours taken by them, just ten to one. Now, 
assuming that consumption is in proportion to population ; then these 
western gentlemen's constituents are consuming not five but ten dollars* 
worth of British agricultural produce to one Great Britain takes from 
them ; and yet the Secretary is not satisfied, but wishes to increase the 
import of foreign goods to favor the farmers ! Reduce the duties, says 
the Administration, to increase imports, and amen, say most of the repre- 
sentatives of these western farmers. But what would these farmers say 
21 



322 niSTOKY of the 

men in the Union have exerted their powers. The 
classes who have been favored by the protective 
system have struggled to maintain the privileges 

to their representatives when they come to look practically and not theo- 
reticaUy at this matter? He (Mr. S.) intended to call their attention to 
it. I lc intended, after the example of the Secretary, to address some ques- 
tions to the farmers of this country, and he hoped soon to have their answers 
to lay before the House ; he wanted the facts on both sides. He would ask, 
for instance, how much agricultural produce there was in a yard of do- 
mestic cloth, or a ton of iron? and whether, if brought from England, 
(where it was made of the same materials,) they did not purchase English 
wool and provisions converted into cloth, iron, &c, when they had no 
market for their own ? He would ask the merchants and manufacturers 
what were the prices of cotton and woollen goods, glass, iron, nails, &c, 
in 1816, when the first protective tariff was adopted, and what they were 
now ? He would ask the working men what would be the effect of ' free 
trade,' recommended by the Secretary of the Treasury, on the wages of 
labor in this country ? Such questions, in his judgment, would not only 
furnish important facts, but, what was more important, it would bring the 
farmers and laborers to investigate this subject in a common sense practi- 
cal point of view, and to figure it out for themselves ; in this way more 
would be done to bring the people to a right understanding of this highly 
interesting subject, than by all the speeches made here or elsewhere." — 
Speech of. Mr. A. Stewart, in the House of Representatives, December 9th, 
1845. Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 1st session 29lh Congress, 
p. 58. 

" But now that doctrine is repudiated by the Administration. The 
President of the United States, his Secretary of the Treasury, and the 
Committee of Ways and Means, have made the financial discovery that a 
reduction of the Tariff will greatly enhance the amount of revenue from 
imports. It is true, that they have the operation of the famous compro- 
mise act staring them in the face, and contradicting their position. They 
know that in 1842, when the duty came down to 20 per cent., the revenue 
was reduced to $12,700,000 ; and that by the commencement of cash 
duties within that year, the year 1842 was practically a year of five quar- 
ters; having all the revenue of that year, and the payment of bonds 
given for goods imported the last quarter of the preceding year; and, 
also, that this revenue would have fallen off still more, had not Congress, 
early in 18 1 1. imposed additional duties upon silks, wines, and several 
other articles. All this must be known to the Administration ; nor can 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 323 

which it guarantied against the advocates of free 
trade. The contest which was waged during the 
discussion of the tariffs of 1828 and 1842, is still 

they have forgotten the embarrassed state of the Treasury, and the almost 
perfect prostration of every branch of industry at that time. They must 
also know, that the Tariff act of 1842 relieved the Treasury and L r ave 
general prosperity to the country. All this must be within their know- 
ledge ; and yet, blind to the past, and deaf to the voice of experience, 
they come forward, and ask us to abandon the policy under which we 
have enjoyed such unexampled prosperity, and to follow out a mere ab- 
straction — the dream of some visionary speculators. And can they give 
us any assurance that their system will work well ? Can the Committee 
of Ways and Means tell us what amount of revenue their bill will yield ? 
They have furnished us with no such estimates. And I presume, if in- 
terrogated, the honorable Chairman will tell us now, as he did two years 
ago, that he knew nothing about it. and could form no conjecture satis- 
factory to himself. In his report of 1844, which accompanied his Tariff 
bill, we find this frank confession : ' It may be expected of the Committee 
that they will make an estimate of the revenue to be realized under the 
rates of duty they proposed to establish ; but they feel themselves wholly 
incompetent to do so, to any useful purpose.' He then goes on to say, 
that all the calculations which have been made by the different Secretaries 
of the Treasury are mere vague conjectures, not to be relied upon. This 
was the position of that Committee at that time, and I will venture to say 
that the Chairman will not impart any more information at this day. 

" Can he give us any assurance that his bill will yield even $20,000,000 
of revenue ? He cannot. I am aware of the difficulty of making any 
thing like an accurate estimate on this subject ; but from the vast infor- 
mation I can obtain, I do not believe that the Committee's bill, without 
tea and coffee, will yield more than $20,000,000 at farthest, and with tea 
and coffee not more than about $21,000,000 of net revenue. We are 
then called upon, for the purpose of increasing the revenue, to try an ex- 
periment, on the success of which the Committee themselves dare not 
even hazard a conjecture. We know the operation of the present law. 
We have seen that it will yield from $26,000,000 to 28,000,000 of net 
revenue ; and still we are asked to give up this certainty for an uncer- 
tainty, or rather a certainty of success for a certainty of defeat. 

" But we are told that we must adopt the revenue standard and bring 
all duties down to the revenue rates. Sir, before examining this boasted 
revenue standard, I cannot forbear remarking upon the peculiarity of this 
language, or rather the great stress which is laid upon it. We hear of 



324 HISTORY OF THE 

continued with more confidence and success upon 
the part of the friends of unrestricted commercial 
relations, and with doubt and misgivings by the 

revenue, revenue, revenue, as if the great end for which the Government 
was instituted was to fill its own coffers. From language which gentle- 
men employ, we should think that the Government had an interest distinct 
from the people', and that the Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the 
end, the object and the aim of all legislation was to collect money for the 
Government to expend. Our fathers maintained that Government was 
instituted for the good of the people; but this old-fashioned maxim seems 
to be inverted, and the policy now is, if I mistake not the signs of the 
times, to look at the wants of the Government alone. But, Sir, I repu- 
diate this new doctrine. It is monarchical in its character ; it is the essence 
of despotism. The interests of the people should be the great object in 
view, and the interests of the Government, when it comes in competition 
with the interests of the people, should not stand for a moment." — Speech 
of Mr. Hudson of Massachusetts, June 24th, 1846. 

" I have already stated that the general principles of this bill are 
novel and dangerous in their consequences. They are the principles of 
free trade, with the exclusion of all discrimination, as incidental to reve- 
nue, to favor the productions or industry of the country. And in connec- 
tion with these, is the principle of ad valorem duties, never before intro- 
duced as a general rule of assessing duties. These principles are laid 
down and attempted to be defended by the Secretary of the Treasury, in 
his financial Report, at the commencement of the session. The Secre- 
tary comes forward with a new theory, which, it is said in a certain quar- 
ter, none of his predecessors ever had courage to advance. It is certainly 
true, that none of those who have preceded him ever advocated such a 
theory ; but whether for want of courage, or want of confidence in its 
principles, cannot be very doubtful. Neither Mr. Gallatin, Mr. Dallas, 
Mr. Crawford. Mr. Ingram, or Mr. Woodbury, nor any other democratic 
Secretary, ever advocated or gave countenance to such doctrines. 

" This report, in imitation of the ancient and long since exploded phi- 
losophy, lays down certain abstract principles, or categories, which arc to 
control and regulate the entire revenue and tariff system. The first, prin- 
ciple is, that no more revenue should be raised than is necessary to an 
economical administration of the Government. To this rule all will pro- 
bably assent. The second principle is, that in all cases the lowest rate of 
duty should be imposed which will produce the largest amount of revenue ; 
that there may be discriminations below this rate for revenue, and for spe- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 325 

protectionists. As the subject is comprehended by 
the people, more liberal opinions have taken posses- 
sion of the public mind, and the flood of light which 

cial reasons some article may be admitted free of duty. This is the gov- 
erning principle of the whole system ; and it is apparent that it excludes 
all discrimination, as incident to revenue, to favor the products of the 
country, or the labor of the country, or to countervail the legislation of 
other countries. You are only to discriminate in the descending scale, 
and that for revenue only. The maximum rate is a revenue duty, and the 
lowest point of revenue duty ; and to discriminate below that, certainly 
cannot be for protection. It is but justice to the Secretary to state, that 
he does not, in express terms, deny that there ought to be any discrimina- 
tion for protection ; but he nowhere asserts that there should be ; and his 
principles certainly entirely exclude all discrimination for protection, as inci- 
dental to revenue. To discriminate in the descending scale, from the lowest 
rate which will produce the greatest amount of revenue, is to discriminate 
against protection. This is perfectly clear ; for, to reduce the duty, is to 
favor and increase importations to the injury of home productions. The 
President, if I mistake not, speaks about discriminations within the revenue 
standard. But what is the revenue standard ? Can any one tell ? Is it 
the rule laid down by the Secretary — the lowest rate of duty — which will 
produce the greatest amount of revenue ? If this is the revenue stand- 
ard, then, as I have shown, there can be no discrimination for protection 
within the revenue standard, as you can only discriminate by reducing the 
rate of duty, which will increase importations at the expense of home pro- 
duction. The true revenue standard is a rate of duty which will produce 
revenue, and a reasonable amount of revenue, but by no means the largest 
amount of revenue, as that would be to favor the largest amount of im- 
portations. If there is any general principle to be adopted in arranging a 
tariff of duties, it should be this, to ascertain what is the due average rate 
of duty required to produce the whole revenue demanded for an econo- 
mical administration of the Government, and then to discriminate above 
that rate for protection, and also to throw a heavier tax on luxuries, and 
below it, to lighten the burdens of taxation, and to favor articles nf general 
or universal consumption. Suppose the average rate of duty for revenue 
to be 30 per cent., which is said to be the case by the Secretary of the 
Treasury in 1845: the discriminations for protection must be above that 
rate, except in respect to raw materials entering into the elements of ma- 
nufactured products, and the discriminations below that rate are for reve- 
nue, or to lighten the burdens of taxation. There are two rates f duties 
which may be considered as protective — those above the average revenue 



326 HISTORY OF THE 

is thrown upon it, will soon establish upon a firm and 
immovable basis the doctrines of free trade. 

But the advocates and beneficiaries of the pro- 
standard, on articles interfering with those produced in the country, and 
those below the average rate, or admitted without duty on raw materials. 
This presents the matter in a very simple light, and will enable us to de- 
cide on the true character of this bill. This is no theory, but is simply 
taking the facts of the case as the only safe basis for arranging a system of 
revenue duties with incidental protection. But in regard to abstract theo- 
ries, whether of free trade or protection, not originating in the facts of the 
case, not having their source in the actual condition of the country, they 
are not only idle and profitless speculations, but mischievous and danger- 
ous. Sir, I hold all such theories in utter contempt, as beneath the re- 
gard of statesmen, and subversive of all sound legislation. There are no 
theories, no general principles on this subject, possessing the authority of 
universal truth, or universal application. A system of revenue, whether 
on free trade principles or protective principles, may be suitable and pro- 
per for one country, and very unsuitable for another. Every country 
should form and adopt a revenue system adapted to the condition, pursuits, 
and interests of its own people. To adopt a system resting on any other 
basis, or any abstract theory, is to disregard entirely the interests of the 
country, and to expose them to be sacrificed. It is to sport with the 
rights, the interests, and labor of the people. This sport, like the fable 
of the boys and the frogs, may be very agreeable to speculative theorists 
and speculative politicians, but it may be death to the people whose inte- 
rests and employments are crushed by it. Revenue laws should be 
adopted like all other laws, not in pursuance of a theory, but by carefully 
examining the facts in every particular case of duty imposed, and perceiv- 
ing, so far as human sagacity can do it, aided by experience, what is to be 
the practical operation of the law, what are to be its effects and conse- 
quences, not only directly, but collaterally and indirectly." — Speech of 
Mr. Xilrs in the Nmutr, July 20, 1846. Appendix to the Congressional 
Globe, 1st session 29lh Congress, p. 882. 

" Mr. President, it appears strange, but after all, we must admit the 
fact, that the appearance of this bill in the Senate, with a prospect of its 
passage, lias si ruck the country suddenly and with surprise. It has 
brought about no small degree of alarm. The public expectation was not 
prepared lor it. I do not say that there had not been enough of previous 
admonition, or indication. I speak of the fact, and I think it must be the 
conviction of every one that hears me, who has observed the development 



POLK ADMINISTRATION". 327 

tective system are marshalling their forces, prepar- 
atory to an assault upon the tariff of 184G. They 
entertain the hope, by a combination of those in- 

of public sentiment since the appearance of this measure, that the country 
is surprised, greatly surprised, at any probability that it should receive the 
final sanction of Congress and the President. Now, sir, it seems to me, 
that in this state of things, with such a measure before us, at this advanced 
season of the year, when there is no pressing necessity for immediate 
action, the true policy is to postpone its further consideration. If this 
were a measure to raise money to carry on a war, if it were a measure of 
taxation, for the contraction of loans, of the issue of treasury notes, or any 
other measure which had for its object the supply of means to meet neces- 
sities of Government, why then the exigencies of the case might be a very 
just motive for proceeding to its immediate consideration. But there is 
no man within the hearing of my voice, and I am happy that there are 
some within its hearing who are not of this chamber, [referring to Mr. 
Secretary Walker, who was present, occupying the seat of one of the 
democratic Senators,] who will say, that the treasury will not be as com- 
petent, the ability of the Government as great, its arm as well nerved to 
prosecute the war in which we are engaged three months longer if this 
bill should not pass, as if it should. Therefore, it seems to me to be a case 
for further consideration ; and, at the close of the remarks which I pro- 
pose to submit to the Senate, I shall move the postponement of this mea- 
sure till next session of Congress." — Speech of Mr. Webster of Massa~ 
cliusells in the Senate, July 25 and 27, 1846. Appendix to the CongreS' 
sional Globe, 1st session 29lh Congress, p. 1139. 

"But the tariff of 1842 is to be overthrown. The fierce and bitter 
denunciations — the outpouring of all sorts of opprobrious epithets directed 
against the existing law, proclaim the purposes of its opponents. Well, 
why is it to be overthrown ? This is a question surely worth a moment's 
consideration. Has the tariff of 1842 accomplished that which its friends 
and advocates and supporters promised it would accomplish ? Has it failed 
in the fulfilment of any single object which it was designed to gain ) lias 
it yielded an adequate revenue ? Has it restored public credit and public 
confidence? All this we promised. All this we pledged ourselves to 
achieve. And how were our promises and pledges met ? Why, gentle^ 
men then on the other side — and I see many of them still here — ridiculed 
our professions and promises. They predicted a great decline in the 
revenue. They predicted destruction to our commercial interests. They 
predicted all manner of evil. It was maintained that we would not be able 



328 HISTOEY OF THE 

terested in the re-establishment of that system, that 
their designs can be accomplished. 

Single-handed they are unable to cope with the 

to obtain the loans necessary to carry on the Government — for the trea- 
sury was then so impoverished that the Government was under the neces- 
sity of borrowing twelve or fifteen millions — and I recollect, that one gen- 
tleman contended very zealously that we should be obliged to give $100 
in scrip for $90 in cash. Well, we passed the law authorizing the loan, 
and not a dollar could we get at any rate, till this revenue bill was passed. 
Then, sir, money enough could be obtained, and at a lower rate of inte- 
rest than that authorized to be paid. The public credit advanced at once, 
and continued to advance until the stocks of the United States reached, I 
think, a maximum of about 115 or 116, and at that sold rapidly after the 
enactment of this law, because every body saw that we had a system 
which would enable us to carry on the Government, to pay the interest 
punctually, and the principal when it became due. Look, then, at the 
working of the act of 1842. It did not go fairly into operation for several 
months after it was enacted. It can hardly be said that it, was fairly in 
operation till the succeeding spring — the spring of 1843. About that 
time we changed the commencement of the fiscal year, so that our fiscal 
year now ends on the 30th of June. Take, then, the first whole fiscal 
year under the act of 1842, and you will find that it yielded ns (after pay- 
ing all the expenses of collection, drawback, and every thing else, of 
which I shall speak by-and-by) twenty-five and three-quarter millions. 
That was the result of the first year. In the second year, 1845, the 
amount was twenty-six and three-quarters, almost, showing an increase 
of about a million. In the third year, just ended, June 1846, the net 
amount was .$26,31 1,864, according to the best computation I could make, 
for the statements are quite contradictory. By the papers received this 
morning from the Secretary of the Treasury the amount is set down at 
$26.6*1.!) 15. Thus is shown a constant increase, but an increase marked 
by an extraordinary uniformity. Here are three successive years in which 
the amount received into the treasury scarcely varies — nothing percep- 
tible There are no such other three years to be found in our history, or 
any thing approaching to them. Well, now, is not this a most extraordi- 
nary illustration of the character and working of our tariff? Search our 
statute-books from beginning to end, and you look in vain for any other 
law whose operation has been so uniform — so steady. During these three 
years we have had none of those fluctuations, which result from excessive 
importations — one year diminished importations next year excessive im- 
portations — embarrassing the whole business of the country, and of course 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 329 

farming and commercial interests. But by arraying 
the cotton manufacturer, the iron master, the sugar 
planter, the salt manufacturer, and all other branches 
of " home industry," they have every confidence in 
their ability to impose burdens upon agriculture and 
commerce for their benefit. 

Any one at all conversant with the influences 
brought to bear at Washington, for the accom- 
plishment of a favorite object, can at once discover 
the difficulties which the advocates of free trade 
have to encounter. If the Representative from an 
iron district can procure the establishment of spe- 
cific duties, he will gratify the member who repre- 
sents a cotton manufacturing district, by voting to 
insert minimum duties, and by this quiet under- 
standing they succeed in fastening the system upon 
the country. Scruples they have none at the pal- 
pable injustice inflicted upon the other great inter- 
ests of the country, provided they can put money 
in their pockets. What is there about a cotton 
mill or an iron foundry which entitles the owner 
thereof to demand that money should be taken 
out of the pockets of others to be put into his 
own? 

Why should the farmer, by far the largest class 
of our citizens, and at least as worthy, be forced to 
purchase of the American manufacturer articles 

embarrassing the financial affairs of the Government. Sir. I repeat it, there 
is nothing to be found in our history presenting any parallel to these three 
years.— Speech of Mr. Evans in the Senate, July 14, 1846. Congressional 
Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, pp. 1090 and 91. 



330 HISTORY OF THE 

which lie can obtain at lower prices of the for- 
eigner I AVI 1 at does he gain by the operation ? 

I will fairly put the arguments of the friends of 
the protective system. First, they say that ulti- 
mately protection will enable them to sell goods as 
cheap as they would be if the foreigner had com- 
mand of the market. If this assumption were true, 
it would be no reason, as I shall hereafter prove, 
why bounties should be paid by consumers to the 
domestic manufacturer. 

But assuming, for the sake of illustration, that 
this assumption is correct, and that iron, sugar, salt, 
cotton goods, silks, <fcc, can be manufactured here 
as cheap as foreigners can land them at our wharves ; 
unless some one would generously step forward and 
gratuitously pay the tariff on the foreign fabric, it 
would be excluded — no revenue would accrue there- 
from, and direct taxation would be the result. But 
these promises to consent to a reduction of the 
tariff to a revenue standard after a few years' pro- 
tection, have been repeatedly violated. A few years 
of protection only was asked for in 1816, 1824, and 
1828. Similar pledges were made in 1833, by Mr. 
Clay, the father of the protective system.* The 
compromise act was introduced by that distin- 
guished Senator, to give to the protected classes a 
graduating scale of duties, instead of an immediate 
resort to the revenue standard.*)- That motive he clis- 

* " Now give us time ; cease all fluctuation and agitations for nine 
years, and the manufacturers in every branch will sustain themselves 
against foreign competition." — Speech of Mr. Clay upon introducing ike 
Compromise Act, 1833. 

f " I am compelled to express the opinion, formed after the most de- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 331 

tinctly avowed, and the solemn pledge was made, 
that if the compromise bill should become a law, 
no American statesman would ever disturb that 
treaty of peace and amity.* On the 30th of June, 
1842, the opponents of the protective system, by 
the terms of the compromise act, were to be re- 
lieved from the burdens of that policy. The 
shackles were to be taken from trade, a revenue 
standard was to be established, and oppressive 
burdens were ho longer to be imposed. But favors 
long enjoyed, were not thus to be surrendered. The 
privileged classes again rallied to procure an exten- 
sion of those benefits which were too delightful 
to be yielded, and honor and good faith could not 
resist the demands of interest for two months. The 
tariff of 1842 was passed, and the principles of the 
compromise act were violated.f There was no ex- 
liberate reflection, and on full survey of the whole country, that, whether 
rightfully or wrongfully, the tariff stands in imminent danger. If it 
should be preserved during this session, it must fall at the next session." 

" I am anxious to find out some principle of mutual accommodation, 
to satisfy, as far as practicable, both parties ; to increase the stability of 
our legislation ; and, at some distant day — but not too distant, when we 
take into view the magnitude of the interests which are involved — to bring 
down the rate of duties to that revenue standard for which our opponents 
have so long contended." — Ibid. 

* " But if the measure should be carried by the common consent of 
both parties, we shall have all security ; history will faithfully record the 
transaction ; narrate under what circumstances the bill was passed ; that 
it was a pacifving measure ; that it was oil poured from the vessel of the 
Union to restore peace and harmony to the country. When all this was 
known, what Congress, what Legislature would mar the guarantee ? 
What man who is entitled to deserve the character of an American states- 
man would stand up in his place in either House of Congress, and dis- 
turb the treaty of peace and amity ?" — Ibid. 

f ' ; The present tariff law is sufficiently discriminating ; holds to com- 



332 HISTORY OF THE 

cuse for the passage of the tariff of 1842. The 
embarrassments which pervaded the country were 
not attributable to the operations of the compro- 
mise act* But it is insisted that the prices of 
manufactured articles have fallen since the year 
1S1G. I admit it. But prices have fallen, not only 
here, but throughout the world. Mechanical skill 
has made wonderful improvements in machinery, 
which has been substituted for hand labor. This 
has undoubtedly contributed more than any other 
event to reduce the price of goods. The farmer 
boy hesitates to cultivate the flax, which, when 
manufactured by his mother's hand, is to be- 
come his raiment ; the busy hum of the wheel, 
which we listened to in our childhood, is hushed; 
the sound of the blacksmith's hammer is seldom 
heard moulding Lis nail from the hissing iron ; and 
in their stead we hear the confusing sounds of the 
loom, as its complicated machinery, almost without 
the aid of human beings, unfolds to view the curi- 
ous specimens of its skill, while the stead)' and un- 

mon sense, and rejects the principles of the Compromise act, T hope for 
ever." — Mr. Webster's Speech at Fanueil Hall, September, 1842. National 
I lligencer, October 1. is 12. 

* " With regard to the operation of this act, (the Compromise Act,) 
it is a great mistake to say that any portion oj the embarrassments of the 
country have resulted from it. Other causes have contributed to this 
result ; and it is to be attributed to the experiments which have been 
made upon the currency. The embarrassments are also to be attributed 
to the action of the States, which, by plunging into schemes of internal 
improvement, have contracted debts abroad, and thereby given a false and 
us appearance to the prosperity of the country ; and when their 
bonds depreciated, the evils under which they now suffer, as a conse- 
quence, ensued." — Speech of Mr. Clay in the Senate, February 18th, 
1842. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 333 

ceasing fall of the well-fashioned nail, as it drops 
from the mill, proclaims the substitution of arti- 
ficial for natural power. 

The low price of the raw material, and of food, 
as our vast forests disappear before the woodman's 
axe, and broad acres yield their harvest as a reward 
for toil, is by no means an unimportant cause of the 
fall in price of manufactured goods within the last 
twenty years. Notwithstanding all these elements 
to aid the manufacturer, in fulfilling his promises to 
reduce the price of manufactured articles upon the 
establishment of protective duties, we find, on the 
contrary, that many necessaries of life, which were 
protected by the tariff of 1842, increased in price 
after the passage of that act. Another favorite ar- 
gument used is the following. They assert, that if 
prices are increased by the passage of a protective 
tariff, still, by extending to the farmer a home 
market, they grant him an equivalent. There is 
some plausibility and much sophistry in this argu- 
ment. Its importance is consequently the theme of 
their praise, until the foreign market, commerce and 
every thing else, dwindles into insignificance. But 
how can a home market be obtained for the vast 
produce of this country ? Cast the mind over our 
territorial limits, commencing upon the eastern bor- 
der, running along the line dividing this country 
from the possessions of England, to the Pacific, 
thence along the new boundary between this Re- 
public and Mexico, around the Gulf and along the 
Atlantic coast to the beginning. Within this line 
is inclosed an empire with more resources than any 



334 HISTORY OF THE 

other on the earth, and with a hardy, honest and 
industrious people to develope them. Even east of 
the Alleghanies and west of the Rocky Mountains, 
the soil and climate would satisfy the most fastidi- 
ous. But when the mind attempts to take in the 
valley of the Mississippi, with its water power, its 
vast and fertile plains, its acres of rich and virgin 
soil — the myriads of human beings who are destined 
to develope its vast resources — the amount of pro- 
duce which will float down the father of waters, 
seeking a market throughout the world; when we 
contemplate all this, emotions of contempt arise in 
our mi in Is at the idea of crowding the agricultural 
products of such a country upon a home market ! 
and of confining its resources within its own bor- 



* According to the reports of Mr. Ellsworth, the following is the amount 
of wheat and Indian corn raised in the United States in 1842, '43, '44, viz : 

Fears. Number of Bushels. 

Wheat. Indian Corn. 

1842, 102,317.340 441.829,246 

1843, • 100,310.850 494,618,306 

1844, 95,607,000 421.953,000 



298,235,190 1,358,400,552 

By an examination of the report of the late Commissioner of Pa- 
tents, the Honorable Edmund Burke, made February 24, 1846, it appears 
that there was raised in this country in 1845 — 

Of wheat, 106,548,000 bushels. 

Of corn, 417,899,000 

Quantity of the different grains produced in the United States in 1847. 
The following is the amount of the different kinds of grain produced 
in the United States in 1847, according to the estimate contained in the 
table preceding the agricultural report of this office for the present year, 
viz : 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 335 

The natural and inevitable effect of establishing 
the protective policy, is to produce restrictions upon 
commercial intercourse with foreign powers. It 

Breadstuffs. Bushels. Total Bushels. 

Indian corn or maize, .... 539,350,000 

Wheat, 114,245,500 

Rye, 29,222,700 

Buckwheat, 11,673,500 

694,491,700 

Grain not used for Breadstuffs. 

Oats, 167,867,000 

Barley, 5,649,950 

173,516,950 

Total, 868,008,650 

Other articles of Food. 

Potatoes, 100,950,000 bushels. 

Beans and Peas, 50,000,000 " 

Rice, 103,640,590 pounds. 

Estimated population, 20,746,400. 

Report of the Commissioner of Patents, January, 1848. 
We now deduct the consumption of the country from the aggregate 
quantity of grain produced, and thus exhibit the surpluses remaining on 
hand for exportation : 

Surplus for Exportation. 
Wheat. Bushels. Bushels. 

Quantity produced in 1847, . . 114,245,500 

" used for seed, . . . 11,424,550 

" consumed, . . . 62,239,200 

73,663,750 40,581,750 

Indian Corn, or Maize. 
Quantity produced in 1847, . . 539,350,000 

" used for seed, . . 6,000,000 

" consumed by men, . . 103,732,000 
" consumed by animals, . 230,963,096 
" used for distilling and other pur- 
poses, . . . 25,000,000 

365,695,096 173,654,904 



336 HISTORY OF THE 

cannot be supposed that we can exclude foreign im- 
portations with impunity. By no means. As a 
retaliatory measure they will prohibit the introduc- 
tion of our surplus produce. And can it be sup- 
posed that to enable a few interested manufacturers 
to make ten, fifteen, or twenty per cent, upon the 
capital invested, when the farmer does not make 
more than from three to six, that we are to resort 
again to the protective policy ? What are we to 
gain by trading with each other? Let us illustrate 
this policy. Suppose the State of New- York should 



Bye. 
Quantity produced in 1847, . 

" used for seed. 

" consumption estimated, 

" used for distilling, &c. 



Buckwheat. 
Quantity produced in 1847, 

" used for seed, 
" consumed, 



Total surplus for exportation to foreign countries 

The same authority estimates the number of swine in the United 
States at 35,000,000, and the number of sheep at 25,000,000. 

•■ The quantity of wheat raised in the United States during the last 
year will, according to tin' estimates <»f this office, not be less than 126,- 
000,000 bushels. The quantity of corn produced is estimated to be about 
688,000,000 bushels; oats, 185,000,t)00 bushels; potatoes, 114,000,000 
bushels ; rye, 33,000,000 bushels ; buckwheat, 12,500,000 bushels ; barley, 
6,222,0i ; hay, 15,735,000 tons; hemp, 20,330 tons; cotton, 

1,066,000,000 pounds; tobacco, 219,000,000 pounds; rice, 119,000,000 
pounds ; and sugar, (in Louisiana,) 200,000,000 pounds." — Ibid. 



Surplus for Exportation 
Bushels. Bushels. 
29,222,700 


3,652,587 
10,373,200 
10,000,000 




24,325,787 
11,673,500 


5,296,913 


723,343 

6,000,000 




6,723,343 


4,950,935 


ountries, . 


224,384,502 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 337 

enact a law, the effect of which would be to prevent 
our citizens from purchasing any article whatever 
without the limits of this State, or selling any arti- 
cle to be taken therefrom, and the Legislature should 
assign as a reason, that our citizens would be- 
come prosperous, happy, and rich, by trading with 
each other. Again : suppose an old patriarch, the 
father of many children, should collect them to- 
gether for the purpose of giving them advice. He 
informs them that the cultivation of the soil is the 
natural occupation of man; but that they would 
become more independent and happy, if a portion 
of them would turn their attention to manufactur- 
ing; thus furnishing to the rest a home market. 
The objection is urged, that they prefer the cultiva- 
tion of the soil to the heated and unwholesome at- 
mosphere of a factory or workshop ; and that their 
neighbors are already engaged in that business, af- 
fording them an opportunity of exchanging their 
surplus produce for manufactured goods. But the 
patriarch insists, that although for a period the tax 
would be somewhat burdensome to those who con- 
tinued the cultivation of the soil, yet the result 
would be independence, prosperity, and a home 
market, all flowing from this trade with each other. 
How absurd would such a policy be thought, if 
adopted by a State or a head of a family ; and it is 
equally preposterous when attempted by a great 
nation like this. A farmer may wish to purchase 
in the city of New- York goods manufactured in 
Europe ; why should the Government prevent him, 
by assigning as a reason, that in frustrating his 
22 



338 HISTOKY OF THE 

wishes in this particular, manufactures will spring 
up, and after a lapse of years he can purchase simi- 
lar articles in this country. Why should the Gov- 
ernment force him to purchase in one place, when 
he wishes to purchase in another ? There are many 
considerations which should influence us in estab- 
lishing the doctrines of free trade. In the first 
place, it produces domestic tranquillity. There is no 
justice in the protective system, and it will, conse- 
quently, produce dissatisfaction and discontent, 
alienating the affections of one half our citizens 
from the Union. Free trade will induce foreigners 
to remove restrictions from our commerce. It will 
introduce feelings of amity and friendship among 
the nations of the earth. It will disseminate the 
principles of republicanism, and hasten the day 
when the doctrines of the Bible will be preached to 
the nations of every land. 

It is true that no tariff can be perfect, and there 
will arise a necessity for modifications, which a wise 
legislator will not overlook. But at the same time a 
regard for the interests of the whole country should 
be observed. No legislation for the privileged few 
at the expense of the many, should be for a moment 
tolerated. The most just and equitable method of 
raising money to defray the expenses of the General 
Government, is by direct taxation. It is by this 
Bystem that funds are raised for State purposes. A 
tax is levied upon the property which an individual 
may possess. He is taxed according to the value 
of his estate. By this system of assessing taxes, a 
person with one hundred thousand dollars pays for 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 339 

the support of the Government one hundred times 
more than the man whose property amounts to one 
thousand dollars. This is a just and equitable me- 
thod of obtaining money. Raising revenue by a 
tariff is no less a system of taxation than the other ; 
the only difference is, that in the one case, you know 
the time you are called upon to make the disburse- 
ment, and the exact amount you pay, while by the 
other plan, it is taken from your unconscious purses. 
The importer pays the tariff upon the goods, and 
adds it to the price of the article, and the consumer 
refunds the amount. By this system of taxation, 
money is not raised upon the value of property, but 
upon the articles of foreign importation, which the 
consumer thereof may purchase. It can readily be 
observed, that the poorest cultivator of the soil may, 
by this indirect system of taxation, be required to 
contribute more money for the support of the Gene- 
ral Government than the richest banker in the land. 
The manifest injustice and inequality of this system 
of raising money, the more forcibly commends to 
our favor the one adopted by the States. The ob- 
ject should be to raise revenue ; and as taxes in any 
form are oppressive, the lowest rate which will yield 
the required amount should be adopted. As far as 
practicable, taxes should fall upon the property of 
the country ; and hence the importance of levying 
the highest duties upon luxuries, which are generally 
consumed by the rich, and the lowest upon those 
necessaries which the poor are compelled to have. 
Suppose from the tariff upon salt, $1,000,000 is 
raised; this tax is collected without any portion 



340 HISTOEY OF THE 

being paid by the domestic .manufacturer of that 
article, for the reason that he uses his own salt. 
The same argument will apply to the iron master, 
the cotton manufacturer, and the grower of sugar 
cane. It is but just, then, that upon the luxuries 
which they do purchase, a high tariff should be 
levied, that they may pay their proportion of the 
taxes of the country. But it is insisted that specific 
should be substituted for ad valorem duties ; and 
wherefore ? By the ad valorem system the tax is 
laid upon the value of the article imported. Sugar 
worth $100, at 20 per cent., would yield a tax of 
$20; while upon the same amount of sugar, but of 
finer quality, and worth $200, the tax would be 
$40. A farm worth $7,000, upon which a tax of 
two per cent, would be levied, would yield a tax of 
$14<>, while one worth only $500, would yield only 
$10 revenue. The same argument, with equal force, 
will apply to silks, broadcloths, cotton goods, <fcc. 
There is nothing improper in this ; on the contrary, 
it is in strict accordance with justice. But specific 
duties is a tariff of the same amount upon all arti- 
cles of the same kind, weight, yard, <fec. Brown 
sugar may be taken for the purpose of illustration. 
Havana sugar we will suppose worth $4 per hun- 
dred : the tax levied upon this amount, under the 
specific duties of the tariff of 1842, would be $2 50. 
Porto Rico, worth $2 per hundred, would yield the 
same amount of tax, /. e. $2 50. This is not more 
palpably unjust than levying the same duty upon 
all silks, all laces, all broadcloths, all ladies' hats, 
&c. <fec, without regard to the quality of those arti- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 341 

cles. It would be as ridiculous as levying the same 
tax upon all farms, carriages, horses, <tc, without 
regard to the value thereof. It would require the 
owner of ten acres of mountain land, to pay as much 
as Van Rensselaer, and force the tenant of a hovel 
to contribute as much as the owner of the most 
splendid mansion in New- York. There is nojvMice 
in the mode of raising revenue by specific duties ; 
and therefore it cannot commend itself to our favor- 
able consideration. But it is asserted by those who 
are ignorant of what they discuss, or are personally 
interested in the matter, that specific duties are ne- 
cessary to prevent frauds. Such is not the opinion 
of a distinguished statesman, who has thoroughly 
investigated the subject.* 

Minimum duties are as objectionable as specific. 

* " What are the other principles of the Act ? (Compromise Act.) 
First, there is the principle, that a fixed ad valorem duty shall prevail and 
be in force at all times. For one, I am willing to abide by that principle. 
There are certain vague notions afloat as to the utility and necessity of 
specific duties and discriminations, which I am persuaded arise from a 
want of a right understanding of the subject. We have had the ad va- 
lorem principle practically in force ever since the Compromise Act was 
passed ; and there has been no difficulty in administering the duties of the 
treasury on that principle. 

" Compare the system of specific and the ad valorem system of duties, 
and I maintain that the latter is justly entitled to the preference. The 
one principle declares that the duty shall be paid upon the real value 
of the article taxed ; the specific principle imposes an equal duty on arti- 
cles greatly unequal in value. 

" I say that in theory, and according to every sound principle of justice, 
the ad valorem principle is entitled to the preference." 

"I believe that if we adopt a fixed rate ad valorem, wherever it can be 
done, the revenue will be subjected to fewer frauds than the injustice and 
frauds incident to specific duties." — Speech of Mr. Clay in the Senate, 
March 1, 1842. 



342 HISTORY OF THE 

Nothing could be more odious than this method of 
collecting taxes. Coarse cotton shirtings, worth in 
England three cents per yard, by the law of 1842 is 
a88U/med\Q be worth twenty cents per yard; thus 
bearing a falsehood on its face. If a duty of 
forty per cent, were levied upon the three cents, the 
real value of a yard of coarse cotton shirting, the 
tax would be about one cent; but (xswvming the 
yard to be worth twenty cents, that law would ex- 
act, even if the article could be admitted, a tax of 
eight cents instead of one. What would be thought 
of the equity of a State law, which would authorize 
a sheriff to assv/nu that a farm worth $1,000 is 
worth $6,000 ; and instead of exacting from the 
owner twenty dollars, wring from his honest earn- 
ings one hundred and twenty ? As much justice 
would there be in suffering a Shylock, who had 
loaned $100 at six per cent, to assume that he had 
loaned $600, and instead of receiving six per cent, 
interest, to extort thirty-six. 

Notwithstanding the triumphs of the tariff of 
1S4<>, and the unparalleled prosperity Avkich the 
whole country exhibits under its operation, still the 
discontented manufacturer harps upon the necessity 
of more protection ; and the press which advocates 
their cause, portrays the advantages of the home 
market which will be extended to the farmer, pro- 
vided lie will generously allow them to filch money 
from his pocket. The fanner, however, fully ap- 
preciates the offer, and understands the operation 
<>f the swindling protective system in all its details. 
The time for humbugging the peopleof this country 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 343 

is passed; and it is surprising that any attempts 
should be made to revive an odious system, which 
has been repudiated and condemned by the Ameri- 
can people. What right have a few manufacturers 
to demand that a tax shall be levied upon the 
masses, that money may be put in their own pock- 
ets ? Have they not already the protection which 
a strictly revenue tariff gives them ? 

Suppose a certain amount of foreign iron can be 
landed in New York for $100, and a tariff of $30 is 
laid upon it. This operation at once increases the 
article to $130. Is not that protection enough for the 
American manufacturer of the article ? He has no 
right to ask even that protection ; and it would not 
be extended to him, if it did not incidentally and 
necessarily follow from the levying a tariff upon fo- 
reign importations. Why should not the American 
farmer seek the cheapest market throughout the 
world to purchase his iron, salt, or sugar ? Why 
should not the shackles be stricken from com- 
merce, that he may carry his produce to any part 
of the globe ? It is asserted that a high tariff will 
produce competition ; the farmer will abandon his 
plough and become a consumer instead of a produ- 
cer, all resulting in a glorious home-market. There 
would be some plausibility in this assumption if 
there were no forests to be cleared, and if the 
amount of production of the American soil had 
reached its highest point. But there are vast and 
gloomy forests spreading far to the westward, ten- 
anted only by howling beasts and lurking savages. 
Our soil still repays bountifully the husbandman's 



344 HISTORY OF THE 

industry. Europe still pours forth her thousands 
annually, seeking liberty and happiness ; and man 
still prefers to breathe the pure air of heaven in the 
country, and quench his thirst from the cool waters 
which burst from the hillsides, to confinement in 
unhealthy manufactories; and shunning the toil of 
the crowded, confined, and joyless "corporations," 
seeks independence and happiness in the country, 
where the cricket is heard upon the hearth, and 
where his fire never goes out. The tariff of 1846 
may require modification; if so, let it be revised for 
that purpose. But the people of this country Avill 
require a rigid adherence to the principles of that 
act. Let revenue alone be the object in adjusting 
a tariff upon imports. Let specific minimum and 
protective duties be forever discarded from the sta- 
tute-book. Let the necessity for a high tariff be 
obviated by a rigid economy upon the part of the 
General Government, and that prosperity will con- 
tinue, which stamps the present as an important era 
in our country's history. 

Frequent allusion is made by the advocates of a 
protective tariff to the evils to be apprehended from 
the establishment of free trade. They insist that 
our people will become largely indebted to foreign- 
ers for manufactures, resulting in a balance of trade 
against us. They continually remind us of the im- 
portance of preserving the balance of trade in our 
favor in our dealings with all the powers of the 
earth. That is more than we ought to desire, or 
can ever expect to accomplish. We may become 
indebted to China for tea, to the East India islands 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 345 

for spices, and to France for silks. We pay the 
debt off with the balance coming to us from Eng- 
land. The balance may be against us in trading 
with one country, and for us in trading with ano- 
ther — all resulting in a fair and equitable exchange 
of productions. To slyly overreach foreign mer- 
chants should not be considered peculiarly laudable, 
especially when it is done by obtaining commercial 
advantages altogether inconsistent with the laws of 
trade, and common honesty. No country with such 
a vast annual production as our own can ever have 
cause to fear the result of free trade. If our re- 
sources were small, and we produced little more 
than was necessary for our own consumption, it 
would be otherwise. But while, year after year, 
there is pouring from every hill and valley through- 
out the confederacy, our surplus produce to change 
for the necessaries and luxuries of the old world, 
we have no reason to dread the most unrestricted 
commercial regulations. The balance of produce and 
consumption is altogether a different question ; — the 
amount of production may decrease, while its con- 
sumption increases, resulting in disaster and wretch- 
edness. To illustrate: We will suppose that the 
United States increase in population until they num- 
ber one hundred and fifty millions of inhabitants. 
If the production decreased, the result would be 
poverty and want, rendered more disastrous by 
mental and physical imbecility. The production of 
the world, through the indolence of its inhabitants, 
might become less than its consumption, ending in 
the same results. But where the production of a 



346 HISTORY OF THE 

nation is greater than its consumption, the surplus 
can be exchanged for the luxuries and necessaries 
i >f < -tiier lands. Events may occur when the balance 
of trade may be against the United States, and the 
balance of produce and consumption remain in its 
favor. Suppose, to put a strong case, a nation im- 
ports for a certain number of years more in value 
than is exported, yet the substantial wealth of that 
nation may be on the increase, by the increased va- 
lue, in a greater degree, of its yearly produce, the 
erection of cities, the building of railroads and ca- 
nal-, and the development of the resources of the 
country; thus laying the foundation for more ex- 
tended and successful operation*. It is true, this de- 
pends to a great extent on the internal resources of 
a country, and the inclination of her people to de- 
velope them. It will apply with much force to the 
United States, because our resources are immense; 
while it would not to a country where the consump- 
tion exceeds the production. 

Tli<- illustrations used to prove the advantages 
of the protective system are exceedingly amusing, 
and demonstrate, at least, the profound ignorance of 
some of its advocates. This is exemplified by the 
demonstration of the leading whig paper in the 
United States.* To prove the fallacy of the argu- 

* " It i? quite clear, we think, that the surest and most solid business 
for us would be to make our exports exceed our imports, because the ba- 
lmier, whatever it may be, will come to us in coin; that is to say, if, in 
1845, we export $150,000,000 and import only $100,JOO,000, the ba- 
lance ol xoO.000,000 due us by the residue of the world will be received 
in the' hard,' whicli should be as welcome to the loco focos as to the whigs." 
— \,nlui,'l [ii/illigencer, October 8, 1845. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 347 

ment, it is only necessary to examine it. Suppose 
we should receive $50,000,000 annually, as the ba- 
lance due us by the nations of the earth, hoAv long 
would it take us to receive all the gold and silver in 
the world ? The amount of gold and silver in cir- 
culation has been estimated at $5,000,000,000. It 
would therefore only require one hundred years, 
according to the theory of the Intelligencer, to drain 
the universe of its gold and silver. The most effec- 
tual method of advancing the prosperity of this 
country, is to obtain a foreign market for its vast 
surplus produce. If this can be accomplished, there 
is no danger of bankruptcy being the fate that 
awaits us. The great staple of this country is cot- 
ton. Let commercial treaties with China enable us 
to balance with that country our accounts with cot- 
ton. The imports of merchandise into China from 
the United States, in 1844, amounted to $1,320,170 
The export of China on American ac- 
count, was .... 6,686,171 

Leaving a balance against the U. S. of $5,366,001 

There is no reason why this balance should not 
be discharged with cotton. The total number of 
bales of cotton exported from the United States to 
foreign ports, from 1st September, 1848, to 31st Au- 
gust, 1849, as appears from Hunt's Ma- 
gazine, was .... 2,227,844 
Excess over last year, - - - 369,583 
Now let us see what was the amount compared 
to this, which was consumed by the much lauded 
home market. The quantity of cotton consumed by 



348 HISTORY OF THE 

and in the hands of the manfacturers, was less than 
520,000 bales. Now shall this large surplus remain 
upon the hands of the producer, that the manufac- 
turers may be pleased by the establishment of re- 
strictive duties ? It is not alone the article of cotton 
which we want to exchange for the productions of 
other countries. The United States could become, 
if necessary, the granary of the world. The farmer 
desires a market for his corn, pork, beef, flour, and 
tobacco, as well as cotton. It is for the accomplish- 
ment of these ends that the influence of the Govern- 
ment should be wielded. The diplomatic agents of 
the United States should be directed to make con- 
stant exertions to procure the admission of the pro- 
ductions of our people into foreign countries, upon 
the most favorable terms. When that is done, we 
shall realize all the benefits resulting from the illim- 
itable resources of the most favored country upon 
the globe. The policy of establishing countervailing 
duties as an onset to the high tariffs which were im- 
posed upon their subjects by foreign powers, received 
the warm support of the whig party. It is difficult 
to conceive what justice there is in imposing bur- 
dens upon our own citizens, because monarchical 
powers oppress their subjects. Experience proves, 
however, thai the advocacy upon our part of liberal 
principle-, has had a beneficial effect upon Kngland.* 

* " The most curious item of intelligence by this arrival is the unpreee- 
dented complimenl paid by the I louse ol Lords to .Mr. Secretary Walker's 
Annual Treasury Report, recommending the repeal of our protective 
tariff, which was ordered by their Lordships to be printed fur (lie use of 
the House. It is, indeed, nol improbable that the free trade propositions 
of our Secretary accelerated, if they did not prompt, the kindred measure 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 349 

If such a fortunate result has been produced by the 
liberal course of the United States, we surely have 
great inducement to persevere in our efforts, until 
we have placed our commercial regulation upon the 
best footing with the powers of the earth. 

A remarkable versatility has characterized the 
course pursued by the friends of the restrictive 
system. They have not based their arguments upon 
immutable principles, which are as unchangeable as 
the eternal will. On the contrary, their arguments 
have changed with circumstances. One of the 
most distinguished champions of that policy is Mr. 
Hudson, for a long time a member of Congress from 
Massachusetts ; his arguments abound in sophistry, 
although they bear the evidence of apparent frank- 
ness. A thorough master of the subject, he always 
exhibited great ability in its discussion, and the fa- 
cility with which he seized upon the strong points 
which circumstances placed in his possession, ren- 
dered him a formidable opponent to the progress of 
liberal principles. There was one argument which 
possessed great plausibility, and when stated with 
great sincerity of manner, always produced an effect, 
and that was the impolicy of resorting to free trade, 
because other nations placed enormous duties upon 
the productions' of our country.* But subsequently 

in Imgland of a total repeal of the corn laws." — Editorial of the National 
Intelligencer, February 21, 1846. 

* " The Committee see nothing in the policy of other nations which 
would justify us in adopting the delusive theory of free trade. The new 
tariffof Great Britain, which has been hailed as the harbinger of a com- 
mercial millennium, is highly restrictive in its character." " Some articles 
which were formerly prohibited, she now admits, but on a duty so nearly 



350 



HISTORY OF THE 



to that time, the English Government removed al- 
together, or greatly reduced her duties upon Ame- 
rican produce* When the Government of England 
tendered to the United States such commercial ad- 



prohibitory, that they cannot be imported except in extreme cases." 
" But what is the free trade that England tenders to us ? On what terms 
does she receive our staples? Why, she imposes the following rate of 
duties upon our products: 

per cent. 
Sperm candles .... 33 
Tobacco manufactured 1200 
Tobacco unmanufactured 100U 

Salted pork 33 

Soap 200 

Spirits from grain . . 500 

Spirits from molasses . 1600 



per cent. 
Salted beef (JO 



109 
70 
32 
32 
76 
Sperm oil 33 



Bacon .... 
Butter . . . • 
Indian corn, average 
Flour, average 
Rosin 



" On these fourteen articles she imposes an average of 355 per cent., 
a duty vastly greater than we impose upon any of her fabrics. It is 
idle therefore to pretend that she extends to us any thing like free trade." 
— Report of Mr. Hudson made to Congress, 10th of April, 1844. 

* " Alteration of duties on American Produce. 
" Our American readers will find that the British Ministry propose to 
make important reductions on many of the articles exported from America 
to England. We hope to see a similar spirit manifested by the Cabinet at 
Washington. The alterations comprise : 
Previous duty. 
14s. per cwt. 
8s. do. . 
8s. do. . 
16s. per load 
2s. per lb. . 
8s. per cwt. 
8s. do. . 



Bacon . . , 
Bi ef, fresh . . 
Beef, salted . . 
Hay .... 
Hides . . . 
Meat .... 
Pork .... 
Buckwheat . 
Candles, tallow 

< !h< eae 
Clocks . . 
Hams, 
Hops . 
Indian corn, heavy 
duty . . 

Hire ... 

Tallow . . . 



10s. per cwt. 
10s. 6s. per cwt. 
20 per cent. . 
14s. per cwt. 
90s. do. 



Reduced to — 

Free. 

Free. 

Free. 

Free. 

Free. 

Free. 

Free. 

Is. per quarter. 

5s. per cwt. 

5s. do. 

10 per cent. 

7s. per cwt. 

45s. do. 

Is. per quarter. 

6s. per cwt. Is. per qr. 

3s to do. cwt. Is. p. cwt. 



National Tntelligencer, February 2lst, 1846. Credited to Wilmer <J- 
Smith's European Times. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 351 

vantages, it was indeed the harbinger of " a com- 
mercial millennium," especially when it was done 
under circumstances which precluded the idea of 
another resort to the restrictive policy. Mr. Hud- 
son, who had so often complained of the oppressive 
duties imposed upon American productions, ought 
assuredly to express satisfaction at the liberal course 
pursued by the British Government. This was not 
the case, however. He immediately changed front, 
and instead of condemning the high tariff of Great 
Britain, as he had done in 1844, he actually at- 
tempted to convince the House of Representatives 
that the people of this country were injured^ and 
not benefited by the free trade tariff of Great Bri- 
tain* There is but one instance of such remark- 
able versatility upon record.f 

In 1842 Mr. Hudson made a powerful speech, for 
the purpose of showing the necessity of a high tariff 
to protect the operatives in this country against the 
pauper laborer of Em-ope. He drew a mournful 
picture of the sufferings in Ireland, for the purpose 
of illustrating the low wages which were paid for 
labor. J This would be regarded as a vision of an 

* " I am aware that it will be said that most of the wheat which is sent 
into Canada finds its way into Great Britain.' I admit it, and shall en- 
deavor to show hereafter, that in this indirect trade we now enjoy a sort 
of monopoly, by the operation of the present corn-laws of Great Britain, 
but of which we should be deprived by a repeal of those laws. This is, 
in fact, the point to which I wish to all attention— the great question for 
the committee and the country to consider." — Speech of Mr. Hudson, 
House of Representatives, February 26, 1846. 

f " I went to her, Master Brook, as you see, like a poor old man : but 
I came from her, Master Brook, like a^joor old woman." 

I " With such facts before us, we can sympathize with a respectable 
weaver, who testified before the commissioner as follows : 



352 HISTOEY OF THE 

excited imagination, if we should judge from Sbfcmey 
sh fcJi of the same gentleman of a later production.* 
Since the repeal of the corn laws affords the agricul- 
turists of this country an opportunity of feeding 
those who were described as being so stricken with 
poverty in the speech of Mr. Hudson in 1842, he 
has changed his argument, and has now come to the 

" ' Question. Have you any children ?' 

" ' Answer. No. I had, but they are both dead, thanks be to God.' 
" ' Qaestio7i. Do you express satisfaction at the death of your children ?' 
" ' Answer. I do. I thank God for it. I am relieved from the burden 
of maintaining them ; and they, poor dear creatures, are relieved from the 
troubles of this mortal life.' 

"Comments upon such evidence would be out of place. When poverty 
and wretchedness press so heavily upon parents that they rejoice at the 
death of their own children, their state must be painful indeed." — Extracts 
from the speech of Mr. Hudson, of Massachusetts, July 8, 1842. 

* " Tooke, an experienced English writer, informs us that, from 1832 to 
1838, the crops in Great Britain and Ireland were so abundant that wheat 
was fed out to cattle, sheep, and swine, and even used for distillation. 
This induced the farmer to sow less; and, for several succeeding years, 
the winters were unfavorable for the crops, and the season of harvest was 
unpropitious, so as to increase the demand for foreign grain. Every man 
acquainted with English agriculture knows that great improvements are 
constantly taking place in her mode of cultivation. Bogs and swamps are 
being reclaimed, barren hillsides are being converted into fruitful fields, 
and her waste places are being made to blossom like the rose. She has 
also adopted an improved mode of seeding. Until quite recently, the wheat 
growers we're in the habit of sowing about three bushels of grain to the 
acre. Hut Drummond, a late English writer, says that, by the Introduc- 
tion of a new machine for sowing wheat, which distributes the grain 
equally over the whole surface of the ground, they have found that a less 
quantity of seed will answer equally well; and that this improvement 
alone will save to the United Kingdom five or six millions of bushels, and 
thus supply at least one-third of her deficiency. Under these circum- 
stances, it is not probable that her demand for foreign grain will materially 
increase. I brown supply will increase with her demand. The means 
of the mass of her people are linyted ; and we cannot expect that, under 
any circumstances, she will take a quantity of foreign grain much, if any, 
larger than she does at present." — Ibid. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 353 

conclusion that there is no hope that the demand for 
our productions will be increased. The corn laws, 
which hung for so many years like an incubus upon 
the consumers of England, were established for the 
benefit of the land proprietors. The scale of duties 
upon breadstuff's was raised so high, that it pro- 
duced not only extreme suffering, but often star- 
vation. The great scarcity which resulted from this 
policy, enriched the landholder, while it inflicted 
dreadful sufferings upon the poor. A scarcity of 
food raised its price enormously, and the conse- 
quence was, that thousands of human beings existed, 
only, upon the smallest quantity possible, of the 
most indifferent provisions. For the relief of that 
portion of the community, societies were established 
for the purpose of producing a reform. The intel- 
lects of some of the ablest and most eloquent of the 
orators of England were devoted to its accomplish- 
ment. The struggle was long and fierce. The pow- 
er and interests of the British nobility were arrayed 
against a starving community, and the struggle end- 
ed by a defeat of the lords, and the adoption of the 
principles of free trade. 

By the reduction of the tariff, the agricultural 
products of other nations were admitted into Eng- 
land. The importer was enabled to purchase at . 
lower prices, and could therefore sell a larger amount 
of food for a smaller sum of money than under 
the former prohibitory tariffs, and in this way the 
producers in the United States are enabled to find 
a foreign market for their surplus produce. 

As an excuse for adhering to the protective poli- 
23 



354 II IS TO KY OF THE 

cy, when hard pressed for arguments, the whig party 
insist that it had its origin with the establishment of 
our Government, and that the fathers of the Re- 
public sanctioned it. It is well to examine this po- 
sition, because we are inclined to pay respect to the 
acts and opinions of those who cemented our liber- 
ties with their blood. It is only necessary, to show 
the fallacy of the assertion that the earlier Presi- 
dents sanctioned high duties, to refer to the tariffs 
which were passed between the years 1789 and 
181V.* 

* Tariff Act of July 4, 1789. 
On molasses, per gallon, 2| cents ; on malt, per bushel, 10 cents ; on 
brown sugars, per pound, 1 cent ; loaf sugars, per pound, 3 cents ; all 
other sugars, per pound, 1^ cents; on coffee, per pound, 2" cents; on 
boots, per pair, 50 cents; on all shoes and slippers made of leather, per 
pair. 7 cents ; on all steel unwrought, for every 112 pounds, 56 cents; on 
all nails and spikes, per pound, 1 cent ; on salt, per bushel, 6 cents ; on 
coal, per bushel, 2 cents ; on bohea tea, per pound, 6 cents ; all hyson teas, 
per pound, 20 cejits ; on all writing, printing, or wrapping paper, paper- 
hangings, and pasteboard, 1\ percent, ad valorem ; on all buttons, saddles, 
batts of beaver, wool, or mixture of either, on millinery ready made, cast- 
ings of iron, slit and rolled iron, and on clothing ready made, 7| per cent, 
ad valorem. 

Tariff Act of 1792. 
Steel, per hundred weight, 100 cents ; nails, per pound, 2 cents ; 
shoes and slippers of silk, 20 cents ; all other shoes and slippers for men 
and women, clogs and galoshes, 10 cents; on cables, for every 112 
pounds, 180 cents; on tarred cordage, for every 112 pounds, 180 cents; 
looking-glass, window, and other glass, 15 per cent, ad valorem ; cast, slit, 
and rolled iron, hats, raps, and bonnets, sail-cloth, cabinet wares, and ge- 
nerally all manufactures of iron, steel, tin. pewter, copper, brass, &c, not 
beinf otherwise particularly enumerated, 10 per cent, ad valorem. 

Tariff Act of 1794. 
On coffee, per pound, 1 cent ; clayed or lump sugar, per pound, 1 
cent ; on boots, per pair, 25 cents ; on shoes and slippers, for men and 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 355 

An argument much used by the protectionists 
is based upon the fact, that manufactured goods 
have fallen in price within the last thirty years. 

women, 5 cents ; on coal, per bushel, A cent ; on slit, cast, and rolled iron, 
and, generally, on all manufactures of iron, steel, tin, pewter, copper, and 
brass, not otherwise enumerated, 5 per cent, ad valorem ; on all manufac- 
tures of cotton or linen, or of muslins of cotton or linen, or of which cot- 
ton or linen is the material or chief fabric, being printed, stained, or co- 
lored, 5 per cent, ad valorem. 

Tariff Act of March 3, 1797. 

" An Act for raising a further sum of money by additional duties on 
certain articles imported, and for other purposes. 

" That from and after the 30th day of June next, the following duties, 
in addition to those now in force and payable on the several articles herein- 
after enumerated, shall be laid and levied and collected upon those articles 
respectively, at their importation into the United States from any foreign 
port or place. 

" On all brown sugars, per pound, | cent ; on all bohea tea, per pound, 
2 cents ; on all molasses, per gallon, 1 cent ; and on all velvets and velve- 
rets, whether stained, printed, colored, or otherwise, and upon all muslins, 
muslinets, and other cotton goods, not printed, stained, or colored. 2\ per 
cent, ad valorem." 

There was also a section providing that after the 30th of June an 
additional duty of 10 per cent, should be levied on the aforesaid articles 
imported in foreign ships. 

Tariff' of March 26, 1804, (during the Administration of Jefferson,) 
called the Mediterranean Fund. 

" An Act further to protect the commerce and seamen of the United 
States against the Barbary Powers. 

" A duty of 2i/ per centum ad valorem in addition to the duties now 
imposed by law, [aforesaid act of March 3d, 1797,] shall be laid, levied, 
and collected upon all goods, wares, and merchandise, paying a duty ad 
valorem, which shall, after the 30th day of June next, be imported into the 
United States from any foreign port or place." 

The act provided an additional duty of 10 per cent, upon goods, 
wares, and merchandise, imported in vessels not of the United States. 

The act further provided that a distinct account should be kept of the 
fund, and that the additional duty should cease as soon as the difficulties 
should be adjusted with the Barbary Powers. 



356 m story of the 

That assumption is correct, but the error they com- 
mit is in not attributing it to the right cause. They 
assert that it is the result of the protective system. 
It can hardly be assumed that our revenue laws 
haw produced a reduction in the price of manufac- 
tured goods throughout the world. Prices have 
been reduced in England, as well as in this country. 
When alluding to the results which are to follow 
competition among our own manufacturers, they 
forget that there is a competion among foreigners 
for our market, which has had the effect of keeping 
down prices. Mechanical skill has made wonderful 
improvements in the machinery which has been 
substituted for hand labor, and the low price of the 
raw material, and of food, ;is forests melt away be- 
fore the progress of civilization, and broad acres 
yield their harvests as the fruits of labor, are by no 
means unimportant causes for the fall in the price 
of manufactured goods, within the last quarter of a 
century. But the great question for the country to 
consider is the comparative price of manufactured 

Tariff Act of 1816, during Madison's Administration. 
On all articles manufactured from brass, copper, iron, steel, pewter, 
lead, or tin, cutlery, pins, needles, buttons, cannon, muskets, and fire-arms, 
20 per cent, ad valorem ; on woollen manufactures, of all descriptions, or 
of which wool is the material of chief value, (excepting blankets, woollen 
rugs, and worsted or stuff' goods,) 25 per cent, ad valorem, until June, 
1819, and after that day 20 per cent, ad valorem; on all cotton manufac- 
tures, of all descriptions, or of which cotton is the material of chief value, 
and on cotton twist, yarn, or thread, as follows : for three years next ensu- 
ing the 13th day of June, 1816, 25 per cent, ad valorem, and after that 
time 20 per cent, ad valorem ; on iron, in bars and bolts, (excepting iron 
manufactured by rolling,) por hundred weight, 45 cents; on boots, per 
pair. 150 cents. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 



357 



articles previous and subsequent to the passage of 
the act of 1842, and before and since the act of 
1846 went into operation* 

* Wholesale price of domestic goods on the first day of August, 1842, and 

1844, taken from the sales-books of the selling agents, and 

copied into the New- York Morning News. 

TABLE I. 



Brown cotton flannels, Hamilton, per yard, 
Glasgow jeans, per yard, ..... 
Sheep's gray casinets, per yard, 
37-inch brown sheetings, In. Head, per yard, 
37-inch brown sheetings, Oella B., per yard, 
37-inch brown sheetings, Savage factory, per yard, 
37-inch brown sheetings, Stark company, per yard, 
37-inch brown sheetings, Thistle factory, per yard, 
27-inch brown sheetings, Thistle factory, per yard, 
37-inch brown sheetings, Patuxent company, per yard, 
44-inch Osnaburgs, grays, Patapsco factory, per yard, 
Penitentiary plaids and stripes, per yard, 
Salisbury company scarlet flannels, No. 12 to 26 inclusive, 
Merrimack blue prints, per yard, .... 

Fall River blue prints, per yard, .... 
Maverick sattinets, per yard, .... 



per yd, 



1842. 



cts. 
10J 
17 
30 

74 

7 

8 

7 

64 

5 

74 

104 

10 

18 
114 
10 
574 



1844. 



cts. 

Hi 

19 

45 

8i 
8 



6i 

8i 
12 

114 

254 

H4 

10J 
75 



I now give the price of iron in the New-York market on the 30th 
July, in each of the years of 1842 and 1845. 

TABLE II. 



ARTICLES. 


1842. 


1845. 


Bar, Russia, P. S. I., 


$102 50 to $105 00 


$ 


102 50 to $105 00 


Swedes, .... 


80 00 






85 00 




American rolled, . 


65 00 to 


70 00 




85 00 




Sheet iron (Rus.) per lb. . 


00 13J, to 


00 14 




13 




Sheet iron (English and Ame- 












rican) per lb. 


00 05 to 


00 054 




07 to 


074 


Hoops (English and Ameri- 












can) per cwt. 


4 25 to 


4 76 




5 50 to 


6 50 



I now give the prices of sugar in the New- York market on the same 
day of the month, in the same years. 

TABLE III. 



ARTICLES. 


1842. 


1845. 


St. Croix, per lb. .... 
New Orleans, per lb. . 
Havana, white, per lb. 
Havana, brown, per lb. 


5$ cts. to 8i cts 
3i to 44 
74 to 9 
4| 


6$ cts. to 8 cts. 
5 to 7| 
10 to 10§ 
74 to 9 



358 



HISTORY OF TIIE 



If the price of manufactured goods increases 
under the operation of a protective tariff, surely the 
fanner should receive a compensation therefor in the 

Lastly, I give the prices of certain other articles in the New-York 
market in the month of June of each of the years of 1843 and 1844, 
taken from the New-York Evening Post. 

TABLE IV. 



Dover prints, per yard, . 

.Merrimack prints, per yard, 

Chickopee 1). brown sheetings, per yard, 

Amoskeag, brown, per yard, 

Summer pantaloon stuffs, per yard, 

Boott-mill cotton, per yard, 

Scarlet, white, and yellow flannels, per yard, 

Scarlet, white, and yellow flannels, per yard, 

Scarlet, white, and yellow flannels, per yard, 

Broadcloths, per yard, .... 

Broadcloths, per yard, . 



1843. 1844. 



£0 07* 
Hi 
O64 
Oof 
12J 
08 
18 
20 
27 
2 00 
2 374 



j$0 Hi 

134 
084 
08$ 
16 

o to 

25 
27i 
35 

2 50 

3 50 



From the July Ni 


of Hunt's 


Merchants' 


Magazine, 


1844. 






January, 


January, 


January, January, 


January, 


ARTICLES. 


1840, 


1841. 


L842. 1843. 


1844, 


Iron anvils, per lb. 


$00 09 i 


.$00 09 i 


$00 08 i $00 08 i 


$00 084 


Bars, common English rolled, 












per ton, 


76 25 


71 25 


52 50 


53 75 


53 75 


Bars, refined English rolled, 


93 75 


87 50 


76 25 


67 50 


67 50 


Bars, American refined, 


90 00 


85 00 


77 50 


65 00 


67 50 


Blooms, American, 


GO 00 


52 50 


50 00 


47 50 


52 50 


Nails, wrought, per lb. 


o in, 


o 114 


o 104 


09 


09 


Nails, cut, per lb. 


05* 


o 054 


054 


03| 


04* 


Pigs, per ton, 


35 25 


32 50 


31 00 


25 00 


27 50 


Scythes, per dozen, 


13 mi 


12 50 


12 50 


9 00 


9 00 


Shovels, per dozen, . 


10 00 


9 50 


9 00 


7 25 


7 25 



Now, if competition, under the tariff of 1842, is to bring down the 
price of the manufactured article, according to their theory, why not carry 
it out in practice? 

Of the sixteen articles specified in table No. 1 , fourteen have increased 
in price from 1842 to 1844 ; two remain at the same cost. 

There are six articles contained in table No. 2 ; four have increased in 
price from 1842 to 1845; one has not varied, one has slightly fallen. 

Of the four articles contained in tahle No. 3, every one rose in value 
from 1842 to 1845. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 



359 



increased price of his agricultural products. This, 
however, is very far from being the case," and while 
he is forced to pay more for the goods which he is 

Eleven articles are specified in table No. 4 ; every one enhanced in 
price from June, 1843, to June, 1844. 

" From Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, May No., 1845. 

Prices of manufactured articles in the New- York Market at different 

periods. 





1843. 


1844. 


ARTICLES. 


October. 


February. 


April 20; 


June 8. 


Sept. 7. 


Cordage, American, per 100 












lbs 


$12 00 


$12 00 


$12 00 


$12 00 


$12 00 


Cotton bagging, Ky., per 100 












yds. .... 


16 00 


16 00 


16 00 


17 00 


17 00 


Lead, pig, per 100 lbs. 


3 45 


3 55 


3 30 


3 45 


3 47 


Molasses, N. 0., per 100 gals. 


27 00 


32 00 


30 00 


31 00 


32 00 


Steel, per 100 lbs. . 


5 00 


5 00 


5 00 


5 00 


5 00 


Sugar, N. 0., per 100 lbs. . 


6 87 


7 25 


7 37 


7 25 


7 00 



From Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, September 1849. 
Prices of New Orleans Cotton in New- York for the year. 









Ordinary a 


Middling a 


Middlin 


g fair 


Fully fair 




2. . 


Inferior. 


good ord'nry. 


good mid'ing 


a lair. 


a good fair. 


September 


. 5 a5i 


5} a 6 


64 a 63 


7 a 


74 


73 a 84 


" 


13.. 


. 5 a5J 


54 a 6 


64 a 64 


63 a 


74 


73 a 84 


October 


1. . 


. 5 a5| 


5-jj- a 6 


64 a 6g 


53 a 


71 


74 a 84 


" 


14.. 


. 5 a 54 


5ia5I 


6 a 6| 


64 a 


7 


74 a 73 


November 


1.. 


. 4> a 5 


54 a 5| 


5| a 6| 


64 a 


6| 


7 a 74 


" 


14.. 


. 4} a 4i 


5i a 5i 


5s a C 


64 a 


61 


63 a 74 


December 


1. . 


. .. a5 


54 a 5f 


5J a 6| 


64 a 


65 


7 a 74 


" 


13.. 


. 5 a5| 


5| a 5} 


6 a 6f 


64 a 


7 


74 a 8 


January 


1.. 


o\ a 54 


6 a 63 


64 a 6| 


7 a 


74 


73 a 84 


" 


15.. 


. . a . . 


64 a 6£ 


63 a 7 


7§a 


73 


8 a 84 


February 


1. . 


. . a . . 


6| a 6| 


7 a 7| 


74 a 


8 


84 a 8| 


" 


14.. 


. . a . . 


6| a 6| 


7 a 74 


74 a 


84 


84 a 9 


March 


1. . 


. . a . . 


6ia6| 


7 a 7| 


7.W 


84 


84 a 9 


" 


14.. 


. . a . . 


6|a7 


74 a 7| 


74 a 


8 


84 a 9 


April 


1.. 


. . a . . 


fr: a 6| 


7 a 71 


74 a 


8 


84 a 9 


" 


18.. 


. . a . . 


64 a 6i 


63 a 74 


74 a 


71 


8 a 84 


May 


1. . 


. . a . . 


6| a 6§ 


6| a 74 


74 a 


8 


84 a 8| 


" 


15.. 


. . a . . 


6i a 61 


7 a 74 


7f a 


84 


84 a 9 


June 


1. . 


. . a . . 


6f a7| 


7| a 73 


8 a 


84 


9 a 94 


" 


18.. 


. . a . . 


6ji a 7 


7f a 73 


8 a 


84 


9 a 94 


July 


1. . 


. . a . . 


7 a 74 


73 a 84 


84 a 


84 


94 a 10 


" 


15.. 


• 7 a 74 


7Ja 84 


84 a 9 


94 a 


10 


... a . . . 


August 


1. . 


. 74 a 8 


8| a 83 


94 a 93 


10 a 


104 


103a ... 


" 


8.. 


. 8 a8i 


83 a 94 


94 a 10 


104 a 


n 


11 a ... 



360 



HISTORY OF THE 



compelled to have, lie is obliged to take less for the 
productions of his farm. Nor does an increased 
consumption appear to follow the passage of a pro- 

From Hum's Merchants' Magazine, May No. 1845. 

Prices of United States produce in the New- York market, at different 

periods. 



Cotton, N.O.,feir, p. 100. lbs. 
Flour, western, bbl. 
Wheat, western, bush. 
Rye, bush. 
Corn, bush. 
Beef, mess, per bbl. 
Butter, per ion lbs. 
Cheese, per 100 lbs. . 
Tobacco, Kentucky, 



October. 


Feb. 14. 


April 20. 


June 8. 


Sept. 7. 


$ 8 75 


.$10 75 


$ 8 87 


$ 8 25 


$ 7 50 


4 50 


4 95 


5 06 


4 56 


4 25 


1! «).-, 


1 05 


1 12 


98 


92 


65 


70 


71 


65 


67 


52 


48 


54 


47 


46 


6 75 


G 25 


6 50 


6 50 


5 75 


14 00 


1G 00 


18 00 


15 00 


11 00 


5 50 


5 50 


7 00 


5 50 


5 50 


G 50 


6 50 


6 50 


G 00 


6 00 



From the New- York Journal of Commerce. 



ARTICLES. 


1840. 


1844. 


Beef, mess, per bbl. ....... 


$14 25 


$5 25 


Beef, prime, per bbl. ...... 


10 00 


3 25 


Pork, mess, per bbl. ....... 


15 00 


8 50 


Butter, prime, per lb. ...... 


17 


10 


Hams, smoked, per lb. ...... 


10i 


05 


Flour, per bbl., Genesee, 


4 75 


4 50 


Flour, per blil., Ohio, ....... 


4 43 


4 37* 


Corn meal, per bbl. ...... 


2 87i 


2 00 


Wheat, per bush. ....... 


1 00 


96 


Corn, northern, per bush. ..... 


56 


50 


Corn, southern, per bush. ...... 


52 


47 



From Hunt's Merchants' Magazine for November, 1845. 
Prices of Cotton at Mobile, in the month of October, in the following years. 



Years. 
1036 
1842 
1844 

1845 



Frio- per lb. 

16 to 20 cents. 

7i to 8£ cents. 

6 to 8 cents. 

5i to 6^ cents. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 



361 



tective tariff,* If the subject of the cotton manufac- 
tures is one of surpassing interest to the growers 
of cotton and grain,*)* their interests have certainly 
not been increased by the passage of the tariff of 
1842. 

The protection of the American laborer against 
the paupers of Europe, is a subject of anxious care 



From Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, April No., 18-15. 
Prices of Cotton in Liverpool in 1844 and 1845. 



Upland, ordinary to middling, 
Fair to good fair, 

Good to fine, .... 

New Orleans, ordinary to middling, 
Fair to good fair, 

Good, 

Choice marks, .... 

Alabama, ordinary to middling, 

Fair to good fair, 

Mobile, ordinary to middling, 

Fair to good fair, 

Good to fine, 



1844. 



1.', 


to 


5 


5g 


to 


54 


5| 


to 


5| 


44 


to 


54 


5g 


to 


5| 


5* 


to 


(1 


H 


to 


7 


-H 


to 


4$ 


5 


to 


5} 


44 


to 


5J 


• ' 8 


to 


54 


r-, ■ 


to 


6 



1845. 



cts. 
3J to 3| 
4i to 4| 
44 to 5 
3 8 L to 4£ 
4| to 4J 
5 to 54 
5£ to 7 
3 to 34 
3J to 4} 
3 to 4 
43 to 44 
4| to 5j 



Fallen In every instance, notwithstanding the tariff of 184 





1842. 


1843. 


1845. 


ARTICLES. 








Cords of wood per annum, 


3,580 


3,090 


3,270 


Pounds of cotton consumed, 


28,764,000 


22,568,000 


24,128,000 


Tons anthracite coal per annum, 


11.no 


12,300 


12,500 


Gallons of oil per annum, 


78,689 


80,189 


67,842 


Consumption of starch, pounds per annum, 


800,000 


800,000 


800,000 


Consumption of flour for starch in mills, 








print works, and bleaching, barrels per 








annum, ..... 


4,000 


4,000 


4,000 


Consumption of charcoal, bushels per ann. 


600,000 


6OO.11111) 


600,00 



* Statistics of Lowell manufactures, compiled from authentic sources 
by the manufacturers themselves, January 1842, '43, '45. 

f "The subject of the cotton manufactures is one of surpassing in- 
terest to the grower of cotton, the grower of grain, and the manufacturer 
himself." — National Intelligencer, May 25th, 1846. 



362 IIISTOKY OF THE 

with those who favor the protective policy. Scarce- 
ly is a speech delivered, or an editorial written, but 
this matter is referred to, always coupled with the 
a— ill ion, that a high tariff enables the manufactu- 
rer- to give increased wages to the operatives; and 
with more than ordinary complacency have they 
dwelt upon this branch of the subject. The Whig 
party have made much political capital out of this 
a run 11 lent, without being sustained by facts* I 

* It will appear by an examination of the statistics made out in Janu- 
ary, 1842, that the amount of wages paid a month, was — 

In January, 1842 $170,000 

In January, 1843 150,000 

In January, 1845 138,500 

Less in 1843 than in 1842 20,000 

Less in 1845 than in 1842 .... 31,500 

This is saving quite a liberal sum, especially when we take into consi- 
deration the language of Mr. Hudson, that the laborer " must share with 
his employer the profits of the business by the increased rate of his icages." 
To that operation, so interesting to the laborer, I come now to remark 
upon. The average wages of females, clear of board, per week, was — 

In 1842 $2 00 

In 1843 1 75 

In 1845 1 75 

Average wages of males, clear of board, per day, was — 

In 1842 80 cents. 

In 1843 70 cents. 

In 1845 70 cents. 

Here is an illustration, I suppose, of the doctrine of Mr. Hudson, that 
the laborer " must share with his employer in the profits of the business 
by i'h increased rate of his wages." It was bad enough to lower the wa- 
ges of the men 10 cents per day ; but it was truly ungallant for the lords 
of tli.' spindle, who are making princely fortunes out of the labor of the 
females, to strike down their wages from $2 to $1 75 per week. I call 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 363 

have taken the statistics furnished by the manufac- 
turers at Lowell for the purpose of illustrating the 
absurdity of the argument which has obtaiued so 

particular attention to these facts, because it has been denied that the 
wages of the females have been reduced since the passage of the tariff of 
1842. 

But let us see if, while the wages of the females are falling off instead 
of increasing, tliey 'perform less labor. 

In 1842 the total number of females employed at Lowell was 7,430 
In 1843 6,375 



More in 1842 than in 1843 1,055 

Number of yards manufactured in 1842 . . . 73,853,400 
Number of yards manufactured in 1843 . . . 70,275,400 

More in 1842 than in 1843 3,578,000 

Although there were 1055 more females in 1842 than in 1843, yet 
they manufactured only 3,578,000 yards more. 

In 1842 there were 1110 more female operatives than in 1845, yet 
they manufactured 2,019,800 yards more in 1845 than they did in 1842. 

There were 55 more female operatives in 1843 than in 1845, yet they 
manufactured 5,597,800 yards more in 1845 than in 1843. 

The following extract from a letter to the Hon. Mr. Clemens, of Ala- 
bama, from Clementine Averill, published in the New York Tribune, of 
March 19, 1850, shows that under low duties the wages of the operatives 
have again increased. 

Letter from a Factory Girl to Senator Clemens. 

Lowell, Mass., Wednesday, March 6, 1850. 

Mr. Clemens — Sir : In some of the late papers I have read several 
questions which you have asked concerning the New England operatives. 
They have been well answered, perhaps, but enough has not yet been 
said ; and I deem it proper that the operatives should answer for them- 
selves. First, you wish to know what pay we have ? I will speak only 
for the girls, and think I am stating very low, when I say that we average 
$2 a week, beside our board. 

Hundreds of girls in these mills clear from $3 to $6 a week ; but some 
who have not been here long, and are not much used to the work, do not 



364 HISTORY OF THE 

much favor with the whig party. It should not be 
forgotten that Lowell, "the Manchester of America, 1 ' 
i> the largest manufacturing city in the United 
States, and therefore no objection can be made to 
the facts which are adduced, and the deductions 
which necessarily follow. 

In every aspect in which the policy of free trade, 
as illustrated by the tariff of 1846, can be viewed, 
it commends itself to the favorable consideration of 
the American people. It is incontestably true that 
trade between nations, to be extensive, must be be- 
neficial to both. A fair exchange of the produc- 
tions of one for the other, can alone produce that 
result. A determination upon the part of one Gov- 
ernment to obtain specie in exchange for its produc- 
tions, will result in diminished resources, and a crip- 
pled commerce. Since the establishment of libera] 
commercial relations between the United States 
and Great Britain, the trade between the two coun- 
tries has immeasurably increased. While the sub- 
ject- of the English Government are enabled to 
purchase a larger quantity of food, the citizens of 
our own country can obtain for a certain sum of 
money a greater amount of merchandise.* 

make quite .$2. If mv wages are ever reduced lower than that I shall 
seek employment elsewhere. 

* '-The British Empire took from us (not daring the year of famine, 
ae it is called, of 1847, but in 1848) our domestic exports, including cot- 
ton, rice, tobacco, breadstuff's, and provisions, exclusive of specie, to the 
value of S78.741.416. and Greal Britain and Ireland, of the value of 
$64,222,268." — Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, December 9, 
1848. 

■■ It appears that for the year ending June 30, 1848, (not a famine, 
but for abundant crops in Europe,) our exports of breadstuffs and provi- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 365 

The tariff of 1846 was passed during the exist- 
ence of a foreign war, when all the resources of the 
country were required for its vigorous prosecution. 
And yet it fully met the expectations and require- 
ments of the Government. While the financial re- 
vulsions in England in 1.847, almost destroyed the 
public credit in that country, the bonds of the Uni- 
ted States were sold at a premium. Not only was 
this measure of reform equal to the emergencies 
created by the war with Mexico, but is now advanc- 
ing the agricultural, commercial, and manufacturing 
prosperity of the American confederacy. If an ex- 
emplification of the advantages resulting from free- 
dom of trade were necessary, it can be witnessed in 
the interchange of the productions of labor by the 
several States. If the result of our domestic policy 
largely contributes to the happiness of our citizens 
— if it improves their social condition, and developes 
the arts and sciences, why not establish a similar 
system with the rest of mankind ? 

The attempts which had been made by the de- 
mocratic party to effect a separation of the Gov- 
ernment from banks, proved successful during the 
administration of Mr. Polk. In his first message to 
Congress, he urged upon the attention of that body 
with great force, that measure of reform* As an 

sions amounted to the sum of $37,472,751, being largely more than double 
the average annual export during the tariff of 1842." — Ibid. 

* " Entertaining the opinion that the separation of the moneys of the 
Government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the 
funds of the Government and the rights of the people, I recommend to Con- 
gress that provision be made by law for such separation, and that a constitu- 
tional treasury be created for the safe keeping of the public money. The con- 



366 HISTORY OF THE 

indication that the democratic party were deter- 
mine! to make a siuvcssful attempt to establish a 
treasury, contemplated by the Constitution, Mr. 
Dromsroole, of Virginia, introduced a bill for that 
purpose on the 19th of December, 1845. It passed 
that body on the 2d of April, 1846, by a vote of 
122 to 66.* It passed the Senate, with amend- 
ments on t lie 1st of August, by a vote of 28 to 25, 
which received the sanction of the House on the 5th 
of that month, and the bill was approved the fol- 
low ing day by the President. 

By tlm provisions of the Act which had thus be- 
come the law of the land, the mint at Philadelphia, 

stitutional treasury recommended is designed as a secure depository for 
the public money, without any power to make loans or discounts, or to 
Issue an) paper whatever as a currency or circulation. I cannot doubt 
thai such a treasury as was contemplated by the Constitution, should be 
independent of all banking corporations. The money of the people 
should be kept in the treasury of the people created by law, and be in the cus- 
tody <>f agents of the people chosen by themselves, according to the forms of 
the Constitution ; agents who are directly responsible to the Government, 
who are under adequate bonds and oaths, and who are subject to severe 
punishments for any embezzlement, private use, or misapplication of the 
public funds, and for any failure in other respects to perform their duties. 
To say that the people or their Government are incompetent, or not to be 
trusted with the custody of their own money, in their own treasury, pro- 
vided by themselves, but must rely on the presidents, cashiers, and stock- 
holders of banking corporations, not appointed by them, nor responsible to 
them, would be to concede that they are incompetent for self-government. 

■' In recommending the establishment of a constitutional treasury, in 
which the public money shall be kept, I desire that adequate provision be 
made by law for its safety, and that all Executive discretion or control 
over it -hall he removed, except such as may he necessary in directing its 
disbursement, in pursuance of appropriations made by law." — Message of 
M . Polh to Congress, December, 1845. Congressional Globe, 1st session 
•2'Mh Congress, p. 10. 

t Congressional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 595. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 367 

and the branches of that establishment in the dif- 
ferent portions of the Union, were appointed places 
for depositing the revenue of the United States. 
The custom-houses in the cities of New- York and 
Boston, were selected for the same purpose, and all 
moneys paid into them were subject to the draft of 
the Treasurer, drawn agreeably to appropriations 
made by law. The Treasurer and his assistants, and 
all other persons having the custody of the public 
money, are required to give bonds for its safe keep- 
ing, in large sums ; and if any one of them shall con- 
vert to his own use, in any way whatever, or shall 
use, by way of investment in any kind of property 
or merchandise, or shall loan with or without inter- 
est, or shall deposit in any bank, or shall exchange 
for other funds, except as allowed by the Act, any 
portion of the public moneys intrusted to him for 
safe keeping, disbursement, transfer, or for any other 
purpose, he shall be deemed and adjudged guilty 
of embezzlement. Such an offence is declared to be 
a felony, and the punishment therefor is imprison- 
ment for a term not less than six months, nor more 
than ten years, and a fine equal to the amount of the 
money embezzled* Any failure to pay over or to pro- 
duce the moneys intrusted to public officers, is held 
and taken to he prima facie evidence of embezzlement. 
By a careful examination of this law, it will be 
seen that every effort was employed to insure the 
safe-keeping and disbursement of the revenue, and 
no man can be guilty of peculation without being 
liable to severe punishment.f 

* See Laws of the United States, published by Little & Brown. 

+ " But what was the evil which this act was intended to remedy ? 



368 HISTORY OF THE 

It was evidently the intention of the framers of 
the Constitution, that the revenues of the country 
should be collected by, and kept under the control 
of officers, appointed by and immediately under the 

Had not the revenue been well collected, safely kept, safely and easily 
transferred, and promptly and readily disbursed? Had there been any 
complaint against the system now in operation ? Was it not an excellent 
system, as far as safety, convenience, public accommodation, and private 
accommodation were concerned ? He thought that if any person having 
any connection with the administration of the revenue were asked, they 
would say that it worked perfectly well. What were the great evils to be 
remedied ? Could any body point them out ? And was this a time for 
making experimental changes ? Would it not be better to postpone such 
experiments until a time of peace ? The Senator from South Carolina 
[Mr. Calhoun,] yesterday insisted that it was desirable to mitigate the em- 
barrassments which must necessarily be felt in the removal of large 
amounts of specie from one place to another, and in doing so the Senator 
had given the very strongest reason against this bill. It would be difficult 
to adduce a more forcible argument against the bill than the honorable 
Senator had used in advocating the amendment. One thing which struck 
him very forcibly was the incongruity, the inconsistency of the legislation 
which they were pursuing. Two or three days ago they had passed an 
act repealing the tariff of 1842, and substituting a new principle ; and the 
argument in favor of the bill was, that it would increase the importation 
of foreign productions, and thereby increase the revenue. But when a 
bill like the present, for the establishment of the sub-treasury system, was 
before Congress in 1840, the argument — the great and principal argu- 
ment — then urged by the friends of the measure was, that it would re- 
strict and limit the amount of imports ; that it would arrest the excessive 
introduction of foreign merchandise; and that it would check and prevent 
tin' evil of an overflowing treasury. The sub-treasury was then vindica- 
ted because it would repress and keep down importation. Two or three 
days ago a bill was passed to increase importations ; to-day a bill was to 
be passed to check and keep down importation. The two measures must 
come into conflict; they could not be reconciled. If the only effect of 
this bill would be to check excessive importations, he would have no ob- 
jection to it. but it extended beyond this ; it would also check and keep 
dow n all the business operations of the country. For the very same rea- 
-"u thai it would restrict imports and cut down commerce, it would cut 
down every thing else. They were embarrassing their prospects and 
means of revenue at a time when it became necessary for the Govern- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 369 

control of the Government.* Language could not 
be more definite than that employed in framing the 
Constitution. Every word was carefully examined, 

ment to use its credit, and to borrow money to carry on its operations." — 
Speech of Mr. Evans, in the Senate, July 31s/, 184G. Congressional 
Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 1172. 

" Confining my remarks altogether to the character of this bill, con- 
sidered as an administration measure, I proceed, on the other hand, to 
consider what will be the disadvantages to the Government from its be- 
coming a law. I go on the supposition that the bill is to be executed, not 
evaded ; and I say that, if the specie payments which it enjoins are re- 
quired bona fide, it will operate as a great embarrassment to the Govern- 
ment, should it be brought into circumstances when it would be necessary 
to negotiate a loan. There is authority for a loan now, and the Govern- 
ment has its option between such a measure and the issue of treasury 
notes. But if this law shall be carried out, no loan will be possible. And 
why not ? Because the law will demand that eight or ten millions of dol- 
lars in hard specie shall be withdrawn from all the purposes of society, 
some four or five millions of it being locked up in Government chests and 
vaults, and some four or five millions more being constantly in transition, 
as the expenses of the Government may require. Then, if the Govern- 
ment wants a loan, how is it to be got ? The practical mode at present 
pursued is this : some large banking-house takes, for example, two mil- 
lions of the Government loan. But this man cannot advance the cash till 
he finds banks who are willing to take the United States stock, and ad- 
vance him a temporary loan upon it, until, to use the business phrase, he 
shall be able to ' place the money ;' that is, shall be able to find persons 
who will take the stock with a view to hold it and receive interest upon it. 
This is the mode now pursued ; but what will be the condition of the banks 
who may be asked by him to advance money upon stock after this bill 
shall have become a law ? How can they possibly do it ? The sum they 
agree to advance must be paid in gold and silver, taken at the instant out 
of their own vaults, and carried across the street to be locked up in the 
vaults of some Government depository. If the bullion remained with the 
banks, and a credit on their books was all that was required, then they 



* " No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of 
appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the 
receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time 
to time." — Constitution of the United States, art. 1, sec. 9. 
24 



370 II I 8TO R Y OF THE 

that it might correctly define the meaning of the 
convention. The idea could not be more explicitly 
given than in the declaration, that a treasury shall 
be established, and no money drawn therefrom, but 
in consequence of appropriations made by law. 
How then can it be asserted that money placed in 
the treasury, can be used in any way until it is ta- 
ken therefrom by being appropriated to the public 
service \ That this was the intention of the trainers 
of the Constitution, is evident from the passage of 
the law of 1789, establishing the treasury depart- 
ment,* After providing in section 4 that the mo- 

might do it ; but the specie is instantly called for, and is so much deducted 
from the basis of their circulation. Their customers will not agree to it ; 
their directors will not agree to it ; their stockholders will not agree to it. 
1 say, therefore, if this law is not evaded, but is obeyed bona fide, any con- 
traction of a Government loan must be out of the question. I put that 
fact to any man acquainted with business, and ask if he can gainsay it ?" 
— Speech of Air. Webster in the Senate, August 1st, 1846. Congres- 
sional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 1174. 

(i Mr. Crittenden said that this sub-treasury scheme was an old ac- 
quaintance in the Senate. The principle, that the Government must take 
care of itself, and leave the people to take care of themselves, had been 
announced a good while ago, and that was precisely the principle of this 
bill. The maxim, in political economy, had been laid down by the Presi- 
dent, who first introduced this notable plan. He said that the people were 
in the habit of expecting too much from the Government ; that it was the 
duty of the Government to take rare of itself, and that the people must 
take care of themselves. This maxim had introduced the old sub-treasury 
hill, and after a severe straggle that bill became a law. And what was 
the consequence 1 The people, feeling its practical effect, adopted a mode 
of taking care of themselves, which was the most effectual that could 
have been devised. They turned oul the whole administration from the 
President downward." — Speech of Mr. Crittenden in the Senate, August 
1st, 1846. Congressional Globe, 1 sion29th Congress, p. 1176. 

Si . . i. Ami I" ii fitrihn- enacted, That it shall be the duty of the 
Treasurer to receive and keep the moneys of the United States, and to 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 371 

ney should be received and kept in the treasury, 
and defining the mode in which it should be paid 
out, they enacted in section 8 that no person ap- 
pointed to office under that bill should, directly or 
indirectly, be concerned or interested in carrying 
on the business of trade or commerce, or purchase 
or dispose of any public securities of any State or 
of the United States, &c. 

Although by the provisions of that bill, the public 
money of the United States was placed under the 
control of government officers, still the proper guards 
were not employed to prevent its use, or to punish 
the offender who might be guilty of defalcation. 

disburse the same upon warrants drawn by the Secretary of the Treasury, 
countersigned by the Comptroller, recorded by the Register, and not oth- 
erwise ; he shall take receipts for all moneys paid by him, and all receipts 
for moneys received by him shall be endorsed upon warrants signed by the 
Secretary of the Treasury, without which warrant, so signed, no acknow- 
ledgment for money received into the public treasury shall be valid." 

" Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That no person appointed to any of- 
fice instituted by this act, shall directly or indirectly be concerned or inter- 
ested in carrying on the business of trade or commerce, or be owner in 
whole or in part of any sea vessel, or purchase by himself, or another in 
trust for him, any public lands, or other public property, or be concerned 
in the purchase or disposal of any public securities of anyState or of the 
United States, or take or apply to his own use, any emolument or gain for 
negotiating or transacting any business in the said department, other than 
what shall be allowed by law ; and if any person shall offend against any 
of the prohibitions of this act, he shall be deemed guilty of a high misde- 
meanor, and forfeit to the United States the penalty of three thousand 
dollars, and shall upon conviction be removed from office, and forever 
thereafter incapable of holding any office under the United States. Pro- 
vided, That if any other person than a public prosecutor shall give infor- 
mation of any such offence, upon which a prosecution and conviction shall 
be had, one half the aforesaid penalty of three thousand dollars, when re- 
covered, shall be for the use of the person giving such information." Ap- 
proved, September 2, 1789. — Laws of the United Slates, by Little <$• 
Brown, vol. 1, p. 67-. 



372 HISTORY OF THE 

The statesmen who drew up the Constitution of 
the United States, and whose character for patriot- 
ism and talents procured its adoption by the people, 
so far from contemplating the employment of banks, 
as depositories, on the collection of the revenue in 
paper money, clearly and explicitly proclaimed their 
opposition to such a course. During the long strug- 
gle which resulted in the separation of the Govern- 
ment from banks, the whig party often achieved 
political triumphs by using the argument that the 
democracy advocated one kind of currency for Gov- 
ernment, and another for the people. With those 
who did not understand the sophistry upon which 
such an argument is based, it had great influence, 
and often induced huge masses to rally under the 
banner of the whig party. The establishment of a 
law which enforces the collection of the public dues 
in gold and silver, employs the agency of the only 
constitutional currency. If the people have esta- 
blished banks, which gives them only the represen- 
tative of money, and consequently that which is in- 
ferior, it surely is not the fault of the General Gov- 
ernment. The Constitution of the United States 
confers upon Congress the power to coin money, re- 
gulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix 
the standard of weights and measures. Coupling 
the p<»wer to coin money, and to regulate its value, 
with the authority to fix the standard of weights 
and measures, incontestably proves that both were 
to be uniform throughout the Union. The only 
money power given to Congress by that instrument, 
is to coin it and regulate the value thereof, and of 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 373 

foreign coin, and the failure to enumerate more ex- 
tensive authority, is just as absolute a prohibition as 
though it had been expressly stated. But we are 
not left to conjecture upon so important a subject. 
In a draft of a constitution submitted by Mr. Kut- 
ledge as a report from the committee of detail, there 
was a clause authorizing Congress to emit bills of 
credit.* When that was under discussion, the ob- 
jection was distinctly taken, that by striking out 
the clause, it would effectually bar the door against 
paper money, and that it would have a most salu- 
tary influence on the credit of the United States, to 
remove the possibility of a resort to that species of 
currency. The clause was rejected by a vote of 
nine States against two.f 

* See Madison Papers, containing Debates in the Convention which 
framed the Constitution, 378. 

f " Mr. Gouverneur Morris moved to strike out, ' and emit bills on 
the credit of the United States.' If the United States had credit, such 
bills would be unnecessary ; if they had not, unjust and useless. 

" Mr. Butler seconds the motion. 

" Mr. Madison. Will it not be sufficient to prohibit the making them 
a tender 1 This will remove the temptation to emit them with unjust 
views ; and promissory notes, in that shape, may in some emergencies 
be best. 

" Mr. Gouverneur Morris. Striking out the words will leave room 
still for notes of a responsible minister, which will do all the good without 
the mischief. The moneyed interest will oppose the plan of Government 
if paper emissions be not prohibited. 

" Mr. Gorham was for striking out without inserting any prohibition. 
If the words stand, they may suggest and lead to the measure. 

" Mr. Mason had doubts on the subject. Congress, he thought, 
would not have the power, unless it were expressed. Though he had a 
mortal hatred to paper money, yet, as he could not foresee all emergencies, 
he was unwilling to tie the hands of the legislator. He observed that the 
late war could not have been carried on, had such a prohibition existed. 

" Mr. Gorham. The power, as far as it will be necessary or safe, 
is involved in that of borrowing. 



374 HISTORY OF THE 

When the Convention so decidedly and clearly- 
defined the power of Congress upon this question, 
what justice is there in the complaint that the 

" Mr. Mercer was a friend to paper money, though in the present 
state and temper of America, he should neither propose nor approve of 
such a measure. He was consequently opposed to a prohibition of it al- 
together. It will stamp suspicion on the Government, to deny it a discre- 
tion on this point. It was impolitic, also, to excite the opposition of all 
those who were friends to paper money. The people of property would 
be sure to be on the side of the plan, and it was impolitic to purchase 
their further attachment with the loss of the opposite class of citizens. 

" Mr. Ellsworth thought this a favorable moment to shut and bar the 
door against paper money. The mischiefs of the various experiments 
which had been made were now fresh in the public mind, and had excited 
the disgust of all the respectable part of America. By withholding the 
power from the new Government, more friends of influence would be 
gained to it than by almost any thing else. Paper money can in no case 
be necessary. Give the Government credit, and other resources will 
offer. The power may do harm, never good. 

"Mr. Randolph, notwithstanding his antipathy to paper money, could 
not agree to strike out the words, as he could not foresee all the occasions 
that might arise. 

" Mr. Wilson. It will have a most salutary influence on the credit of 
the United States, to remove the possibility of paper money. This expe- 
dient can never succeed whilst is mischiefs are remembered ; and as long 
as it can be resorted to, it will be a bar to other resources. 

•■ Mr. Butler remarked, that paper was a legal tender in no country 
in Europe. He was urgent for disarming the Government of such a 
power. 

" Mr. Mason was still averse to tying the hands of the Legislature 
' - r. If there was no example in Europe, as just remarked, it might 
be observed, on the other side, that there was none in which the Govern- 
ment was restrained on this head. 

•■ Mr. Reed thought the words, if not struck out, would be as alarm- 
ing as the mark of the beasl in Revelation. 

•• Mr. Langdon had rather reject the whole plan, than retain the three 
words. ' and emit bills.' 

•■ ( )n the motion for striking out, — 

"New Hampshire, .Massachusetts. Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Dela- 
ware. Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia — ay, 9; New 
Jersey, Maryland — no, 2." — Ibid. 435. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 375 

constitutional treasury creates one kind of cur- 
rency for the people, and another for the Govern- 
ment ? 

The men of the Revolution understood that the 
Constitution had confined the power of Congress to 
the coining of money, and regulating the value 
thereof, and of foreign coin, and did not desire the 
agency of paper money to be employed by the Gov- 
ernment. The Act of July 31st, 1789, declared that 
duties should be received in gold and silver coin 
only.* 

When the language of the Constitution upon 
this point was so explicit, and the second Act which 
was passed imposing duties upon foreign imports 
after the adoption of that instrument conformed so 
strictly to its provisions, how did the General Gov- 
ernment glide off at once into a paper money cur- 
rency? This question can easily be answered. 
Alexander Hamilton was selected by General Wash- 
ington to preside over the Treasury Department. 
Although his patriotism was undoubted, and his 
hatred of tyranny had been exemplified upon many 
a bloody field, still he had not that confidence in 
the capacity of the people for self-government, 
which was entertained by his ' great rival, Mr. Jef- 
ferson. Although his mind possessed a comprehen- 
siveness which enabled him to master the details of 
a question with great facility, still his appointment 
by General Washington as a member of his Cabinet, 

* " The duties and fees to be collected by virtue of this Act, shall be re- 
ceived in gold and silver coin only." — Act of July 31st, 1789, section 30, 
vol. 1, of Little <Sf Brown's United Slates Statutes at large, p. 45. 



376 II IS TO KY OF THE 

has ever been regarded as peculiarly unfortunate by 
tlic advocates of a strict construction of the Consti- 
tution. The first President of the United States 
had almost unbounded confidence in the opinions 
of General Hamilton, and was induced, through his 
influence, to yield his approbation to many ques- 
tions of doubtful policy. 

Mr. Hamilton was the sole representative of the 
State of New- York in the Convention which framed 
the Constitution, and would undoubtedly have 
caused that instrument to grant more enlarged pow- 
er- to the General Government, if it had not been for 
the sound republicanism of James Wilson, of Penn- 
sylvania, and Mr. Madison. To the former gentle- 
man, more than to any other member of that body, 
are we indebted for the admirable checks and bal- 
ances which characterize that celebrated compact. 
The impress of his sound, enlightened, and truly 
republican mind, can be found in every line. 

"When the vote was taken to strike out the words 
k - and emit bills of credit" from the draft of the Con- 
stitution which had been submitted for the conside- 
ration of the Convention, the result was conclusive, 
nine States voting in the affirmative, and two only 
in the negative.* 

The vote of New- York was not cast by Mr. 
Hamilton, but it can be easily conceived, it" we may 
form an opinion from the policy which he subse- 
quently advocated, thai the vote of New-York, if 
given at all, would have been in the negative. The 
errors which he committed as a statesman were, by 

Madison Papers, revised by Jonathan Elliot, p. 435. 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 377 

inculcating the doctrine that the masses should be 
controlled by political machines, and when that 
could not be done by conforming to the plain re- 
quirements of the Constitution, in resorting to a lati- 
tudinarian construction of that instrument, to accom- 
plish his views. As an illustration of this state- 
ment, it is only necessary to examine his construc- 
tion of the Act of July 31st, 1789* The language 
of that bill was positive, and provided that the du- 
ties should be received in gold and silver coin only,f 

* This section (the 30th of the Act of 1789) provides for the receipt 
of the duties in gold and silver coin only. The Secretary has considered 
this provision as having for its object, the exclusion of payments in the 
paper emissions of the particular States, and the securing the immediate 
or ultimate collection of the duties in specie, as intended to prohibit to in- 
dividuals the right of paying in any thing except gold and silver coin ; but 
not to hinder the Treasury from making such arrangements as its exigen- 
cies, the speedy command of the public resources, and the convenience of 
the community might dictate ; these arrangements being compatible with 
the eventual receipt of the duties in specie. For instance, the Secretary 
did not imagine that the provision ought to be so understood as to prevent, 
if necessary, an anticipation of the duties by treasury drafts receivable at 
the several custom-houses. And, if it ought not to be understood in this 
sense, it appeared to him that the principle of a different construction 
would extend to the permitting the receipt of the notes of public banks, 
issued on a specie fund. ****** Such were the reflections 
of the Secretary with regard to the authority to permit bank notes to be 
taken in payment of the duties. The expediency of doing it appeared to 
him to be still less questionable. The extension of their circulation by 
the measure is calculated to increase both the ability and the inclination 
of the banks to aid the Government. It also accelerates the command of 
the product of the revenues for the public service, and it facilitates the 
payment of the duties," &c. — Report of Mr. Hamilton to Congress. 

f " Sec. 30. And be it further enacted, That the duties and fees to 
be collected by virtue of this act, shall be received in gold and silver coin 
only, at the following rates, that is to say, the gold coins of France, Eng- 
land, Spain and Portugal, and all other gold coin of equal fineness, at 
eighty-nine cents for every pennyweight. The Mexican dollar at one 
hundred cents ; the crown of France at one dollar and eleven cents ; the 



378 niSTOEY OF TIIE 

and proceeded to regulate the value of foreign coin 
which might be paid into the treasury for the pub- 
lic dues. It was not within the scope of the Eug- 
lish language to make the clause more definite, and 
yet Mr. Hamilton construed it to mean the exclusion 
of the paper emissions of particular States, but as 
not preventing him from anticipating the duties by 
treasury drafts, receivable at the several custom- 
houses. If that course was justifiable, he argued 
that the principle would authorize the receipt of the 
note- of public banks, issued on a specie fund. 
The history of our country does not furnish an in- 
stance of a bolder violation of a law of the land, than 
the course pursued by Mr. Hamilton. The Congress 
to whom the report was made numbered but a few 
republican members, and the federalists received it 
without a word of dissent. It was the same Con- 
gress that chartered the first bank of the United 
States, and those persons who could establish an in- 
stitution of that kind, with English stockholders to 
plunder the people by making use of the credit and 
revenues of the country, would not be likely to cen- 
sure the loose construction placed upon a law, by 
one whom they held in such high estimation as 
Alexander Hamilton. The fatal precedent was es- 
tablished from which have flowed the most disas- 
trous consequences. 

More that fifty years elapsed, and still the Gov- 
ernment was not separated from banking institu- 

crown of England at one dollar and eleven cents ; and all silver coins of 
equal fineness at one dollar and eleven cents per ounce."— Act of 1789, 
/. and Broum, vol. 1, p. 45. 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 379 

tions, and that which had excited the disgust 
of all under the articles of confederation, had, in 
1836, acquired a power and influence which over- 
come all opposition. In 1836, Mr. Benton intro- 
duced a bill into the Senate to re-establish the cur- 
rency for the Federal Government, and although its 
provisions did not go to the extent of the constitu- 
tional treasury bill, .which was enacted ten years 
after, still the only supporter it had in that body 
was its author. To save his feelings from being 
wounded by a regular vote upon it, Mr. Buchanan 
urged him to consent to have it laid upon the table. 
Mr. Wright, another friend, made the motion, and 
although a disposition was manifested to reject the 
bill by a decisive vote, they, nevertheless, suffered 
it to go quietly to the table* 

It is a subject of painful interest to contemplate 
the years of gloom and disaster, which followed the 
surrender of the funds of the Government to paper 
institutions. The Bank of the United States, with 
its power to control legislation, and to produce 
financial ruin and embarrassment, took the lead. 
Its example was followed, in a more humble way, 
by the institutions created in the several States. 
To create a vacuum to be supplied by their own 
notes, specie was exported from the country. A 
premium was obtained by this operation which re- 
sulted in a more extensive circulation of its repre- 
sentative. Members of Congress, who should have 
re-established the only constitutional currency, were 

* Speech of Mr. Benton, January 16th, 1840. Appendix to the Con- 
gressional Globe, 1st session 26th Congress, p. 117. 



380 HISTORY OF THE 

in many instances indebted to the bank, and they 
obeyed more obsequiously the behests of that in- 
stitution than the will of their constituents. The con- 
trol which chartered monopolies had obtained over 
the destinies of the country was truly alarming', and 
their power was exercised with a reckless and un- 
scrupulous disregard of the public weal. A vast 
amount of paper money was issued, carrying with 
it an extension of credit, which elevated all kinds 
of property to an unnatural price, followed by con- 
tractions which carried distress into every part of 
the country. Suits were instituted against the 
debtor, property was sacrificed, and the capitalist 
would purchase it at reduced rates. Another ex- 
pansion of the currency would enable them to sell 
what they had purchased, and the people would 
hail, as a blessing graciously bestowed by the 1 >anks, 
that which had the effect of plundering them of 
the fruits of honest industry. The first bank com- 
pleted its career, and when the inflexible integrity 
and iron will of General Jackson enabled him to 
make a successful stand against the second monster, 
its friends and supporters raised a political excite- 
ment which has seldom had its parallel in the his- 
tory of our country. It was not to be supposed 
lli.it those who had rioted upon the misfortunes of 
others would yield their privileges without a strug- 
gle, and the fierceness which signalized that memo- 
rable struggle, illustrated the power which was pos- 
sessed by the capital of the country. The friends 
of* reform triumphed, and a bank of the United 
States has become an "obsolete idea." 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 381 

The capital which had been invested in that in- 
stitution was transferred to State banks. Those 
persons who had for so long a period the custody 
and use of the public money, were not disposed to 
yield the benefits which resulted from it, and the 
divorce of bank and State was resisted with the 
same obstinacy as ever. The friends of reform 
numbered in their ranks men who had the ability 
and the inflexibility of purpose requisite to main- 
tain their views. To Mr. Benton the country is 
under lasting obligations for the stand which he 
assumed upon this question, when, "solitary and 
alone," he withstood the power of wealth and cor- 
ruption, and amidst gloom and defeat, steadily ad- 
hered to the principles of the constitution. The 
representatives who were elected by the people to 
sustain him in the struggle, found their principles 
melting away before the influences which the banks 
employed in the contest. The evil was hard to 
eradicate. The influences of paper money had be- 
come fastened like a cancer upon the body poli- 
tic, and a removal threatened its destruction. The 
crash among the banks, in the spring of 1837, car- 
ried terror and dismay into the ranks of the demo- 
cratic party. Men who had hitherto proved inflex- 
ible, surrendered their positions, and many of those 
who adhered steadfastly to their principles, were 
carried down the stream which threatened to un- 
dermine the very pillars of the constitution. Slowly 
the country emerged from the storm which swept 
over it. The Independent Treasury bill, which was 
passed on the 4th of July, 1840, was destined, how- 



.">.V2 HISTORY OF THE 

ever, to a brief existence. The odium with which the 
whig party managed to surround it, produced its 
repeal during the extra session of Congress, in 1841. 
The admirable manner with which its provisions 
met the expectations of its friends, during the 
thirteen months it had been in operation, insured 
a continuance of their support. Defeat only had 
the effect of arousing the whole democratic party 
to renewed exertions, and for five years the strug- 
gle was continued with unabated energy, and ter- 
minated gloriously in the establishment of the con- 
stitutional treasury in 1846. 

Independent of the objections which may be 
urged, that the constitution confers upon Congress 
no authority to place the funds of the Government 
under the control of corporations, there is a mani- 
fest injustice in allowing banks to trade upon that 
money. It establishes favoritism, and gives people 
in <>ne section of the country privileges over those 
less f< (l'tunate. Non-interference between individuals 
is the palpable duty of Government. The specie 
deposited with one bank by the United States, 
serves as a basis for the circulation of paper, and 
constitutes that institution a "pet" of the Gov- 
ernment. This produces an evident violation of the 
sacred principle of equality, which is the ground- 
work of the constitution. Whatever temporary 
benefits may accrue to individuals, or the nation, 
from such a course, it is no excuse for a violation of 
principle. The Government and the people had 
both suffered greatly from the system which was 
originated by Mr. Hamilton, the leader of the fed- 



POLK AD MINIS TEAT ION. 383 

eral party * The country has passed through pain- 
ful experience, which shook society, and came near 
destroying the glorious fabric erected by the wis- 
dom and patriotism of our fathers. The morning 
which broke upon this long night of darkness and 
gloom, is a glorious opening to the future. And a 
recurrence to the evils from which we have escaped, 
would indicate positive political blindness, which 
can derive no improvement from the terrible ordeal 
from which our country has escaped. 

Connected with the revenue of the United 
States, it was deemed proper by the administration 
to propose a warehousing system, and it was forci- 
bly recommended by Mr. Walker in his first report 
to Congress.f A bill was introduced into the Se- 

* "From a report made on the 11th of February, 1841, from the 
Secretary of the Treasury, it appeared that the losses which the Gov- 
ernment has at various times suffered from connection with banks, were 
estimated to amount to the enormous sum of $15,492,000. A report made 
to the House of Representatives, April 30th, 1830, believed to have been 
by Mr. McDuffie, estimates the aggregate losses from the receipt of bank 
paper, which occurred prior to 1817, at $34,000,000. And in the report 
of the Secretary of the Treasury, to which he has just alluded, the total 
loss from 1789, to the people, (the other was in relation to the Government 
itself,) from the existence of banks and the use of bank paper, is esti- 
mated at $365,457,497."— Speech of Mr. Dromgoole, April 2d, 1846. 
Congressional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 592. 

Mr. Walker in his report to Congress, December 3d, 1845, states that 
the United States Mint had had in its custody more than $114,000,000 of 
dollars without the Government sustaining any loss. 

The Government was equally fortunate while the independent treasury 
bill, passed in 1840, was in operation, and it remains to be seen whether 
any losses will be sustained under the constitutional treasury bill now 
enforced. 

f " If the cash duties are retained, as it is believed they should be, the 
only sure method of restoring this trade is the adoption of the warehous- 
ing system, by which the foreign imports may be kept in store by the Gov- 



384 HISTORY OF THE 

nate for that purpose by Mr. Dix, on the 21st of 
January, 1840. It passed Congress during that 
session, and received the approval of the President, 
6th of August, 1846. The act provided that on 
and after that day, the duties on all imported goods, 
wares, < >r merchandise should be paid hi cash. That 
goods upon which the duties were not paid should 
be taken possession of by the Collector, and depos- 
ited in public stores at the risk of the owner, and 
subject at all times to his order, upon the payment 
of the proper duties and expenses. In case the 
g< >ods should remain in the storehouse more than one 
year without the payment of the duties, then they 
are to be appraised, and sold by the Collector at 
public auction. Within one year after the goods 
arc deposited in the public storehouse, they may be 
withdrawn and transported to any other port of 
entr \ . 

Previous to the passage of that act, the ware- 
house system was in existence, although the laws 
whirh regulated it were not so simple and well de- 
fined as the bill of 1840. Indeed, the principle 
was established as early as 1799, and was enlarged 
or contracted at various periods since the adoption 
of the Constitution, for the benefit of the commer- 
cial interest. The effect of the bill is to give an 
extension of credit to the importer, who would oth- 
erwise be required to pay the duties upon his 

pnmiriit. until they are required for re-exportation abroad, or consumption 
at home — in which latter contingency, and at the time when for that pur- 
!>>.-• they are taken out of these stores for consumption, the duties are 
paid, and, if re-exported, they pay no duty, but only the expense of sto- 
rage. — Report "f Mr. Walker to Gm^nss, December, 1845. 



POLK ADMINISTKATION. 385 

merchandise as soon as it was landed. No possible 
danger of loss to the Government can be appre- 
hended, because the goods are retained in the pos- 
session of the Collector, until the duties or charges 
thereon are paid. The difficulty which the merch- 
ant would sometimes encounter in being forced to 
sell a portion of his wares to discharge the duties, 
is obviated. The only effect is to give him time for 
the payment of Government dues. This can be 
done without loss to the United States, and with 
great benefit to the importer. How far the bill 
will meet the expectations of its advocates is yet to 
be seen. It is stated that the amount of charges 
received at the port of New- York, is less than the 
sum expended by Government upomthem. This is 
a reason why the act should be amended instead of 
being repealed. It is easy to increase the charges 
which are exacted for storing goods in the ware- 
house, until the amount received is equal to the 
sum disbursed. The country is very much indebted 
to Mr. Dix, the able Senator from New- York, for 
the passage of that law. 

The Mexican war considerably increased the na- 
tional debt, though not so much as was often pre- 
dicted. The amount of the public debt remaining 
unpaid on the 1st of October, 1845, was seventeen 
million seventy-five thousand four hundred and 
forty-five dollars and fifty-two cents.* The balance 
in the treasury on the 1st of July, 1845, was seven 
million six hundred and forty-eight thousand three 
hundred and six dollars and twenty-two .cents.f 

* Message of Mr. Polk to Congress, December, 1845. f Ibid. 

25 



386 HISTOEY OF THE 

On the 2 2d of July, 1846, the President approved 
an act authorizing him to issue treasury notes to 
the amount of ten millions of dollars, or to borrow 
that sum on the credit of the United States, at in- 
terest not exceeding six per cent.* On the twenty- 
eighth of January, 1847, the President was autho- 
rized by law to cause treasury notes to be issued to 
the amount of twenty-three millions of dollars. 
The notes were to be reimbursed and redeemed by 
the United States at the expiration of one year, or 
two years from the dates of the said notes respec- 
tive!}'. They were transferable by delivery and as- 
signment endorsed upon them, and were received 
in payment of all duties due the United States. 
The holders o£ these treasury notes, by presenting 
them at the Treasury of the United States, would 
receive the amount in certificate of funded stock, 
bluing interest at six per cent, per annum. A dis- 
cretionary power was granted to borrow on the 
credit of the United States, and to issue stock to 
the amount of twenty-three millions of dollars. 
On the 31st of March, 1848, authority was granted 
to the Executive to borrow within one year there- 
after on the credit of the United States, a sum not 
exceeding sixteen millions of dollars, and to issue 
stock of the United States as security for its pay- 

llK'llt.f 

The receipts into the treasury during the fiscal 
year ending on the 30th of June, 1845, were twen- 
ty-nine million seven hundred and sixty-nine thou- 

* Public laws of the United Slates, collated by Little & Brown. 
| Ibid. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 387 

sand one hundred and thirty-three dollars and fifty- 
six cents ; of which there were derived from cus- 
toms twenty-seven million five hundred and twen- 
ty-eight thousand one hundred and twelve dollars 
and seventy cents. The expenditures during that 
period were twenty-nine million nine hundred and 
sixty-eight thousand two hundred and six dollars 
and ninety-eight cents.* 

The amount of money received into the treasury 
for the year ending June 30th, 1846, was twenty- 
nine million four hundred and ninety-nine thou- 
sand two hundred and forty-seven dollars and six 
cents, of which there was derived front the customs 
twenty-six million seven hundred and twelve thou- 
sand six hundred and sixty-seven dollars and eight}*- 
seven cents. Expenditures for the same period were 
twenty-eight million thirty-one thousand one hun- 
dred and fourteen dollars and twenty cents ; the 
balance in the treasury on the 1st day of July, 1846, 
was nine million one hundred and twenty-six thou- 
sand four hundred and thirty-nine dollars and eight 
cents. The amount of the public debt, including 
treasury notes, on the 1st of December, 1846, was 
twenty-four million two hundred and fifty-six thou- 
sand four hundred and ninety-four dollars and sixty 
cents ; of which the sum of seventeen million seven 
hundred and eighty-eight thousand seven hundred 
and ninety-nine dollars and sixty-two cents was out- 
standing on the 4th of March, 1845, leaving the 
amount incurred from that time to December 1846, 
six million four hundred and sixty-seven thousand 

* First annual message of Mr. Polk to Congress. 



388 HISTOEY OF THE 

six hundred and ninety-four dollars and ninety-eight 
cents * For the purpose of increasing the revenue, 
the Executive recommended the war tax upon tea 
and coffee, and also upon the principal articles that 
were at that time upon the free list. He also urged 
the graduation and reduction of the price of the 
public lands, as a means of increasing the revenue.^ 
The receipts into the treasury for the fiscal year 
ending the 30th of June 1847, amounted to twenty- 
six million three hundred and forty-six thousand 
seven hundred and ninety dollars and thirty-seven 
cents; of which there was derived from customs 
twenty-three million seven hundred and forty-seven 
thousand eight hundred and sixty-four dollars and 
sixty-six cents. The expenditure during the same 
period was fifty-nine million four hundred and fifty- 
one thousand one hundred and seventy-seven dollars 
and sixty-five cents, of which three million five hun- 
dred and twenty-two thousand and eighty-two dol- 
lars and thirty-seven cents was on account of pay- 
ment of the principal and interest on public debt, 
including treasury notes redeemed and unfunded. 
On the 1st of December, 1847, the amount of the 
public debt, including treasury notes, was forty-five 
million six hundred and fifty-nine thousand six hun- 
dred and fifty-nine dollars and forty cents. The debt 
due on the 4th of March, 1845, when Mr. Polk en- 
tered upon the duties of his office, was, including 
treasury notes, seventeen million seven hundred and 
eighty-eight thousand seven hundred and ninety- 

* Message of Mr. Polk to Congress, December, 1846. 
t Ibid. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 389 

nine dollars and sixty-two cents, and the addition 
made to that sum from that period to December 
7th, 1847, was twenty-seven million eight hundred 
and seventy thousand eight hundred and fifty-nine 
dollars and seventy-eight cents.* 

The receipts into the treasury during the fiscal 
year ending June 30th, 1848, amounted to thirty-five 
million four hundred and thirty-six thousand seven 
hundred and fifty dollars and fifty-nine cents. Of 
this sum there was obtained in duties upon imports 
thirty-one million seven hundred and fifty-seven 
thousand and seventy dollars and ninety-six cents. 
The expenditures during the same time, including 
those for the war, and exclusive of payments of 
principal and interest for the public debt, were for- 
ty-two million eight hundred and eleven thousand 
nine hundred and seventy dollars and three cents.f 

It is extraordinary that the credit of the Govern- 
ment during the war with Mexico was remarkably 
high. This is the more surprising from the fact, 
that the bonds of the Government during the pre- 
ceding administration, and in time of peace, were 
hawked about in the markets of Europe without 
success. A loan of twenty-three million was au- 
thorized by the act of the 28th of January, 1847. Of 
that sum five million were paid to satisfy the claims 
of public creditors, or exchanged for specie at par. 
Eighteen million were offered for specie to the 
highest bidder, and were awarded at premiums va- 
rying from one-eighth of one per cent, to two per 

* Message of Mr. Polk to Congress, December, 1 847. 
f Message of Mr. Polk to Congress, December, 1848. 



390 HISTORY OF THE 

cent, above par. This was indeed not only a very 
extraordinary, but an unexpected result. At the 
time it occurred, there was no prospect of an imme- 
diate termination of the war with Mexico. On the 
10th of April, 1847, when it was awarded to the 
highest bidders, Vera Cruz and the castle of San 
Juan d'Ulloa had surrendered to our victorious arms. 
But the enemy manifested an obstinate determina- 
tion to resist the progress of the invaders, and sub- 
sequently to that period, the road to Mexico was 
rendered memorable by many a sanguinary battle- 
field. Under these circumstances, that the money 
should have been obtained by the Government at a 
premium, presented a novelty to the financial world. 
The amount of duties collected under the opera- 
tion of the free-trade tariif, was as gratifying to its 
friends as unexpected to its opponents. The oom- 
merce of the United States, instead of being embar- 
rassed by the Mexican war, seemed to l>e carried on 
with more energy and spirit than ever, and poured 
into the coffers of the General Government large 
accessions of revenue* The tariff of 1842 would 

* The whole net revenue from duties during the entire period of four 
years and three months of the operation of the tariff of 1842, (per table D,) 
101,554,653 12, being an annual average of $23,895,208 32. The 
net revenue received from the tariff of 1846 during its entire operation 
from tin' 1st of December, 1846, to the 30th of September, 1848, was (per 
table E,) $56,654,563 79, or an average of $30.9<>2. 1*9 2S per annum, 
being an average of 87,007,280 96 more per annum under the tariff of 
1846, than was received under the tariff of 1842. The net revenue for the 
firsl fiscal year under tin' tariff of 1846 (per table A) was $31,757,070 96, 
beim' :s7..7.n70 96 more than the estimate of this departmenl ; and this 
amounl would go on augmenting every year under this act. with a favor- 
able state of foreign commerce and industry, in a ratio at least as great as 
pease of our population.'" — Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, 
D <, ■„,/„ r '.I. IMS. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 391 

have proved totally inadequate to supply the amount 
of revenue which was yielded by the act of 1846, 
and if the former bill had continued in operation, 
the loans required by Government would have been 
greatly increased. Probably the accumulation of 
revenue which resulted from the free trade policy 
enabled the Government to obtain premiums, while 
a falling off of the customs would have forced the 
United States to sell their bonds at a discount. 

The public debt of the United States was stated 
by Mr. Meredith in his report to Congress, Decem- 
ber, 1849, to amount to sixty-four million seven 
hundred and four thousand six hundred and ninety- 
three dollars and seventy-one cents. In the same 
report he asserts, that the old funded debt — the five 
per cent, loan of March 3d, 1843, the six per cent, 
loan of the 15th of April, 1842, and the debt of the 
district of Columbia, assumed by Congress, amount- 
ed to fifteen million seven hundred and forty-nine 
thousand six hundred and fifty-two dollars and for- 
ty-eight cents. This sum taken from the national 
debt would leave the amount of loans which was 
necessary to defray the expenses of the war to forty- 
eight million nine hundred and fifty-five thousand 
eleven dollars and twenty-three cents, making the 
interest of the whole war debt less than three mil- 
lion. 

The administration of Mr. Polk made arrange- 
ments to meet all the demands upon the Govern- 
ment growing out of the war with Mexico, and for 
liquidating the instalments due under the treaty of 



392 HISTOKY OF TIIE 

peace, for the fiscal years, ending on the 30th of 
June, 1849 and 1850 * 

In order to diminish the amount of loans neces- 
sary to prosecute the war, Mr. Polk, in his message 
to Congress, December, 1846, in general terms re- 
commended the levying of duties upon articles, 
which, by the tariff of 1840, were placed upon the 
free list.f This proposition created much excite- 
ment in Congress, in the ranks of both political par- 
ties. Democratic members who were ultra in their 
views upon the propriety of taxing tea and coffee, 
were unmeasured in their denunciations of the Ex- 
ecutive. The views which he entertained before his 
elevation to the presidential chair, were freely com- 

* " This statement shows a balance in the Treasury, on the 30th of 
June, 1849, of $2,853,694 84 ; and a balance in the Treasury on the 30th 
of June, 1850, of $5,040,542 11. In the estimated expenditures for the 
year ending on the 30th of June, 1850, are included balances of appropri- 
ations, amounting to the sum of $3,762,537 29, a considerable portion of 
which may not be required. Unless new and extraordinary expenditures 
are authorized by Congress, no further loans will be required, and the pub- 
lic debt may be reduced. — Report of Mr. Walker, Secretary of the Trea- 
sury, December 9. 1848. 

f li If, however, Congress should, at the present session, impose a re- 
venue duty on the principal articles now embraced in the free list, it is 
estimated that an additional annual revenue of about two million and a half, 
amounting, it is estimated, on the thirtieth of June, 1848, to four million 
of dollars, would be derived from that source ; and the loan required would 
1m- reduced hvthat amount." — Message of the President to Congress, De- 
cember 8, 1846. 

" It is submitted for your consideration, whether it may not be proper, 
as a war measure, to impose revenue duties on some of the articles now 
embraced in the free list. Should it be deemed proper to impose such du- 
ties, with a view to raise revenue to moot the expenses of the war with 
Mexico, or to avoid to that extent the creation of a public debt, they may 
In' repealed when the emergency which gave rise to them shall cease to ex- 
ist, and constitute no part of the permanent policy of the country.— 

1 1 ml. 



POLK ADMINISTKATION. 393 

mented upon. It was asserted that lie had opposed 
in his canvasses for the gubernatorial chair of Ten- 
nessee, a tax upon tea and coffee. It is but justice 
to Mr. Polk to say, that he only advocated the col* 
lection of duties upon those articles as a war mea- 
sure, to be repealed when a treaty of peace was 
concluded. The motives which governed him were 
truly patriotic, and had for their object the preser- 
vation of the public credit, by keeping the stocks of 
the United States at par value. Unawed by the 
denunciations which were levelled at him by mem- 
bers of all political parties, he reiterated his recom- 
mendation for a tax upon the free list, in a more 
specific form. In a special message to Congress on 
the 13th of February, 1847, he briefly, but in lan- 
guage of great force and power, examined the con- 
dition of our finances, and recommended the raising 
of customs from tea and coffee* Against the mea- 

* " In my Annual Message of the 8th of December last, I submitted for 
the consideration of Congress, the propriety of imposing as a war measure, 
revenue duties on some of the articles now embraced in the free list. The 
principal articles now exempt from duty, from which any considerable re- 
venue can be derived, are tea and coffee. A moderate revenue duty on 
these articles, it is estimated, would produce annually an amount exceed- 
ing two and a half millions of dollars. Though in a period of peace, when 
ample means could be derived from duties on other articles for the support 
of the Government, it may have been deemed proper not to resort to a 
duty on these articles, yet when the country is engaged in a foreign war, 
and all our resources are demanded to meet the unavoidable increased ex- 
penditure in maintaining our armies in the field, no sound reason is per- 
ceived why we should not avail ourselves of the revenues which may be 
derived from this source. The objections which have heretofore existed 
to the imposition of these duties, were applicable to a state of peace, when 
they were not needed. We are now, however, engaged in a foreign war. 
We need money to prosecute it, and to maintain the public honor and 
credit. It cannot be doubted that the patriotic people of the United States 



31)4 HISTORY OF THE 

sure, however, was arrayed a large majority of the 
House of Representatives* The opposition mem- 
bers of Congress opposed the recommendation of 
the President, and there were only forty-eight of 
his own i tarty in the House who sustained his 
views. It is difficult to see any propriety in the 
opposition which was made to levying a war tax 
upon tea and coffee. That the people of the United 
States would submit to any tax which might be ne- 
cessary to sustain the national honor, there can be 
no doubt. Indeed, this was unanimously voted by 
the House, with great gravity.-)- If this question 
was divested of the sophistry with which politicians 
have invested it, it would be extremely difficult to 
see why a duty should not be raised from tea and 
collet' in time of peace. It is asserted that these 
articles have now become necessaries of life, still it 
cannot be maintained that they are indispensable. 
There are other importations upon which a tariff of 
twenty and thirty per cent, are levied, which are 
abs< 'lately necessaries of life. It is almost as impos- 
sible for the people of this country to dispense with 

would cheerfully, and without complaint, submit to the payment of this 
additional duty, or any oilier that may lie necessary to maintain the honor 
of the country, provide for the unavoidable expenses of the Government, 
and to uphold the public credit. It is recommended thatany duties which 
may be imposed on these articles, be limited in their duration to the period 
oi the war." — Message of Mr. Polk to Congress, February 13, 1847. 

* " Resolved, That it is inexpedient to levy any duty on tea and 
coffee." 

This resolution passed by a vote of 115 to 48." — Congressional Globe, 
>'ni 2'Jlh ('ongrrss, p. 10:2. 

| •• Resolved, That the people of the United States are too patriotic to 
refuse any necessary tax in time of war." 

This resolution was unanimously adopted. — Ibid. p. 103. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 395 

the use of iron and salt, as to exist without water. 
Why then should these necessaries be taxed, and 
tea and coffee be placed upon the free list ? It is 
easily conceived that the protectionists are in favor 
of this policy, because the exemption of articles 
which are not raised or manufactured in this coun- 
try from taxation, will create the necessity for higher 
duties upon merchandise which comes in competi- 
tion with their own manufactures. But that those 
persons who advocate the doctrine of free trade, 
should desire to place tea and coffee upon the free 
list, and produce thereby the necessity for more ex- 
orbitant taxes upon articles of still greater import- 
ance to the people, is equally surprising and pre- 
posterous. 



396 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAPTER XI. 

Internal Improvements. — Contest between Congress and the Executive upon 
that question. — Discussions upon the power granted Congress to authorize 
the States to lay duties upon tonnage in the Constitutional Convention. — 
Public lands. — Pre-emption rights. — Lands granted to several States. — 
Land granted to soldiers. — Post-Office Department. — Rates of postage. — 
Foreign mails. — Lines established to Chagresand California. — The Navy. 

The administration of Mr. Polk was signalized by 
the struggle between the friends of internal im- 
provements, and the Executive. A large majority 
in both Houses of Congress, numbering members 
of both political parties, were favorable to a lavish 
expenditure of the public treasury for such purpo- 
ses. The struggle was commenced during the first 
session of the 29th Congress, and was continued 
with unabated energy throughout. On the 31st 
of December, 1845, a bill was introduced into the 
House of Representatives by Mr. Tibbatts, for the 
improvement of harbors and rivers, and passed that 
body on the 20th of March, by a vote of 109 to 
90. It passed the Senate precisely as it was re- 
ported to that body on the 24th of July, 184G, by 
a vote of 34 to 16.* The bill encountered an Ex- 
ecutive veto. The message which the President 
transmitted to the House of Representatives, as- 
signing the reasons why he could not approve the 

* Congressional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 1136. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 397 

bill, is cliaractized by remarkable vigor and power.* 
The authority of the General Government to make 
internal improvements within the States, was tho- 

* " The Constitution has not, in my judgment, conferred upon the 
Federal Government the power to construct works of internal improve- 
ment within the States, or to appropriate money from the treasury for that 
purpose. That this bill assumes for the Federal Government the right to 
exercise this power, cannot, I think, be doubted. The approved course of 
the Government, and the deliberately expressed judgment of the people, 
have denied the existence of such a power under the Constitution. Seve- 
ral of my predecessors have denied its existence in the most solemn forms." 

" The general proposition that the Federal Government does not pos- 
sess this power is so well settled, and has for a considerable period been 
so generally acquiesced in, that it is not deemed necessary to reiterate the 
arguments by which it is sustained. Nor do I deem it necessary, after 
the full and elaborate discussions which have taken place before the coun- 
try on this subject, to do more than state the general considerations which 
have satisfied me of the unconstitutionality and inexpediency of the exer- 
cise of such a power." 

" That the power in question is not properly an incident to any of the 
granted powers, I am fully satisfied ; but if there were doubts on this sub- 
ject, experience has demonstrated the wisdom of the rule that all the func- 
tionaries of the Federal Government should abstain from the exercise of 
all questionable or doubtful powers. If an enlargement of the powers of 
the Federal Government should be deemed proper, it is safer and wiser 
to appeal to the States and the people in the mode prescribed by the Con- 
stitution for the grant desired, than to assume its exercise without an 
amendment of the Constitution. If Congress does not possess the gene- 
ral power to construct works of internal improvement within the States, 
or to appropriate money from the treasury for that purpose, what is there 
to exempt some, at least, of the objects of appropriation included in this 
bill from the operation of the general rule ? This bill assumes the exist- 
ence of the power, and in some of its provisions asserts the principle that 
Congress may exercise it as fully as though the appropriations which it 
proposes were applicable to the construction of roads and canals. If 
there be a distinction in principle, it is not perceived, and should be clearly 
defined. Some of the objects of appropriation contained in this bill are 
local in their character, and lie within the limits of a single State ; and 
though, in the language of the bill, they are called harbors, they are not 
connected with foreign commerce, nor are they places of refuge or shelter 
for our navy or commercial marine on the ocean or lake shores. To call 



* 



.".'.»> HISTORY OF THE 

roughly examined, and the corruptions of the sys- 
tem, which expended money in particular sections, 

the mouth of a creek, or a shallow inlet on our coasts a harbor, cannot 
confer the authority to expend the public money in its improvement. Con 
gress have exercised the power coeval with the Constitution, of establish- 
ing li^ht-houses, beacons, buoys, and piers, on our ocean and lake shores, 
f.r thr purpose of rendering navigation safe and easy, and of affording 
protection and shelter for our navy and other shipping. These are safe- 
guards placed in existing channels of navigation. After the long acqui- 
escence of the Government through all preceding administrations, I am 
not disposed to question or disturb the authority to make appropriations 
fur such purposes." 

" When we advance a step beyond this point, and in addition to the 
establishment and support, by appropriations from the treasury, of light- 
. beacons, buoys, piers, and other improvements within the bays, 
inlets and harbors on our ocean and lake coasts, immediately connected 
with our foreign commerce, and attempt to make improvements in the in- 
terior at points unconnected with foreign commerce, and where they are 
nol needed for the protection and security of our navy and commercial 
marine, the difficulty arises in drawing a line beyond which appropriations 
may not be made by the Federal Government." 

" It not only leads to a consolidation of power in the Federal Govern- 
ment, at the expense of the rightful authority of the States, but its inev- 
itable tendency is, to embrace objects for the expenditure of the public 
money, which are local in their character, benefiting but few at the ex- 
pense of the common treasury of the whole. It will engender sectional 
feelings and prejudices, calculated to disturb the harmony of the Union. 
It will destroy the harmony which should prevail in our legislative coun- 
cils. It will produce combinations of local and sectional interest, strong 
enough when united, to carry propositions for appropriations of public 
money which could not of themselves, and standing alone, succeed, and 
cannot fail to lead to wasteful and extravaganl expenditures." 

" It must produce a disreputable scramble for the public money, by the 
conflict which is inseparable from such a system, between local and indi- 
vidual interests, and the general interest of the whole. It is unjust to 
those Statu- which have with their own means constructed their own in- 
terna! improvements, to make from the common treasury appropriations 
for similar improvements in other States." 

- In its operation it will be oppressive and unjust towards those States 

representatives and people either deny or doubt the existence of the 

power, or think its exercise inexpedient, and who, while they equally con- 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 399 

leaving other parts of the Union without receiving 
the aid of the Government, was alluded to* 

tribute to the treasury, cannot, consistently with their opinions, engage in 
the general competition for a share of the public money. Tims a large 
portion of the Union in numbers and in geographical extent, contributing 
its equal proportion of taxes to the support of the Government, would, 
under the operation of such a system, be compelled to see the national 
treasure — the common stock of all — unequally disbursed, and often nn- 
providently wasted for the advantage of small sections, instead of being 
applied to the great national purposes in which all have a common interest, 
and for which alone the power to collect the revenue was given. Should 
the system of internal improvements proposed prevail, all these evils will 
multiply and increase with the increase of the number of the States, and 
the extension of the geographical limits of the settled portions of our 
country. With the increase of our numbers and the extension of our 
settlements, the local objects demanding appropriations of the public mo- 
ney for their improvement will be proportionately increased. In each 
case the expenditure of the public money would confer benefits, direct or 
indirect, only on a section, while these sections would become daily less 
in comparison with the whole." 

" The wisdom of the framers of the Constitution in withholding power 
over such objects from the Federal Government, and leaving them to the 
local governments of the States, becomes more and more manifest with 
every year's experience of the operations of our system." 

" If no constitutional objections existed to the bill, there are others of 
a serious nature which deserve some consideration. It appropriates be- 
tween one and two millions of dollars for objects which are of no pressing 
necessity ; and this is proposed at a time when the country is engaged in 
a foreign war, and when Congress, at its present session, has authorized 
a loan, or the issue of treasury notes, to defray the expenses of the war, 
to be resorted to if the ' exigencies of the Government shall require it.' 
It would seem to be the dictate of wisdom, under such circumstances, to 
husband our means, and not to waste them on comparatively unimportant 
objects, so that we may reduce the loan or issue of treasury notes, which 
may become necessary, to the smallest practicable sum. It would seem 
to be wise, too, to abstain from such expenditures, with a view to avoid 
the accumulation of a large public debt ; the existence of which would 
be opposed to the interest of our people, as well as to to the genius of our 
free institutions." — Veto Message of Mr. Polk, August Zd, 1846. 

* Any one at all acquainted with the management which is resorted 
to in Congress, for the purpose of passing internal improvement bills, can 



400 HISTOEY OF THE 

Una-wed by the Executive veto, the House of 
Representatives, on the 20th of February, 1847, 
passed a bill making appropriations to the amount 

at once appreciate the arguments of the Executive. To obtain appropria- 
tions of money to be expended in a congressional district, is generally a 
very popular movement upon the part of a Member of Congress. His 
influence and usefulness are judged by the amount of money which he 
can procure from the public treasury, to be expended among his constitu- 
ents. He consequently employs all his energy in having a clause for that 
purpose inserted in the appropriation bill. Those who have no scruples 
upon the subject, ascertain the number of votes which are necessary to 
carry a bill triumphantly through Congress. The votes of some members 
are counted upon as a matter of course, because they are in favor of the 
doctrine of internal improvements by the General Government. While 
others, who favor the protective policy, gladly avail themselves of every 
opportunitv that offers to appropriate public money, for the purpose of cre- 
ating a necessity of increasing the tariff, to supply the deficit. If these two 
do not combine a sufficient number to insure success, the support of 
Others is secured by making appropriations of money to be expended within 
their Congressional districts. The requisite number thus become inter- 
ested, and the bill passes. This is a state of political profligacy, deplora- 
ble, indeed, and the contemplation of which is truly painful. While the 
bill which received the Executive veto was under consideration in the 
House of Representatives, an appropriation was made of $5,000 for the 
removal of the obstructions at the Crook, in the harbor of Providence. 
Five members from a southern State voted for the appropriation.* An 
amendment was then offered to the bill, appropriating $100,000 for the 
canal mum! the muscle shoals in the Tennessee river, those five members 
voting in the affirmative. The proposition was rejected, and one of them 
moved to reconsider the amendment which had been adopted making the 
appropriation of $5,000 for the harbor at Providence, and voted with the 
other four for its reconsideration,! and they all finally voted against the 
passage of the bill. J Two of these gentlemen were committed to the 
doctrine nf internal improvements by the General Government; two ad- 
vocated the propriety of improving the Mississippi, Ohio and Tennessee 
rner-, and all would have voted for the passage of the bill, if the appro- 
priation of $100,000 to the Tennessee river had been inserted. It cannot 
be doubted that if the appropriation which was asked for the Tennessee 

' I sional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 524. 

t Ibid. p. 525. 1 Ibid. p. 530. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 401 

of $600,000, for river and harbor improvements, 
by a vote of 89 to 72. This bill passed the Senate 
on the last day of the second session of the 29th 
Congress. The President did not avail himself of his 
constitutional privilege to defeat the measure by refu- 
sing to approve it, because it was passed within ten 
days of the termination of the session. Undismayed 
by the denunciations with which the politicians fierce- 
ly assailed him' and by the abuse which teemed from 
the press, he again boldly met the question, and 
defeated the bill by the exercise of the veto power * 
In that message, which probably displayed greater 
stretch of thought, and more thorough investigation, 
than any other state paper which he ever prepared, 

river had been necessary to insure the passage of the bill, it would have 
been granted without the least hesitation. The friends of the bill bad suffi- 
cient strength, however, to insure its success, and the sum of $100,000 
was not unnecessarily thrown away. Such are the fruits of a system of 
legislation which, unless arrested, will produce an unscrupulous scramble 
for the public money, resulting in exorbitant taxation, and financial em- 
barrassment and ruin. What makes the policy still more dangerous and 
reprehensible, is the readiness with which members yield to the current, 
and give utterance to the sentiment that while others are helping their 
constituents so bountifully, they will put their hands also into the treasury. 
The clamor which is raised in the halls of Congress for a system of in- 
ternal improvements is as mortifying as it is deplorable. It places sove- 
reign States in the position of mendicants, claiming the bounty of the 
General Government. The demand for more money is made with as much 
assurance as though to yield it is the plain and undeniable duty of Con- 
gress. Immense sums are called for with as much sang fro'ul as if the 
revenue rained into the treasury, instead of being exacted from the people. 
No circumstances will prevent Congress from making these appropriations. 
The bill which was vetoed by the Executive, proposed an appropriation of 
$1,378,450 to objects of no pressing necessity, at a time when the Govern- 
ment was contracting loans for the prosecution of the Mexican war. — 
Author. 

* Veto message of Mr. Polk, December 15th, 1847. 
26 



402 HISTORY OF THE 

he examined at length the origin and progress of 
tlif doctrine of internal improvements. He com- 
mented upon the rapid strides which were made 
during the twenty years preceding, in favor of that 
system.* 

To show that the States are not without a reme- 
dy, so far as the improvements of rivers and harbors 
are concerned, it is only necessary to examine the 
powers which the Constitution authorizes Congress 
to confer upon the States.f When the draft of the 
Constitution was under consideration in the Conven- 
tion, it was proposed by Mr. Madison, that the 
clause restraining the States from laying duties 
upon imports should be transferred from the article 
authorizing Congress to sanction the act, to another 
which made the prohibition absolute. This motion 
was rejected, and Congress can now authorize the 
State- to Lay imposts or duties upon imports or ex- 
ports, with the condition, however, that the net pro- 
ceeds shall be paid into the treasury of the United 

* " The policy of embarking the Federal Government in a general sys- 
tem of internal improvements had its origin but little more than twenty 
years ago. In a very few years the applications to Congress for appropri- 
ations in furtherance of such objects exceeded $200,000.000." — Veto 
Message of Mr. Polk, December 15th, 1847. 

f •• \o Slate shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts 
or duties mi imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary 
ecnting its inspection laws; and the net produce of all duties 
and imposts laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use 
of the treasury of the United States ; and all such laws shall be subject 
to the revision and control of the Congress. No State shall, without the 
COnsenl of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war 
• of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, 
or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in 
Buch imminent danger as will not admit of delay." — Constitution of the 
United StaU s. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 403 

States.* But the power granted to Congress to per- 
mit the States to lay duties of tonnage is subject to 
no such restriction, and they may lay duties of ton- 
nage, with the consent of Congress, for the purpose of 
improving harbors and rivers. This power has been 
exercised at various periods since the year 1790.f 

* Mr. Madison moved, that the words "nor lay imposts or duties on 
imports" be transferred from Article 13, where the consent of the general 
legislature may license the act, into Article 12, which will make the pro- 
hibition on the States absolute. 

Mr. Sherman " thought the power might safely be left to the legisla- 
ture of the United States." The motion was rejected. 

Mr. King moved to insert after the words " imports," the words " or* 
exports," " so as to prohibit States from taxing either." This motion 
passed in the affirmative. 

Mr. Sherman moved to add, after the word " exports," the words, 
" nor with such consent, but for the use of the United States ;" so as to 
carry the proceeds of all State duties on imports or exports into the com- 
mon treasury. This motion was agreed to — Madison Papers contain- 
ing Debates of the Convention, pp. 485-7. 

| Under this wise system, the improvement of harbors and rivers was 
commenced, or rather continued, from the organization of the Government 
under the present Constitution. Many acts were passed by the several 
States levying duties of tonnage, and many were passed by Congress giving 
their consent to those acts. Such acts have been passed by Massachusetts, 
Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South 
Carolina, and Georgia, and have been sanctioned by the consent of Con- 
gress. Without enumerating them all, it may be instructive to refer to 
some of them, as illustrative of the mode of improving harbors and rivers 
in the early periods of our Government, as to the constitutionality of which 
there can be no doubt. 

In January, 1790, the State of Rhode Island passed a law levying 
tonnage duty on vessels arriving in the port of Providence, " for the pur- 
pose of clearing and deepening the channel of the Providence river, and 
making the same more navigable." 

On the 2d of February, 1798, the State of Massachusetts passed a law 
levying tonnage duty on all vessels, whether employed in the foreign or 
coasting trade, which might enter into the Kennebunk river, for the im- 
provement of the same, by " rendering the passage in and out of said river 
less difficult and dangerous." 



404 HISTORY OF THE 

The power of Congress to make appropriations 
for river and harbor improvements, is far from being 
a settled question. The precedents are too conflict- 
On the 1st of April, 1805, the State of Pennsylvania passed a law 
levying a tonnage duty on vessels, " to remove the obstructions to the 
navigation of the river Delaware, below the city of Philadelphia." 

On the 23d of January, 1804, the State of Virginia passed a law levy- 
ing a tonnage duty on vessels, " for improving the navigation of James 
river." 

On the 22d of February, 1826, the State of Virginia passed a law levy- 
ing a tonnage duty on vessels, for t; improving the navigation of James 
river, from Warwick to Rockett's Landing." 

On the 8th of December, 1824, the State of Virginia passed a law 
levying a tonnage duty on vessels, for " improving the navigation of Appo- 
matox river, from Pocahontas bridge to Broadway." 

In November, 1821, the State of North Carolina passed a law levying 
a tonnage duty on vessels, " for the purpose of opening an inlet at the 
lower end of Albemarle Sound, near a place called Nag's Head, and im- 
proving the navigation of said Sound, with its branches ;" and in Novem- 
ber, 1828, an emendatory law was passed. 

On the 21st of December, 1804, the State of South Carolina passed a 
law levying a tonnage duty, for the purpose of " building a marine hospi- 
tal in the vicinity of Charleston ;" and on the 17th of December, 1816, 
another law was passed by the Legislature of that State, for the " main- 
tenance of a marine hospital." 

On the 10th of February, 1787, the State of Georgia passed a law 
levying a tonnage duty on all vessels entering in the port of Savannah, 
for the purpose of " clearing" the Savannah river of " wrecks and other 
obstructions" to the navigation. 

On the 12th of December, 1804, the State of Georgia passed a law 
levying a tonnage duty on vessels, "to be applied to the payment of the 
fees of the harbor-master and health officer of the ports of Savannah and 
St. Mary's." 

In April, 1783, the State of Maryland passed a law laying a ton- 
nage duty on vessels, for the improvement of the " basin" and " harbor" of 
Baltimore, and the " river Patapsco." 

On the 26th of December, 1791, the State of Maryland passed a law 
levying a tonnage duty on vessels, for the improvement of the " harbor and 
port of Baltimore." 

On the 28th of December 1793, the State of Maryland passed a law 
authorizing the appointment of a health officer for the port of Baltimore, 
and laying a tonnage duty on vessels to defray the expenses. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 405 

ing, and the interests involved too numerous to in- 
dicate such a result. In the discussions upon that 
subject, in the 30th Congress, much ability was dis- 
played by the champions upon both sides. The ex- 
press and implied powers which are conferred by the 
Constitution were examined in every aspect, and the 
sanction which had been given in various forms to 
the policy, by the statesmen who had occujned the 
presidential chair, was shown.* The vetoes of Mr. 

Congress have passed many acts giving its " consent" to these and 
other State laws, the first of which is dated in 1790, and the last in 1843. 
By the latter act, the " consent" of Congress was given to the law of the 
Legislature of the State of Maryland, laying a tonnage duty on vessels 
for the improvement of the harbor of Baltimore, and continuing it in force 
until the first day of June, 1850. I transmit herewith copies of such of the 
acts of the Legislatures of the States on the subject, and also the acts of Con- 
gress giving its " consent" thereto, as have been collated." — Veto Message 
of Mr. Polk, December 15, 1847. 

* " Here, then, Mr. Chairman, we find General Jackson asserting the 
very power, and specifying the identical objects of the appropriations made 
by this bill, ' the improvement of our harbors, and the removal of partial 
and temporary obstructions in our navigable rivers, for the security and 
facility of foreign commerce'— a power not only to protect, but to facilitate 
commerce, and as such, exercisable for its convenience, as well as its 
safety. And in succeeding pages of this Message, he lays down the rule, 
that these appropriations should be confined to the removal of obstructions 
below ports of entry. This rule, sir, the honorable gentleman from Ala- 
bama, [Mr. Yancey,] told us on yesterday, that he was willing to adopt ; 
but he took the precaution to annex a qualification, which is not to be found 
in the rule itself, as laid down by General Jackson — a condition or limita- 
tion, which, if ingrafted upon it, would imply a want of information wholly 
inexcusable on the part of that great hero and statesman. The gentleman 
insisted that General Jackson meant ports of entry, in which the proud 
ships that brought the cargo across the ocean, might enter, and not those 
established where an Indian canoe would scarcely float. Sir, was not 
General Jackson aware, at the time that he prescribed the rule, that ports 
of entry had been established far in the interior, where the shipping en- 
gaged in our foreign commerce never entered, an<l could not float ? Did 
he not know that Pittsburg, two thousand miles distant from the seaboard, 



406 HISTORY OF THE 

Polk did not have the effect of arresting the tide of 
popular feeling in favor of the system; and when- 
ever it is not opposed by Executive power, it will be 

was a port of entry ? What does he tell us in the part of the Message 
just read? ' As a natural consequence of the increase and extension of 
our foreign commerce, ports of entry and delivery have been multiplied 
and established, not only on the seaboard, but in the interior of the coun- 
try /' He knew, then, that the ports of entry had been established in the 
interior, and yet makes no discrimination in the application of the rule be- 
tween any of them, whether found in the interior or on the seaboard ! 

" If, sir, General Jackson had intended what the honorable gentleman 
from Alabama supposes, why did he not make the rule exclusively appli- 
cable to ports of entry on the seaboard ? Why, at the very moment that 
his attention was engrossed by the whole subject, and when he was fash- 
ioning a rule to govern his future conduct, and especially when he men- 
tioned the multiplication of these ports, did he not designate to which the 
rule should apply, if not intended to be general ? No reason can be as- 
signed. It is therefore manifest that General Jackson did not design to 
limit the rule to those ports of entry only, in which cargoes were dis- 
charged from the gallant vessels that floated them over the billows of the 
Atlantic. And, sir, while General Jackson affirms that these expenditures 
have sometimes been extravagant, so far from interposing any constitu- 
tional check to the exercise of the power by Congress to make such ap- 
propriations, he expressly tells us that he felt it his duty to ' assent to the 
bills containing them,' and to ' follow, in this respect, in the footsteps of 
all his predecessors.' This power, then, was sanctioned by every chief 
magistrate of the country who preceded him, as well as by the profound 
and distinguished statesman (Mr. Van Bnren) who succeeded him; and 
yet honorable gentlemen assume to denounce it as a departure from the 
old landmarks of the republican party !" — Speech of Mr. Constable of Mary- 
land in the House of Representatives of the United Slates, March l\th, 
1846. 

■• I derive the power to pass this bill from the first article and eighth 
section of the Constitution, and the ii r~T clause of that section, which reads 
as follows: 'The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, du- 
ties, imposts, and excises; to pay the debts, and provide for the common 
delt'iicc and general welfare of the United Stales; but all duties, imposts, 
and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United Slates.' [t, is no an- 
swer to me to say that this ground has been taken by federalists, by the 
advocates of a strong government, by the opponents of State rights. &c. ; 
that it has been exploded, or is anti-republican. I profess to be a sincere 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 407 

adopted as the policy of the land, for a time at 
least. 

The national domain has ever been a subject of 
great interest with the Government and people of 

friend to the union of these States, and an inflexible advocate of the largest 
liberty of the citizen, and yet I believe Congress to possess the power of 
internal improvement under this clause of this Constitution. I believe the 
clause to be big with meaning, and that upon its proper construction may 
yet depend the destinies of this mighty people. I believe a proper and 
well-digested system of internal improvements to be for the general wel- 
fare of the United States, and therefore to come within this power to pro- 
vide for the general welfare. It is said, however, that no power is given 
by this clause, except that to raise taxes, &c, and to apply them to the 
common defence, &c. ; and that these words, common defence and gene- 
ral welfare, relate to the subsequent clauses of the Constitution, and that 
they were at best rather supererogatory than otherwise. Now I deny that 
the words to raise taxes, &c, have any controlling power over the other 
parts of the sentence, and insist upon the rules both of grammar and of 
correct criticism, that three distinct powers are given under this clause, 
viz. : 1st, to lay and collect taxes ; 2d, to pay the debts ; and 3d, to pro- 
vide for the common defence and general welfare : and I say, further, that 
the expression ' to lay taxes to provide for the common defence and gene- 
ral welfare,' is not true Anglo-Saxon language, according to the gram- 
mars now in use and force. To lay taxes with which to provide, &c, 
will do, and yet I am at a loss to perceive the necessity, if this were the 
meaning, to introduce these words, common defence and general wel- 
fare, unless, indeed, they were to mean something more than what 
the other clauses of the Constitution embraced ; and upon this latter 
supposition it would be very little material whether the first clause of the 
sentence controlled the two last or not ; for, if taxes are to be raised to 
provide for the common defence, &c, and these last words are not re- 
stricted by the subsequent parts of the Constitution, then the limit to the 
raising of taxes is only what Congress may deem proper for the common 
defence and general welfare. I cannot hold that the words here used, ' to 
provide,' &c. are words of supererogation, introduced to round off the sen- 
tence. Such a supposition is totally inconsistent with the character of the 
instrument, and the framers of it — an instrument in which the utmost 
chastity and precision of language, and freedom from all superfluous ver- 
biage, was not only to be desired, but was evidently sought, and it is, to be 
hoped, attained." — Speech of E. H. Ewing, H. of R. V. S., March 16th, 
1846. 



408 HISTOEY OF THE 

this country. There have been acquired by revolu- 
tion, treaty, and conquest, vast quantities of virgin 
soil, out of which have been carved new States. A 
Large amount still remains unoccupied, over which 
roan is the native tenant of the wilds. These forests 
are disappearing before the advance of civilization, 
and populous cities and thriving villages, are rapidly 
rising along the plains and valleys of the far West. 
It has been the policy of many of our public men to 
graduate and reduce the price of the public lands, 
so that each of our frontier settlers could obtain 
homes.* While others have been opposed to this 
course, either for the purpose of contributing to the 
Treasury of the United States the greatest amount 
of money, or of appropriating the proceeds thereof 
to distribution among the States.f 

* Sec Messages of Jackson and Polk, and Speeches of Messrs. 
McClornand, Bowlin, and others, during the 29th and 30th Congresses. 

f Referring to the instructions of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, 
Mr. Buchanan in the Senate, August 12th, 1841, said: "They were thus 
commanded to resist every attempt to deprive Pennsylvania of her just 
proportion of the public lands. And what was that just proportion ? She 
hail stated in clear and explicit terms, and had asserted her claim in the 
mosl solemn form, to such a portion of the proceeds of these lands as her 
federal representative population would bear to the federal representa- 
tive population of the whole 1 fnion under the late census." — Congressional 
Glob . 1st session 21th Congress, 328. 

'•Mr. Allen offered the following amendment: That no money shall 
be distributed under this Act, until there shall be a surplus in the Trea- 
sury, without keeping on the taxes now levied, or that may hereafter be 
levied upon the people, in the form of duties on tea, coffee, salt, and other 
necessaries of life, used by the general body of the community." 

"Yeas — Messrs. Allen. Benton, Calhoun, Clay of Alabama, Fulton, 
King. Linn, McRoherts, Mouton, Nicholson, Pierce, Sevier, Tappan, 
Walker. Williams, Woodbury, Wright, and Young, 18. 

"Nays — Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Hates, Bayard, Berrian, Choate, 






POLK ADMINISTRATION. 409 

The propriety of reducing the price of the pub- 
lic lands, and granting pre-emption rights upon the 
most liberal terms to the settlers, was recommended 
by Mr. Polk in his first annual message.* These views 

Clay of Kentucky, Clayton, Dixon, Evans, Graham, Henderson, Hunting- 
ton, Ker, Mangum, Merrick, Miller, Moorehead, Phelps, Porter, Prentiss, 
Rives, Simmons, Smith of Indiana, Southard, Tallmadge, White, and 
Woodbridge, 28. — Congressional Globe, extra session 27th Congress, 
357. 

* " Under our present land system, limiting the minimum price at 
which the public lands can be entered, to one dollar and twenty-five cents 
per acre, large quantities of lands of inferior quality remain unsold, because 
they will not command that price. From the records of the General Land 
Office it appears, that of all the public lands remaining unsold in the several 
States and Territories in which they are situated, thirty-nine millions one 
hundred and five thousand five hundred and seventy-seven acres have been 
in the market, subject to entry more than twenty years ; forty-nine mil- 
lions six hundred and thirty-eight thousand six hundred and forty-four 
acres, for more than fifteen years ; seventy-three millions seventy-four 
thousand and six hundred acres for more than ten years ; and one hun- 
dred and six millions one hundred seventy-six thousand nine hundred and 
sixty-one acres for more than five years. Much the largest portion of 
these lands will continue to be unsaleable at the minimum price at which 
they are permitted to be sold, so long as large territories of land from 
which the more valuable portions have not been selected, are annually 
brought into the market by the Government. With the view to the sale 
and settlement of these inferior lands, I recommend that the price be gra- 
duated and reduced below the present minimum rate, confining the sales 
at the reduced prices to settlers and cultivators, in limited quantities. If 
graduated and reduced in price for a limited term to one dollar per acre, and 
after the expiration of that period, for a second and third term to lower 
rates, a large portion of these lands would be purchased, and many worthy 
citizens, who are unable to pay higher rates, could purchase homes for 
themselves and their families. By adopting the policy of graduation and 
reduction of price, these inferior lands will be sold for their real value, 
while the States in which they lie will be freed from the inconvenience, if 
not injustice, to which they are subjected, in consequence of the United 
States continuing to own large quantities of public lands within their bor- 
ders, not liable to taxation for the support of their local government. 

I recommend the continuance of the policy of granting pre-emp- 
tions in its most liberal extent, to all those who have settled, or may here- 



410 HISTOEY OF THE 

were enforced in each of his annual messages to 
Congress, with an earnestness and force which 
proved that his feelings were enlisted in that mea- 
sure of justice and reform. 

On the 3d of August, 1846, the President ap- 
proved a bill granting the right of pre-emption to 
actual settlers on the lands acquired by treaty from 
the Miami Indians, in the State of Indiana, and 
making the minimum price per acre two dollars. 
On the same day an act was approved, authorizing 
the Commissioner of the General Land Office to de- 
termine, upon principles of equity and justice, all 
cases of suspended entries then existing in the land 
office, and to decide in what cases patents should 
issue upon them. On the 8th of May, 1846, a law 
was passed repealing an act approved April 5th, 
1832, and which declared that no person should be 
permitted to enter more than one half quarter sec- 
tion of land in quarter sections, in his own name, or 
in the name of any other person, and in no case, un- 
less he intended it for cultivation, or for the use of 
his improvement. And it was enacted that all en- 
tries, selections, or locations of lands suspended in 
the General Land Office should be confirmed, pro- 
vided they were in all other respects fair and regu- 
lar. On the 11th of July, 1846, a law was passed 
conferring power upon the President to sell the re- 
served mineral lands in the States of Illinois, Ar- 
kansas, and the Territories of Wisconsin and Iowa. 

-tile, on the public lands, whether sun-eyed or unsurveyed, to which 
tiir Indian title may have been extinguished at the time of settlement. 
— Message of Mr. Polk to Congress December, 1845. 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 411 

On the 8th of August, 1846, Congress granted to 
the Territory of Iowa one equal moiety, in alternate 
sections of the public lands remaining unsold and 
unincumbered, in a strip five miles in width on each 
side of the Des Moines river, for the improvement 
thereof. On the 1st of March, 1847, a law was 
enacted by Congress authorizing the sale of the mi- 
neral land in quarter sections, at a sum of not less 
than five dollars per acre ; and on the 3d of March, 
1847, the States of Michigan, Illinois, and Arkansas, 
were empowered to sell the salt spring lands lying 
within their respective boundaries. By the provi- 
sions of the Act of February 11th, 1847, it was de- 
clared that each non-commissioned officer, musician, 
or private, enlisted or to be enlisted in the regular 
army, or regularly mustered into any volunteer 
company for a period of not less than twelve months, 
who had served or might serve during the war with 
Mexico, and who should receive an honorable dis- 
charge, or had been killed or died of wounds re- 
ceived, or sickness incurred in the course of such 
service, or who was discharged before the expiration 
of his term of service, in consequence of wounds re- 
ceived or sickness incurred in the course of such 
service, was entitled to receive himself, or his rela- 
tions in case of his death, a certificate or warrant 
from the War Department for 160 acres of land. 
This act of justice to those persons who had so gal- 
lantly rallied under the standard of their country, 
appropriated immense tracts of the public domain. 
Notwithstanding the repeated recommendations 
of the President for a general reduction of the price 



412 HISTORY OF THE 

of the public lands, and in favor of a more liberal 
policy towards the actual settlers, no radical change 
was made in the system during his administration. 

The administration of the Post-Office Depart- 
ment was conducted with great vigor during the 
entire term of Mr. Polk, by Cave Johnson. Before 
he was appointed to preside over that department, 
there had been a radical change in the rates of post- 
age and the method of transmitting the mails. 

That law was passed on the 3d of March, 1845, 
and went into operation on the 1st of July follow- 
ing * The rates of postage established by this act 
for the transmission of every single letter in manu- 
script, or paper of any kind upon which information 
is asked for, or communicated in writing, &c, were 
five cents for any distance under three hundred 
miles, and for more than that, ten cents. The Post- 
master General was directed to contract for the 
transportation of the mail with the lowest bidder 
who tendered sufficient guarantees for the faithful 
performance of his duty, without any reference to 
the mode of such transportation, except as to its due 
celerity, certainty, and security. 

For the purpose of avoiding the embarrassment 
which might result from a falling oil' in the Post- 
Office receipts, the sum of seven hundred and fifty 
thousand dollars was appropriated, and placed to 
the credit of the Post-Ollice Department in the 
Treasury of the United States, to supply any defi- 
ciency which might occur. Not only was the close 

* Fur this actj see United States Statutes at large, by Little and 
Brown, vol. 5, p. 733. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 413 

of the last session of the 2Sth Congress character- 
ized by this reduction of postage, but a law was 
passed authorizing the Postmaster General not only 
to make arrangements with the English government 
for the transmission of the British mail between 
Boston and Canada, but he was also empowered to 
make arrangements with the governments of France 
and Germany for the direct transmission of the 
mails between the United States and those countries. 
The ports of Bremen in the latter country, and 
Havre in the former, were designated as the points 
where the mails would be delivered.* 

Another act of Congress was passed on the 3d 
of March, 1845, conferring authority upon the Post- 
master General to contract for the transportation of 
the United States mail between any of our ports 
and those of foreign powers, whenever, in his opin- 
ion, the public interest would be promoted by it. 
The contracts were to be made with citizens of the 
United States, and the mail to be conveyed in 
American vessels. A preference was to be given to 
such bidders for the contract as proposed to carry 
the mail in steamships, the contractor stipulating to 
deliver the ships to the United States, upon demand 
made, for the purpose of being converted into ves- 
sels of war, the United States being bound to pay 
to the owners the full value thereof. The Postmas- 
ter General was still further empowered to make 
contracts for a period of not more than ten years, 
for the transportation of the mail from one point to 
another in the United States in steamboats by sea, 

* Little and Brown's compilation of United States Laws, vol. 5, p. 718. 



414 HISTORY OF THE 

on the Gulf of Mexico, and on the Mississippi river 
to New Orleans.* 

Such were some of the laws which governed the 
Post-Office Department when its management was 
assumed by Mr. Johnson. In his first report to 
Congress he disclosed its operations^ By a com- 

* Little and Brown's compilation of United States Laws, vol. 5, p. 748. 

REPORT OF THE POSTMASTER GENERAL. 

Post-Office Department. December 1, 1845. 

Sir: The extent of the post routes in the United States over which 

the mails were transported, on the 30th day of June last, was 143,844 

miles. The annual transportation of the mails over these routes, on the 

same day, was 35,634,269 miles; on horseback and in sulkies, 11,225,631 

by stage and coach. 17,924,046 miles; by steamboats and railroads, 

6,484,592 miles; which cost the United States *2,905,504. 

Fur the service on horseback and in sulkies . . $ 548,482 

Fur the service in coaches and stages . . . 1,476,079 

For the service on railroads and in steamboats . 843,430 

For local and mail agents, and mail messengers in- ) 

37.513 



I 



cident to the service on railroads and steamboats 

$2,905,504 

The number of contractors on that day in the service of the department 
was 3,277; mail agents 30 ; and mail messengers 114; the number of local 
agents 13 ; all connected with the railroad and steamboat service. 

It is gratifying to find that, whilst the annual transportation was great- 
er for the year ending the 30th of June, 1845, than for the preceding 
year by 224,645 miles, the cost was less by $(52,791. On the 30th of 
June, 1845, there were 14,183 post-offices. There were established du- 
ring the preceding year 352 new offices, and 269 discontinued. 

On this day the number is 14,003. 

There were appointed during the same period, 3,033 postmasters: 
S'i7 wire appointed in consequence of deaths or resignations; 17 in con- 
Bequence of a change in the site of the offices; 753 removals ; 14 where the 
commissions expired, and not reappointed ; 352 by the establishment of 
new offices; 516 of the number of contractors were fined, or deductions 
made from their pay for omissions to perform, or irregularities in the per- 
formance of their contracts, which amounted to $10,521 50, after deduct- 
ing the remission of fines. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 415 

parison of the returns, he ascertained that there was 
a diminution of the means of the department to 
meet the expenses of the current year of $1,323,997 
less than the preceding year. The cost of trans- 
porting the mail, however, under the provisions of 
the new law, was reduced $252,732 for the year 
ending 30th of June, 1846, in New- York and New- 
England. The Postmaster General had much diffi- 
culty in making contracts with several railroad 
companies. This was owing to the fact, that the 
demand on their part, exceeded the rates prescribed 
by the act of Congress of March 3d, 1845. Mr. 
Johnson recommended the passage of a law requir- 
ing the prepayment of postages upon all matter 
passing through the mails, asserting that the trans- 
portation of letters is at the request of the person 
who deposits them in the office, and the risk of their 
delivery should not be thrown upon the depart- 
ment. 

In his report to the President on the 7th of De- 
cember, 1846, the Postmaster General stated with 
great minuteness the operations of his department. 
He examined the annual average income from the 
1st of July, 1836, to the 30th of June, 1845,* and 

The revenue of the department for the same period amounted to 
$4,289,841 80. The expenditure for the same time amounted to 
$4,320,731 99. 

The net revenue, after deducting the commissions of postmasters, con- 
tingent and incidental expenses, amounted to $2,942,217 27." — Report of 
the Postmaster General, December 1st, 1845. 

* " Sir : The general interest felt in the operation of the act of the 
3d of March, 1845, on the revenues and expenditures of the Post-Office 
Department, induced me to direct the Auditor to prepare a quarterly state- 
ment of them, from its reorganization in 1836, to the 30th of June last. 



410 HISTORY OF THE 

the annual average expenditure for the same period .* 
It appeared that the mail service of the United 
Stat.-, exclusive of Texas, was performed at that 

The tables accompanying this report, marked A and B. 

From table A it appears that the annual average income, 
from the 1st of July, 1836, to the 30th of June, 1845, 
amounted to the sum of $4,364,624 65 

Whilsl the income for the year ending the 30th of June, 

1846, the first under the new law, amounted to . 3,487,199 35 

" .Making a loss of revenue the first year under the new 
when compared with the annual average of the nine 
preceding years, of 877,425 30 

" And making a loss of revenue the first year under the 

new law, as compared with the preceding, of . . 802,642 45 

" The revenues, as above stated, include the postages paid 
on matter which went free through the mails prior to 
the passage of the late law, of which no account was 
kept prior to the commencement of the last fiscal 
year. This diminution of the revenues of the De- 
partment arises principally from the loss on letter 
postage, which, when compared with that of the pre- 
ceding year, amounted to 778,533 64 

" Being the entire loss sustained by the Department, ex- 
cept * . $24,108 81 

" No inconsiderable portion of this deficiency in the revenues of the 
past year, may be traced to other causes than a reduction of the rates of 
postage by the act of the 3d of March, 1845. ' : 

* " Table B exhibits the expenditures quarterly under 
the appropriate heads. From this it will be seen that 
the annual average expenditure from the 1st of July, 
1836, to the 30th of June. 1845, amounted to . $4,499,593 58 

'• And the expenditure for the year ending 30th of June, 
1846 — the first year under the new law — to the sum 
f 4,084,297 22 

" Milking a reduction for the first year, under the new 
when compared with the annual average expen- 
diture of the nine preceding years, . . . $415,296 36 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 417 

time by 3,530 contractors on 4,285 post routes, the 
aggregate length of which was 149,679 miles. 
That exceeded the amount of the service rendered 
the previous year in length of routes, 5,739 miles, 
but at a cost of $202,913 less than the year before. 
This was occasioned by the reduction of price for 
carrying the mails in New- York and New-England, 
under the operation of the law of March 3d, 1845. 
A similar reduction of price for the transportation 
of the mails in the Northwestern and Southwestern 
States and Territories was effected, amounting to 
$223,901 per annum. Nearly one third of the post- 
masters in the United States resigned their offices 
under the operations of the act of 1845, owing to 
the diminished compensation which that law gave 
them. 

Contracts had been made for the transportation 
of the mails between New- York and Bremen, and 
the Ocean steamers were rapidly progressing for 
that purpose. On the 19th of June, 1846, a law 



" And when compared with the expenditures of the pre- 
vious year, a reduction of . .... $236,437 77 

" The whole expenditure for the year ending the 30th of 

June, 1846, amounted to 4.084,297 22 

" The income for the same time, including the postages 
paid by the different branches of the Executive Go- 
vernment, amounted to 3.487.199 35 



" Leaving a deficiency of revenue of . . . $597,097 87 

" The deficiency was supplied by drafts from the treasu- 
ry, as the service required, .... 650,000 00 

" Leaving a balance in hand on the 1st of July, of the 
moneys drawn from the treasury during the fiscal 
year, of $52,902 23 

Report of the Postmaster General, December 8th, 1846. 
27 



41S HISTORY OF THE 

was passed, authorizing the Postmaster General to 
apply $25,000 for a line of mail steamers from the 
United States to that city; and on the 2d of March, 
1847, there was appropriated $258,609 to enable 
the Postmaster General to comply with the con- 
tract made with Edward Mills for that purpose. 
By the act approved July 10th, 1848, the Post- 
master General was authorized to pay $400,000 for 
the same object, and for the transportation of the 
mails between Charleston, South Carolina, by way 
of Key West, $50,000 was appropriated. On the 
30th of June, the post routes in operation in the 
United States were in extent 153,818 miles, and 
the animal transportation of the mails over them 
was 38,887,899 miles* The increase in the extent 
during the year ending the 30th of June, 1847, was 
9,878 miles, and in the transportation, 3,253,630 
miles. The contracts for carrying the mail in Vir- 
ginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia and Flo- 
rida, was made at a reduction of price amounting 
to $108,697 per annum. The expenditures for the 
year ending the 30th of June, 1847, amounted to 
$3,979,570 63, being $33,677 32 more than the 
revenues. These facts confirmed the warmest anti- 
cipations of the friends of cheap postage, and con- 
verted the Postmaster General himself into a sup- 
porter of the system. 

The establishment of the line of mail steamers 
lictween the United States and Europe, was op- 
posed by an act of illiberality upon the part of 
(iivat Britain. An order was issued on the 9th of 

* Report of the Postmaster General, December 6th, 1847. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 419 

June, 1847, by the direction of the Lords of the 
Treasury, subjecting all letters and newspapers taken 
by the Washington to England, to the same rate of 
postage as if they had been conveyed in the British 
steamers, at their own expense.* The conduct of 
our Government towards that of Great Britain had 
been characterized by great liberality. An agree- 
ment had been made in 1844, authorizing the trans- 
mission of the British closed mails to Canada 
through the United States. When Mr. Johnson 
was informed of the order issued by the Lords of 
the Treasury, he promptly annulled the agreement 
of 1844. 

An express line was established in Montreal for 
the purpose of transmitting letters to the British 
steamers through the United States, and in this 
way it was intended to defeat the policy adopted 
by the Postmaster General. But they were mis- 
taken in supposing that they could thwart his de- 
signs. Orders were communicated from the Post- 
Office Department to the officers stationed along 
the line, to prevent this violation of the laws, and 
persons were arrested having in their possession 
mails for the British steamers. 

The post routes in operation within the United 
States on the 30th of June, 1848, were 163,208 
miles in extent, and the annual transportation of 
the mails over them was 41,012,579 miles. There 
was an increase in the length of the routes during 
the preceding year of 9,390 miles, and an increase 
on the amount of annual transportation of 2,124,680 

* Report of the Postmaster General, December 6th, 1847. 



420 HISTORY OF THE 

miles* The contracts made for the conveyance of 
the mails in New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, 
Maryland and Ohio, went into operation on the 1st 
of July, 1848. The cost to the Government was 
$61,674 less than the preceding year. The opera- 
tions of three years under the act of March 3d, 
1845, exhibited an augmentation of the mail ser- 
vice 15 per cent., and the cost for the same time 
was diminished 15i z per cent. 

The assignees of the contract for conveying the 
mails to San Francisco, had completed on the 4th 
of December, 1848, the number of steamers re- 
quired by the contract, f and they sailed from New- 
York for the purpose of engaging in the service. 
The steamers which had been built to convey the 
mails from New- York to Havana and Chagres, were 
launched and nearly ready to take their place in 
the line. The steamer Falcon sailed from New- 
York in time to deliver her mails at Chagres, in 
season for their transmission to Panama, to meet 
the Pacific steamer that was to touch at that place. 

The Secretary of the Navy was directed to ac- 
cept the proposals which had been made by E. K. 
Collins, to the Postmaster General, for the trans- 
portation of the United States mail between New- 
York and Liverpool. The Secretary of the Navy 
was also instructed to contract with A. G. Slow, for 
the transportation of the mail from New- York to 
New-Orleans twice a month and back, touching at 
Charleston, Savannah and Havana, and from the 

* Report of the Postmaster General, December 2d, 1848. 
t Report of the Secretary of the Navy, December 4th, 1848. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 421 

latter place to Cliagres and hack twice a month. 
He was also empowered by that act, to make ar- 
rangements to convey the mail from Panama to 
some point in the territory of Oregon once a month 
each way.* An appropriation was subsequently 
made of $874,600 for carrying the contracts into 
effect.f The contracts which were made by the 
Secretary of the Navy, required the steam vessels 
to be ready for service in October and November, 
1848. The annual compensation under those agree- 
ments were, to Collins $385,000 ; to Slow $290,000; 
to Arnold Harris $199,000. 

Thus mail routes were extended throughout the 
interior of the country, wherever the necessities of 
the case required them to afford facilities for the 
transmission of intelligence, and the diffusion of 
knowledge. Ocean steam ships were employed to 
carry the mails of the United States to Liverpool 
and Bremen, to Cliagres and California. The most 
enlarged and liberal enterprises followed fast upon 
the establishment of cheap postage, and the wants 
of the people throughout this extended confederacy 
were supplied, and thus still farther illustrated this 
age of progress. 

During the year 1845, the American squadron 
in the Mediterranean consisted of the Cumberland 
and the Plymouth, under the command of Commo- 
dore Smith.;}; The African squadron was organized 
by Commodore Perry, who was relieved by Com- 

* Little & Brown's compilation of the United States Statutes at large. 

f Act of August 3d, 1848.— Ibid. 

| Report of the Secretary of the Navy, December, 1847. 



4 2 2 HISTORY OF THE 

modore Skinner in the Jamestown. The Preble 
and the Truxton were ordered to return home, and 
the Southampton, the Marion, Dolphin, and Boxer, 
were ordered to supply their places. Commodore 
Read, in the Cumberland, proceeded in January to 
relieve the Jamestown and Yorktown, which were 
ordered to the Mediterranean. On the Brazil sta- 
tion, Commodore Rousseau was directed to sueceed 
Commodore Turner, in command of the Columbia, 
the Saratoga, the Plymouth, and the Bainhridge. 
Commodore Parker returned from a very successful 
cruise upon the Asiatic station, in September, 1845, 
witli the Brandywine, the St. Louis, and the Perry. 
In May, of that year, Commodore Biddle sailed for 
the East Indies, with the Columbus ship of the line, 
and the Vincennes. The Pacific squadron, consist- 
ing of the Savannah, the Levant, the Warren, and 
the Shark, was under the command of Commodore 
Sloat, while the home squadron, consisting of the 
Potomac, the Falmouth, the Vandalia, the St. Law- 
rence, and the Somers, was under the command of 
Commodore Conner. That force was increased by 
the Princeton and Porpoise, the St. Marys and the 
Saratoga, under Commodore Stockton, and soon 
after by the John Adams, and the steam ship Mis- 
sissippi. The Secretary of the Navy on the 5th of 
December, 1846, in his annual report to the Presi- 
dent, referred to the disposition which had been 
made of the United States navy during the prece- 
ding year. No naval fore- had been maintained in 
tin- Mediterranean. Commodore Biddle, with the 
Columbus and Vincennes, visited various places in 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 423 

the China seas. Commodore Skinner was relieved on 
the coast of Africa by Commodore Read, while 
Rousseau continued in command of the Brazil sta- 
tion, and Commodore Sloat was in command of the 
Pacific squadron. On the 7th of June, 1846, Sloat, 
while at Mazatlan, was informed of the commence- 
ment of hostilities between the United States and 
Mexico, and sailed for California. On the 7th of 
July he demanded the surrender of Monterey, which, 
not being complied with, he landed a force from the 
squadron, and took possession of the place by a 
bloodless achievement. On the 9th, Commander 
Montgomery, of the sloop Plymouth, seized San 
Francisco. About this time Stockton arrived, and 
succeeded Sloat in the command of the squadron. 
On the 13th of August, Stockton and Fremont cap- 
tured Ciudad de los Angeles ; and before the close 
of that month, California was in the undisputed pos- 
session of the American forces. 

In the meantime, an effective squadron was con- 
centrated in the Gulf of Mexico. After the decla- 
ration of war of the 13 th of May, the Secretary of 
the Navy directed the home squadron to blockade 
the principal ports of the enemy on the Gulf. Two 
unsuccessful attempts were made by Commodore 
Conner to capture Alvarado, one on the 7 th of Au- 
gust, and the other on the 15th of October. r l nis 
was the place subsequently captured without loss, 
by Lieutenant Hunter, and for which he was found 
guilty by a Court of Inquiry. On the 16th of Oc- 
tober, Commodore Perry, with the steamer Missis- 
sippi, and the small vessels belonging to the squad- 



424 HISTORY OF THE 

ron, captured Fronteira, sailed up the river, and 
t< h >k Tabasc< >. On the 14th of November, Tampico 
surrendered to Commodore Conner. It was upon 
this occasion that the patriotism and daring of Mrs. 
Ann Chase, wife of the American Consul at Tam- 
pico, was conspicuously displayed. As. the squad- 
ron approached the town, she heroically dis- 
played the American flag, under circumstances 
calculated to appal the stoutest heart, and won for 
herself a national reputation. About that time, the 
brig Truxton was lost, and her officers and crew be- 
came prisoners to the Mexicans, but were subse- 
quently exchanged for General La Vega, and seve- 
ral officers who were taken with him at the battle 
of Kesaca de la Palma. The brig Perry was also 
wrecked. 

During the year 1847, not more than 8,000 men 
were at any one time in the naval service.* The 
difficulty in procuring sailors to man our vessels of 
war, was owing to the great activity in the mer- 
chants service, the increased price paid for the 
transportation of goods, and the high wages paid to 
the seamen. Squadrons were maintained during the 
year 1847 in the Mediterranean, upon the coast of 
Africa, at Rio Janeiro, in the Pacific, and upon the 
Gulf coast. The most exciting service which had 
been performed for years by the American navy, 
was enacted upon the Mexican coast. On the 21st 
of March, L 847, Commodore Conner, whose health, 
had become impaired by his service in that climate, 
devolved the command of the home squadron upon 

* RcDort of the Secretary of the Navy, December, 1847. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 425 

Commodore Perry. This enterprising officer faith- 
fully discharged his duty during the remainder of 
the campaign. The operations of the squadron be- 
fore Vera Cruz, and the service performed by the 
seamen on shore, greatly assisted in the capture of 
the formidable castle of San Juan d'Ulloa. During 
that year the brigSomers was lost, making the third 
vessel which had been wrecked on the coast of 
Mexico. 

Congress, by joint resolution of the 3d of March, 
1847, authorized the Secretary of the Navy to place 
at the disposal of Captain De Kay the United States 
ship Macedonian, and the United States sloop of 
war Jamestown, under the command of Captain 
Forbes, of Boston, for the purpose of transporting 
to Ireland contributions which had been made to 
relieve the sufferings of that people. It was a sin- 
gular coincidence that the Macedonian, a ship that 
had been captured from Great Britain, should be 
sent thither for the purpose of relieving her subjects 
from the horrors of starvation. 

The construction of four steam ships of war was 
authorized by the act of Congress of the 3d of 
March, 1847. The Saranac was to be built at Kit- 
tery, the Powhatan at Norfolk, the Susquehanna at 
Philadelphia, the San Jacinto at New-York.'"' The 
Pacific squadron, in 1848, consisted of the Ohio and 
Columbus, ships of the line, razee Independence, 
frigate Congress, sloops Portsmouth, Warren, Cyane, 
Dale, Preble, with the storeships Erie, Lexington, 
and Southampton. The Columbus, the flag ship of 

* Report of the Secretary of the Navy, December 4th. 1848. 



426 HISTOKY OF THE 

Commodore Biddle, arrived in the United States on 
the i 3th of March, 1848. The frigate Congress was 
ordered home, the Portsmouth returned on the 5th 
of May, and the Cyane on the 9th of October. The 
Pacific squadron, for the time, was under the com- 
mand of Commodore Biddle, who was succeeded by 
Commodore Shubrick,who was in turn relieved by 
Commodore Thomas Ap Catesby Jones. The home 
squadri >n was continued under the command of Com- 
modore Perry till the 20th of November, 1848, 
when Commodore AVilkinson relieved him. It con- 
sisted of the frigate Cumberland, the sloops Albany, 
John A. la n is, Germantown, and Saratoga; the steam- 
er- Mississippi, Spitfire, Vixen, Scorpion, Water- 
Witch, Scourge, Iris, and Petrita; the schooners 
Reefer, Petrel, Bonito, Flirt, Mahonese, Falcon, and 
Tanrpico ; and of the bomb-vessels Etna, Stromboli, 
Vesuvius, and Hecla ; with the storeships Relief and 
ELectra* 

The African squadron, under Commodore Bol- 
ton, consisted of the sloops Jamestown, Portsmouth, 
Decatur; the brigs Boxer, Bell, Porpoise, and Bain- 
bridge. The Mediterranean squadron, under Com- 
modore Read, consisted of the frigate United States, 
sloop Marion, the steamer Princeton, the schooner 
Fancy, and the storeship Supply ; while the Brazil 
squadron, under the command of Commodore Sto- 
rer, was comprised of the frigate Brandywine, the 
brig Perry, and the steamer Alleghany. 

Thus it will be seen, that the small navy of the 
United States was actively employed in all parts of 

* Report of the Secretary of the Navy, December, 1848. 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 427 

the world in the protection of our extensive com- 
merce. When we take into consideration the varied 
interests which are involved in the commerce of the 
United States, and the inadequacy of our marine to 
protect it in case of a rupture with any of the mari- 
time powers of Europe, the importance of strength- 
ening that arm of the public defence forcibly sug- 
gests itself. Within the last twenty years the navies 
of Great Britain and France have been immensely in- 
creased, especially in war steamers. Without possess- 
ing the same advantages for the construction of war 
vessels, and with a more contracted coast to defend 
than the United States, the navies of both of those 
powers greatly preponderate in number of vessels, 
and weight of metal, over our own. The material 
which we have for building a marine far exceeds 
that which is possessed by any other commercial 
power, while the American seamen are unrivalled 
in professional skill and gallantry. Our naval 
schools furnish instruction to the youth of the coun- 
try, while the extensive fisheries in which the Amer- 
ican seamen are engaged, prepare them to discharge 
the duty which devolves upon them, when they en- 
list in the service of the United States. England is 
our great rival upon the deep : possessing the same 
language, and controlled by an indomitable will, 
which can overcome all obstacles ; with a commerce 
whose sails whiten every ocean, it is not improbable 
that before the lapse of half a century, the do- 
minion of the seas will be disputed by the rival 
branches of the Anglo-Saxon race. England pos- 
sesses a more powerful navy, and the prestige which 



.±28 HISTORY OF THE 

iv I n;ited victories over the Dutch and the French 
gave her. There is one fact, which will enable 
us to triumph over England in a protracted con- 
flict upon the seas: we possess internal resources 
which will enable us to exist, if our commerce 
was utterly destroyed; while the prosperity of 
England, and the stability of its throne, essen- 
tially depend upon the supremacy of her mari- 
time power. If a war should be declared between 
the two countries, the navy of the United States 
would be increased so as to contend successfully 
with England upon her own element, while it would 
be powerfully assisted by the privateers, which 
would issue from every port along our extended line 
of sea-coast, to cut up and destroy the commerce of 
Great Britain. This result will weaken her pow- 
er, destroy the source from whence flows her im- 
mense wealth, until the English throne itself totters 
to its fall. 

As long as the navy of England so much exceeds 
that of the United States, we shall always be han- 
dled roughly at the commencement of a struggle. 
And il is to avoid such a result which creates the 
necessity for a large increase of our war steamers. 
This is rendered the more justifiable, because the 
contest with Mexico proved that perfect reliance can 
be placed upon the volunteers, so far as the land ser- 
vice is concerned, and renders unnecessary the sup- 
porl of a large standing army. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 429 



CHAPTER XII. 

The veto power exercised by Mr. Polk. — The instructions to Mr. Slidell. — 
The slavery question. — The Wilmot Proviso. — The slavery question in the 
Constitutional Convention. — The Missouri compromise. — Territorial Go- 
vernment for Oregon. — Admission of Wisconsin and Iowa into the Union. 
— Progress made in the arts and sciences. — State of American literature 
and education. — Conclusion. 

Upon several occasions during the administration 
of Mr. Polk, the acts of Congress brought that 
branch of the Government into collision with the 
Executive. Elected as the representative of the 
entire nation, it was his right, as well as his duty, 
to guard and protect the interests of all. Upon 
three several occasions he deemed it his duty to ex- 
ercise the veto power conferred upon him by the 
Constitution, for the purpose of arresting the legis- 
lation of Congress. In shielding the Constitution 
from encroachment, he followed the example which 
had been set him by several of his predecessors* 
The veto power has been exercised twenty-four 
times, since the organization of the Government 
under the present Constitution, and seven thousand 
seven hundred laws have been passed since that 
time. 

* The veto power was exercised twice by Washington, six times by 
Madison, once by Monroe, upon nine occasions by Jackson, four by Tyler, 
and three times by Polk. 



430 HISTORY OF THE 

Mi'. Polk vetoed two bills which were passed by 
Congress, for the improvement of harbors and riv- 
et-, and also the bill making appropriations to sat- 
i~f\ the claims of our citizens for the spoliations 
committed by the French. In his last animal mes- 
sage to Congress, the President examined at some 
length the constitutional negative which the Execu- 
tive has upon the action of Congress.* The demo- 

* " The President is bound to approve, or disapprove, every bill which 
passes Congress, and is presented to him for his signature. The Consti- 
tution makes this his duty, and he cannot escape it if he would. He has 
no election. In deciding upon any bill presented to him, he must exercise 
his own best judgment. If he cannot approve, the Constitution commands 
iiim to return the bill to the House in which it originated, with his objec- 
tions ; and if he fail to do this within ten days (Sundays excepted), it 
shall become a law without his signature. Right or wrong, he may be 
overruled by a vote of two-thirds of each House ; and, in that event, the 
bill becomes a law without his sanction. If his objections be not thus 
overruled, the subject is only postponed, and is referred to the States and 
the people for their consideration and decision. The President's power is 
negative merely, and not affirmative. He can enact no law. The only 
effect, therefore, of his withholding his approval of a bill passed by Con- 
gress, is to suffer the existing laws to remain unchanged, and the delay 
> uied is only that required to enable the States and the people to 
consider and act upon the subject, in the election of public agents who 
will carry out their wishes and instructions." 

" Congress, and each I louse of Congress, hold under the Constitution 
a check upon the President, and ho, by the power of the qualified veto, a 
check upon Congress. When the President recommends measures to 
Congress, he avows, in the most solemn form, his opinions, gives his voice 
in their favor, and pledges himself in advance to approve them if passed 
by Congress. If he acts without due consideration, or has been influ- 
enced by improper or corrupt motives — or if from any other cause Con- 
gress, or either House of Congress, shall differ from him in opinion, 
they exercise their veto upon his recommendations, and reject them; and 
there is no appeal from their decision, but to the people at the ballot-box. 
These are proper checks upon the Executive, wisely interposed by the 
Constitution. None will be found to object to them, or wish them to be 
removed. It is equally important that the constitutional checks of the Ex- 
ecutive upon the legislative branch should be pieserved. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 431 

cratic party have sustained, with great unanimity, 
the provision of the Constitution which authorized 
the President to postpone or defeat the passage of 
a law by the exercise of the veto, while the whig 
party, at various periods, have endeavored to amend 
that instrument, by abolishing the power alto- 
gether.* 

" If it be said that the Representatives in the popular branch of Con- 
gress are chosen directly by the people, it is answered, the people elect 
the President. If both Houses represent the States and the people, so 
does the President. The President represents in the Executive Depart- 
ment the whole people of the United States, as each member of the legis- 
lative department represents portions of them." 

" Upon the same principle that the veto of the President should be 
practically abolished, the power of the Vice President to give the casting 
vote upon an equal division of the Senate should be abolished also. The 
Vice President exercises the veto power as effectually by rejecting a bill 
by his casting vote, as the President does by refusing to approve and sign 
it. This power has been exercised by the Vice President in a few instan- 
ces, the most important of which was the rejection of a bill to re-charter 
the Bank of the United States in 1811. It may happen that a bill may be 
passed by a large majority of the House of Representatives, and may be 
supported by Senators from the larger States, and the Vice President may 
reject it by giving his vote with the Senators from the smaller States ; and 
yet none, it is to be presumed, are prepared to deny to him the exercise 
of this power under the Constitution." — Message of Mr. Polk, December 
5th, 1848. 

* " Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Uni- 
ted States of America in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both Houses 
concurring,) That when a bill which shall have passed the Senate and 
House of Representatives of the United States shall be returned by the 
President, with his objections to his approbation and signature, if, upon its 
reconsideration, it shall pass each House by a majority of all the mem- 
bers belonging to such House, notwithstanding the President's objection, 
it shall become a law ; and the requisition by the existing Constitution of 
two-thirds of each House again to pass the bill in such case is hereby an- 
nulled." — Resolution, introduced into the Senate by Henry Clay, Be mber 
29/fc, 1841. 

" No doubt the idea of ingrafting this power upon our own Constitu- 
tion was adopted by the Convention, from having always found it as a 



432 HISTORY OF THE 

On the 4th of January, 1847, the House of Re- 
presentatives passed a resolution calling upon the 
President to communicate to that body, the instruc- 

pnwer recognized in European Governments, just as it had been before 
derived by them from the practice and history of Rome. At all events, 
the power was inserted as one feature, not only in the general Constitu- 
tion of the Federal Government, but also in the Constitutions of a portion 
of the States. Fifty years had now elapsed since the Federal Constitu- 
tion was formed, and it was no derogation from the wisdom and patriotism 
of the venerable men who framed it, now to say that the work of their 
hands, though as perfect as ever had proceeded from human hands, was, 
nevertheless, not absolutely so; because that was what nothing that 
sprang from man had ever been. But now, after the lapse of a half a 
century, it was interesting to pause — to look back — to review the history 
of that period, and to compare the predictions of those who then looked 
into the future, with the actual results of subsequent experience. Any 
one at all acquainted with the contemporaneous history of the Constitu- 
tion, must know that one great and radical error which possessed the 
minds of the wise men who drew up that instrument, was an apprehen- 
sion that the Executive Department of the then proposed Government 
would be too feeble to contend successfully in a struggle with the power 
of the Legislature ; hence it was found that various expedients had been 
proposed in the Convention, with the avowed purpose of strengthening 
the Executive arm ; one of which went so far as to propose that the Pre- 
sident should be the chief magistrate for life. All these proposals had 
their origin in the one prevailing idea — that of the weakness of the Exec- 
utive, Mini its incompetence to defend itself against the encroachments of 
legislative domination and dictation." 

" But while there had been no such thing in practice as an encroachment 
by the Federal upon the State Governments, there had, within the Federal 
Government itself, been a constant encroachment by the Executive upon 
the Legislative Department." 

" First, it attacked the treaty-making power. None could now read 
the language of the Constitution, without at once coming to the conclu- 
sion that the intention of the authors of that instrument was that the 
Senate should be consulted by the President, not merely in the ratification 
but in tin- inception of all treaties: that in the commencement of the ne- 
gotiation-, the instructions of the ministers appointed to treat, the charter 
and provisions of the treaty, the Senate should be consulted, and should 
lir-t yield its assent." 

■• The President now, without a word of consultation with the Senate, 



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 433 

tions and orders issued to Mr. Slidell, at any time 
prior or subsequent to his departure for Mexico, as 
Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to 
that country. An effort was made to amend the 
resolution, by stating, " if not incompatible with the 
public interest." This amendment was rejected, and 
the resolution, in its original form, passed, and the 
call of the House upon the Executive was uncondi- 
tional. On the 13th of that month, Mr. Polk re- 
sponded to the demand made upon him, and de- 
clined complying with that part of the resolution.* 

on his own mere personal sense of propriety, concluded a treaty, and 
promised to the foreign power its ratification, and then, after all this had 
been done, and the terms of the treaty agreed upon, he for the first time 
submitted it to the Senate for ratification. Now every one must see that 
there was a great difference between rejecting what had already been ac- 
tually done, and refusing to do that thing if asked beforehand." 

" The next Executive encroachment he should notice was that which 
occurred in the dismissal from office, of persons appointed by and with the 
consent of the Senate. The effect of this practice was virtually to de- 
stroy all agency and co-operations of the Senate in such appointments." — 
Speech of Mr. Clay in the Senate, January 2-ith, 1842. 

* " The information called for respects negotiations which the United 
States offered to open with Mexico, immediately preceding the commence- 
ment of the existing war. The instructions given to the Minister of the 
United States relate to the differences between the two countries, out of 
which the war grew, and the terms of adjustment which we were pre- 
pared to offer to Mexico in our anxiety to prevent the war. These differ- 
ences still remain unsettled; and to comply with the call of the House, 
would be to make public through that channel, and communicate to Mex- 
ico, now a public enemy engaged in war, information which could not fail 
to produce serious embarrassment in any future negotiations between the 
two countries." " Entertaining this conviction, and with a sincere desire 
to furnish any information which may be in possession of the Executive 
Department, and which either House of Congress may at any time re- 
quest, I regard it to be my constitutional right, and my solemn duty under 
the circumstances of this case, to decline a compliance with the request 
of the House contained in their resolution." — Message of Mr. Polk to the 
House of Representatives, January 12th, 1848. 
28 



4:34 HISTORY OF THE 

Tlic issue that was thus raised between the Presi- 
dent ami the House of Representatives, was of the 
gravest character, and created much asperity of feel- 
ing. A great deal depends upon properly defining 
the relative powers of the co-ordinate branches of 
the General Government ; and the debate upon the 
President's message exhibited great ability. Prece- 
dents were adduced by the opposition members for 
the purpose of showing that the President had 
transcended his powers,* while it was as strenuously 

* " He (Mr. T.) must draw a hasty distinction between the treaty power 
and the war power. The Constitution vested in the President and Senate 
the power to make treaties ; and the question arose, should the House or 
not. without inquiring into the proprieties of the treaties made, or their ope- 
ration upon the people, as affecting the interests, the prosperity, the liberty 
of the American people — should it blindly vote appropriations to carry them 
into effect ? He agreed with Mr. Representative Polk, that they should 
not. Suppose the President and the Senate should surrender New-York to 
the English, as the Spaniards surrendered Gibraltar, ought the House to 
vote the appropriations which might be necessary to carry the treaty into 
effect ? He admitted this was an extreme case, but it exhibited more 
clearly the principle. The representatives of the people would be derelict 
to the highest obligations of freemen, to vote appropriations to carry into 
effect a treaty without understanding how that treaty is to affect the pub- 
lic interests. But widely different was the case of war. The Constitu- 
tion did not. vest that power with the President and Senate. When the 
people adopted the Constitution, they retained the right — being the true 
sovereigns — of the war-making power, to be exercised through their Re- 
itatives in Congress ; and this information now called for of Mr. Polk 
was in relation to war. Congress wanted to know, in relation to this war, 
what was to be accomplished, and how it was to be accomplished." — 
Speech of Patrick W. Tompkins in the House of Representatives, January 
111. lsis. Congressional Globe, 1st session 307/i Congress, pp. 203 
and 204. 

"I will state, sir. that the reason why I have felt it my duty to take 

this course, is. that 1 consider it a novel thing, and a thing affecting the 

ol this llunse. and of the constituency of this House — the people 

of the United States. It denies, sir, as I understand it, the power, the 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 435 

contended by the democratic party, that the course 
pursued by the Executive was sustained by the ac- 
tion of his predecessors, and by the Constitution of 

constitutional power of this House to call for that information. I believe 
it is the first time in the History of the Union that it has been denied. 

" Now, sir, the President has not added what was the action of the 
House upon that, and the action of the House was in direct opposition to the 
resistance of President Washington to their call. The House formally 
declared — and I wish the journal might be looked to to see — the House 
formally declared, against President Washington, their right to call for 
such information. That was their action ; and as far as I know — al- 
though the very memory of Washington, by every body in this country, 
at this time, (and by none more than myself,) is reverenced next to wor- 
ship — the President was wrong in that particular instance, and went too 
far to deny the power of the House ; and as to his reasons, I never thought 
they were sufficient in that case. And I have always been of the opinion, 
and most assuredly that has been the opinion of the democratic party, to 
which I do not profess to belong, [a laugh,] they have unanimously dis- 
approved of that act of President Washington, as interfering with the rights 
of this House, and of their constituents, the people of the United States. 

" I think this House ought to sustain, in the strongest manner, their 
right to call for information upon questions in which war and peace are 
concerned. They ought to maintain their right, and maintain it in a very 
distinct manner, against this assertion upon the part of the President of 
the United States." — Last remarks ever addressed by John Q. Adams, in 
the House of Representatives, January l'2th, 1848. 

"The President came and asked supplies — men and money to carry on 
this war — to maintain him in the position, he said, of honorable fair deal- 
ing towards Mexico, with whom we were at war ; and as the justification, 
they were told, was to be found in connection with the history of this por- 
tion of the war, they inquired of him whether or not he could give them 
light upon this subject ; and he declined to do so, and declined upon the 
pretext that by it would be made public to the country, and to Mexico, the 
matters in relation to the passport of Santa Anna, and the instructions of 
Mr. Slidell. The 111th rule of this House provided as follows, and he 
wished it to be read by the Clerk : 

" ' Whenever confidential communications are received from the Presi- 
dent of the United States, the House shall be cleared of all persons except 
the Members, Clerk, Sergeant-at-Arms, and Doorkeeper, and so continue 
during the reading of such communications, and (unless otherwise di- 
rected by the House,) during all debates and proceedings to be had 
thereon.' 



436 HISTORY OF THE 

the United States.* In a constitution of checks and 
balances, like our own, it is a matter of the most 
vital importance that one branch of the Government 

" If the President of the United States, (continued Mr. S.,) had been 
willing to trust the Representatives of the people of the United States, 
there would have been no difficulty about this communication. He could 
have marked it ' confidential ;' then it would have been the duty of the 
Speaker to have advised the House that it was a confidential communica- 
tion, and to have had the House cleared of all persons except the members 
and officers, while they took up the subject of the information which was 
necessary for their wise and judicious action in time of war." — Remarks 
of Mr. Schenckin the House of Representatives, January 122ft, 1848. 

* GENERAL WASHINGTON'S MESSAGE, IN 1796. 

There was a resolution introduced into the House of Representatives 
on the 7th of March, 1796, to the following effect : 

" Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to 
lay before this House a copy of the instructions to the minister of the 
United States who negotiated the. treaty with the King of Great Britain, 
(communicated by his message of the first instant,) together with the cor- 
respondence and other documents relative to the said treaty, excepting 
such of the said papers as any existing negotiation may render it impro- 
per to be disclosed." 

" A motion was made and seconded to amend the said motion, by strik- 
ing out the words ' excepting such of the said papers as any existing nego- 
tiation may render it improper to be disclosed,'' and inserting in lieu thereof 
the words, ' except so much of the said papers as, in his judgment, it may 
not be consistent with the interest of the United States to disclose.' " 

This amendment was rejected, and the resolution as originally intro- 
duced was passed on the 24th of March, 1796. 

The object of the amendment was to leave the communication of the 
instructions and correspondence called for in the resolution entirely to the 
discretion of the President. His judgment, alone, was to control him in 
the premises. That amendment was rejected, and the demand was made 
for the instructions and correspondence, with the single qualification, that 
the President might withhold such " papers as any existing negotiations 
may render it improper to be disclosed." 

That portion of the instructions and correspondence which was dis- 
connected with the future, was peremptorily demanded by the House, and 
as llatly refused by President Washington. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 437 

should not trench upon the powers of another. 
Upon a strict adherence to the constitutional boun- 
dary of each, hinges the successful operation of all. 

President Washington, on the 30th of March, 1796, responded to the 
resolution of the House of Representatives. It is nowhere asserted in 
his message that the communication of the instructions and correspond- 
ence called for would be detrimental to the public interest. He only goes 
so far as to insist, that after negotiations are brought to a conclusion, a 
full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or eventual concessions, 
" might have a pernicious influence on future negotiations," &c. He did 
not for that reason refuse to comply with their request. He based his 
argument upon altogether different grounds. He denied the right of the 
House of Representatives to possess the information, and asserted that 
the Constitution had vested the power to make treaties in the President 
and Senate, and that when made and promulgated they became the law of 
the land. 

It has been asserted, that if confidential communications are made to 
the House, it can resolve itself into secret session. President Washing- 
ton said, that the necessity for " caution and secrecy was one cogent rea- 
son for vesting the power of making treaties in the President, with the 
advice and consent of the Senate ; the principle on which that body was 
formed, confining it to a small number of members." 

Washington's message forcibly illustrates his opinions. 

" The nature of foreign negotiations requires caution, and their suc- 
cess must often depend on secrecy : and even when brought to a conclu- 
sion, a full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or eventual concessions, 
which may have been proposed or contemplated, would be extremely impo- 
litic ; for tin's might have a pernicious influence on future negotiations, or 
produce immediate inconveniences, perhaps danger and mischief, in rela- 
tion to other powers. The necessity of such caution and secrecy was 
one cogent reason for vesting the power of making treaties in the Presi- 
dent, with the advice and consent of the Senate ; the principle on which 
that body was formed, confining it to a small number of members. 

" To admit then a right in the House of Representatives to demand, 
and to have, as a matter of course, all the papers respecting a negotiation 
with a foreign power, would be to establish a dangerous precedent." 

" Having been a member of the General Convention, and knowing the 
principles on which the Constitution was formed, I have ever entertained 
but one opinion on this subject; and from the first establishment of the 
Government to this moment, my conduct has exemplified that opinion, that 
the power of making treaties is exclusively vested in the President, by and 



438 HISTORY OF THE 

No question that can ever arise in this country will 
be more delicate ; and, upon its proper adjustment, 
the stability of the Union may yet depend. 

with the advice and consent of the Senate; provided two-thirds of the 
senators present concur, and that every treaty so made and promulgated, 
thenceforward is the law of the land.'" 

" If other proofs than these, and the plain letter of the Constitution 
itself, be necessary to ascertain the point under consideration, they may be 
found in the journals of the general convention, which I have deposited in 
the office of the department of State. In those journals it will appear, 
that a proposition was made ' that no treaty should be binding on the 
United States which was not ratified by law,' and that the proposition was 
explicitly rejected." 

Here is a decided expression of opinion upon the part of General 
Washington, who was one of the members of the convention which framed 
the Constitution, that the House of Representatives can take no part in 
conducting the foreign negotiations of the country. 

Mr. Webster, in his speech in the House of Representatives on the 
Panama mission, cites the case of the appointment of commissioners to 
Ghent, where the President gave them such instructions as he saw fit. 
Although the war was begun for certain purposes, yet Congress did not 
assume a right to ascertain from the Executive, whether the negotiations 
were to be conducted with a view to accomplish those ends. 

Mr. Webster was then denying the right of the House to interfere with 
foreign negotiations. 

" But. in truth, there have been much stronger cases for the interfer- 
ence of the House, where, nevertheless, the House has not interfered. 
For example : in the negotiations for peace, carried on at Ghent. In 
that case, Congress, by both Houses, had declared war for certain alleged 
causes. After the war had lasted some years, the President, with the ad- 
vice of the Senate, appointed ministers to treat of peace ; and he gave 
them such instructions as he saw fit. Now, as the war was declared by 
I longress, and was waged to obtain certain ends, it would have been plau- 
sible to si y that Congress ought to know the instructions under which 
peace was to be negotiated, that they mighl sec whether the objects for 
which the war was declared had been abandoned; yet no such claim was 
setup. The President gave instructions such as his judgment dictated, 
and neither House asserted any right of interference." — Speech of Mr. 
Waster, April 14, 1826. 

In the f.t^c cited by Mr. Webster, the declaration of war had been 
made by Congress, and afterwards, and during the progress of that war, 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 439 

The acquisition of territory from Mexico, appa- 
rently, increased the dangers which the question of 
slavery presents to the Government of this country. 

the ministers were appointed and the instruction given, and yet the House 
of Representatives did not assume the right to interfere. 

In the case now under consideration, the instructions were given before 
the declaration of war, and consequently no assertion can be made that the 
instructions to Mr. Slidell were a departure from the line of policy indi- 
cated in that declaration. 

MISSION TO PANAMA. 

Ministers were appointed by President Adams for the purpose of at- 
tending the Congress to assemble at Panama. 

This question produced a long and able debate in the House of Repre- 
sentatives. 

Upon the one hand it was contended, that while the appropriation 
should be made, to enable the President to send ministers to the Congress 
of Panama, yet that the House had the power to express what should be 
done, and to withhold their sanction to any departure from what was con- 
sidered the settled policy of the country, in relation to intercourse with 
foreign nations. 

Upon the other side it was insisted that the right to appoint ambassa- 
dors being vested in the President and Senate, it was the duty of the 
House to grant the necessary appropriation, without any restriction upon 
the right of the other branches of the Government. 

Where the simple resolution to grant the appropriation was amended, 
by an expression of the views of the House as to the manner in which 
the mission should be conducted, it was rejected by a vote of 143 to 54. 

Mr. Webster referring to the appointment of the minister by President 
Adams, remarked : " These officers do, indeed, already exist. They are 
public ministers. If they were to negotiate a treaty, and the Senate 
should ratify it, it would become a law of the land, whether we voted their 
salaries or not. This shows that the Constitution never contemplated 
that the House of Representatives should act a part in originating nego- 
tiations or concluding treaties." 

The House of Representatives in 1832 was desirous of obtaining the 
correspondence between our Government and Buenos Ayres, and passed 
a resolution calling upon the President for it. 

On the 28th of December, 1832, President Jackson sent the following 
message to the House of Representatives : 



440 HISTORY OF THE 

This result was anticipated by several southern 
members of Congress who were opposed to the 
dismemberment of the Mexican territory.* Diffi- 

" To the House of Representatives : 

" I have taken into consideration the resolution of the House request- 
ing me to communicate to it, so far as, in my opinion, may bo consistent 
with the public interest, the correspondence between the Government 
of the United States and that of the Republic of Buenos Ayres, which 
has resulted in the departure of the charge d' affaires of the United States 
from that Republic, together with the instructions given to the said charge 

* " Mr. Gentry supposed that the gentleman only meant that we must 
indemnify ourselves for the expenses of the war; and to do this we should 
bo obliged — most reluctantly obliged — to annex some of her provinces, 
though the whole nation was opposed to it. Yes; the President had not 
waged war for conquest — not at all. But he found conquest in his path, 
and he could neither get over it, nor get around it ; so he e'en picked it 
up. .Now. Mr. G. insisted, that no such annexation could take place with- 
out an act of the Legislature, or a violation of the Constitution. If it was 
the desire of the people that these provinces should become a part of the 
United States, let them say so. But they had not, and they would not." 

•■ Would the Northern States consent that slavery should bo established 
in these now provinces? Certainly not. Then we were to have at the 
extreme South a cordon of free States. What would the present South 
say to that ?" 

" Did not gentlemen see the difficulties which lay in prospect before 
us? What was the President going to do with these provinces when he 
gol them? This question of slavery had been met by our revolutionary 
fathers at the time of the formation of the Constitution, and even then it 
ne of the utmost difficulty. It came up again on the admission of 
Missouri, and thou it shook the deepest foundation of this entire Union; 
nor was the danger averted hut by the efforts of that illustrious patriot, to 
whom the country owed so much of its prosperity. Should it be brought 
up again in this now form, and on so wide a scale, ho feared it was destined 
to produce the wreck of all our hopes. These men in power were evi- 
dently going to build up the South at the hazard of the Union itself. 
There were bad men among us who desired its dissolution, and, unless 
Congress put a curb into the month of this petty tyrant, (and, as his side 
of the I louse could not do this alone, he invoked gentlemen on the other 
who loved their country, to aid in the work,) we might anticipate conse- 
quences more disastrous than any thing that had happened to us since the 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 441 

culties were also apprehended by the Executive, 
who warned Congress to avoid them, and he invok- 
ed a spirit of concession and harmony upon their 
deliberations.* 

d' affaires, and in answer to the said request, state, for the information of 
the House, that, although the charge d' affaires of the United States has 
found it necessary to return, yet the negotiation between the two countries 
for the arrangement of the differences between them, are not considered 
as broken off, but are suspended only until the arrival of a minister, who, 

adoption of the Constitution." — Speech of Mr. Gentry, of Tennessee, House 
of Representatives of the United States, December 16th, 1846. 

" Be it, therefore, resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United Stales of America in Congress assembled, That the present 
war with Mexico ' is not waged with a view to conquest,' or the dismem- 
berment of that republic by the acquisition of any portion of her territory." 
— Resolution introduced by Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, January 22d, 1847, 
Congressional Globe, 2d session 29th Congress, p. 240. 

The House refused to suspend the rules for the introduction of that 
resolution, 76 members voting in the affirmative, and 88 in the negative. 

* " In organizing governments over these territories, fraught with such 
vast advantages to every portion of our Union, I invoke that spirit of con- 
cession, conciliation, and compromise in your deliberations, in which the 
Constitution was framed, in which it should be administered, and which is 
so indispensable to preserve and perpetuate the harmony and union of the 
States. We should never forget that this union of confederated States 
was established and cemented by kindred blood, and by the common 
toils, sufferings, dangers, and triumphs of all its parts, and has been the 
ever augmenting source of our national greatness and of all our blessings. 

There has, perhaps, been no period since the warning so impressively 
given to his countrymen by Washington, to guard against geographical 
divisions and sectional parties, which appeals with greater force than the 
present to the patriotic, sober-minded, and reflecting of all parties and of 
all sections of our country. Who can calculate the value of our glorious 
Union ? It is a model and example of free government to all the world, 
and is the star of hope and haven of rest to the oppressed of every clime. 
By its preservation we have been rapidly advanced as a nation to a height. 
of strength, power, and happiness, without a parallel in the history of the 
world. As we extend its blessings over new regions, shall we he so un- 
wise as to endanger its existence by geographical divisions and dissen- 
sions ?" — Message of Mr. Polk to Congress, July 6, 1848. 



442 HISTORY OF THE 

Endeed, the agitation upon the subject of slavery 
had increased in violence since the elevation of Mr. 
Polk to the presidential chair. The question which 

it is officially announced, will be sent to this country, with power to treat 
on the subject. 

•• This fact, it is believed, will justify the opinion I have formed, that it 
will not be consistent with the public interest to communicate the corres- 
pondence and instructions requested by the House, so long as the nego- 
tiations shall be pending. 

« Signed, ANDREW JACKSON." 

In that resolution the demand was for the correspondence between the 
two Republics, as well as the instructions to the charge d' affaires. The 
President refused to give either. And yet in that case the correspondence 
was as well known to the Government of Buenos Ayres as to our own. 
No fear could be expressed, therefore, that injury would result from the 
correspondence falling into the possession of that Government, because it 
was already in their possession. Not so in the case of the Slidell instruc- 
tions. 

The evils resulting from the publication of diplomatic correspondence, 
was demonstrated in the case of the treaty with France. After that treaty 
was ratified by our Government, the correspondence was called for and 
published, and the effect was a refusal for a time of the French Chambers 
to ratify the treaty, and the two countries were brought to the verge of a 
war. This danger would undoubtedly have been obviated, if the corres- 
pondence had been withheld until the treaty had been ratified by both Go- 
vernments. 

On the 22d of April, 1842, a resolution offered by Mr. Allen, came 
up for action in the Senate of the United States. The resolution called 
upon the President for all the information in his possession with regard 
to the establishment in the State of Rhode Island of a republican form of 
government, in the place of the land company charter granted by King 
Charles II. of England; and with that information all correspondence, proc- 
lamations, orders and proceedings of any character and description what- 
soever, which had been taken on the part of the Executive Government 
of the United States touching that matter. 

.Mr. Allen remarked that he wanted distinctly to be understood before 
the country, that the resolution pointed to Executive action, and not to the 
merit, or demerits of the controversy in that State. Mr. Preston spoke 
of the impolicy of any action on the subject by the Senate in the present 
juncture of affairs, and moved to lay the resolution on the table. Those 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 443 

had been compromised by the framers of the Con- 
stitution, and again by Congress when Missouri was 
admitted into the Union, now raged with startling 

who voted in the affirmative, were Messrs. Archer, Bagby. Barrow, Bates, 
Berrien, Calhoun, Choate, Clayton, Conrad, Crittenden, Cuthbert, Evans, 
Graham, Huntington, King, Mangum, Miller, Phelps, Porter, Preston, 
Simmons, Smith of Indiana, Sprague, and Tallmadge, so it was laid upon 
the table. 

Here was a case where it was supposed that the President of the Uni- 
ted States had or was about to interfere in the internal affairs of a State, 
and that he intended to exercise the power vested in him as Commander- 
in-chief of the army for that purpose, the effect of which might be to in- 
volve the country in a civil war. Although it was purely a domestic ques- 
tion, and did not involve delicate negotiations with foreign powers, yet the 
Senate refused to make the call upon the President. 

THE McLEOD CASE. 
On the 22d of February, 1842, Mr. Allen of Ohio, introduced the fol- 
lowing resolution into the Senate of the United States : 

" Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to 
inform the Senate, if in his opinion it may be done without detriment to 
the public interest, what proceedings, if any, have taken place between 
this and the British Government relative to the matter of the Caroline, and 
the arrest and demand of McLeod, since the date of his last communica- 
tion on this subject, and to lay before the Senate a copy of the corres- 
pondence which may, subsequently to that date, have passed between these 
Governments relative to the same matters." 

Mr. Rives, who was at that time chairman of the committee on for- 
eign affairs, made the following observations. (Congressional Globe, p. 
259.) " Mr. Rives said it appeared to him it would be virtually taking 
the department of foreign affairs into their own hands. What was it the 
honorable Senator desired ? Not the facts connected with the case. 
These he was already in possession of. But he wants to know in what 
manner the negotiation had been carried on between the two Govern- 
ments. In what respect was the Constitution so impaired that it became 
necessary for the Senate of the United States to take out of the hands of 
the Executive the control of foreign negotiations ?" 

" It was said that the public interests was not likely to sustain any de- 
triment by the publication of these negotiations, but independently of the 
want of courtesy and indelicacy towards the Executive, there were 



444 HISTORY OF THE 

violence, and fresh materials were given to the 
raging element by the acquisition of territory from 
Mexico. 

abundant reasons why an inquiry of this kind should not be made at this 
moment." 

" Mr. Rives moved that the resolution be laid upon the table. The mo- 
tion was decided in the affirmative. Yeas 24 ; nays 13." — Senate Journal, 
p. 186. 

Those who voted in the affirmative were Archer, Barrow, Bates, Ber- 
rien, Calhoun, Choate, Clay, Clayton, Evans, Henderson, King, Mangum, 
Merrick, Morehead, Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Rives, Simmons, Smith of 
Indiana, Southard, Sprague, Tallmadge, Woodbridge. 

Those who voted in the negative were Allen, Benton, Fulton, Linn, 
McRoberts, Pierce, Sevier, Smith of Conn., Sturgeon, Tappan, Wood- 
burv. Wright, Young. 

In this case the reason assigned for laying the resolution on the table, 
was that the Senate had no right to take the foreign negotiations of the 
country out of the hands of the Executive, and that it would exhibit a 
want of courtesy, and be an act of indelicacy towards the Executive. 

In that case the lives of our citizens had been sacrificed, and their pro- 
perty destroyed, upon the undisputed soil of the Republic. The injury 
wis still unredressed. The solemn appeal, "I am an American citizen," 
was unanswered ; and it was to hasten the day of atonement, that the de- 
mand was to be made upon the Executive, and yet Senators who now cla- 
mor about " unlawful assumption of power," could then fold their arms 
upon their breasts, because it would be " indelicate to interfere." 

On the 9th of April, 1816, resolutions were introduced into the House 
of Representatives by Mr. C. J. Ingersoll, calling upon the State Depart- 
ment for information relative to the conduct of Daniel Webster, while act- 
ing as Secretary of State. 

Mr. [ngersoll prefaced his resolutions with the distinct charge, that 
Mr. Webster while Secretary of State dad been guilty of misdemeanors 
in office, and that he had made a fraudulent misapplication and personal 
use "l the public fund, &c, and that the information sought for would es- 
tablish those facts. 

Among those who voted against the resolutions wore Messrs. J. Q. 
\-lnnun. Garrett Davis, Hudson, Thomas Butler King, Schenck, 
and Trnmun Smith. 

The President declined to comply with the resolution, assigning as a 

i that there was a law in existence to the following effect : When 

if drawn from the treasury under any law making appropriations 






POLK ADMINISTRATION. 445 

During the first session of the 29th Congress a 
bill was introduced into the House of Representa- 
tives, appropriating $2,000,000, for the purpose of 
defraying any extraordinary expenses which might 
be incurred in the intercourse between the United 
States and foreign nations. This appropriation was 
desired to enable the President to obtain California 
in any treaty which might be concluded between 
the two countries.* It was to this bill that Mr. 
David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, proposed his cele- 

for the contingent expenses between the United States and foreign na- 
tions, if in the judgment of the President the expenditure of any sums 
should not be made public, he has only to make a certificate of the amount 
thereof, which is a sufficient voucher. 

Here a law which can be repealed, authorized the President to be con- 
trolled by his judgment merely, and upon the ground that certificates had 
been made by some of his predecessors, President Polk refused to comply 
with the request of the House. 

In that case a distinct charge had been made against a man high in of- 
fice, which, if true, would subject him to impeachment. In was a matter 
in which foreign Governments had no concern; it was a domestic question 
strictly, and yet those gentlemen not only vote against the passage of the 
resolution, but upon the refusal of the Executive to comply with the call, 
they are warm in their commendations of his conduct. 

In the case now under consideration, where the President intrenches 
himself behind his constitutional rights, and his duty to his country, when 
the subject of controversy is not a domestic question merely, but one in- 
volving the foreign policy of the country, and that, too, in a time of war, 
these same gentlemen are loud in their denunciations of the President. 

Afler an examination of all these precedents, it is difficult to see how 
members of the whig party can complain of the exercise of the power by 
the President in refusing to comply with the resolutions. Upon constitu- 
tional grounds, upon the precedents set by his predecessors, and upon the 
question of expediency, it is difficult to see how the conduct of the Exec- 
utive can be successfully assailed for discharging a sacred obligation to 
the Constitution and to the country. — Note by the author. 

* See Congressional Globe, 1st Session 29th Congress, p. 1213-6 
Ibid. 1218. 



446 HISTORY OF THE 

brated proviso, which was incorporated into it by 
the votes of northern Representatives.* On the en- 
grossment of the bill, which was the test vote, there 
wen- 85 yeas, and 79 nays. All who voted in the af- 
firmative were from the free States, except two, and 
all who voted in the negative were from the slave 
States, except twelve. 

When the Senate took up this bill for considera- 
tion, Mr. Lewis, of Alabama, moved to strike out 
the Wilmot proviso. It was near the hour fixed by 
joint resolution of the two Houses for the adjourn- 
ment of Congress. Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts, 
proceeded to discuss the lull, and although twice 
reminded by Mr. Lewis that he would prevent ac- 
tion by thus consuming time, he continued to ad- 
dress the Senate until the House had adjourned 
siru die. 

During the second session of the 29th Congress, 
a bill was introduced to place at the disposal of the 
President $3,000,000, to be used if necessary in con- 
cluding a treaty of peace. The Wilmot proviso 
was again offered as an amendment to the bill. Mr. 
Douglas, of Illinois, moved to amend the proviso, 
by declaring that it should apply alone to territory 
north of 36° and 30' north latitude.f This propo- 

* Congressional Globe, 2d session 29th Congress, 424. 

f "Provided. Thai as an express and fundamental condition to the ac- 
quisition of any territory from the republic of Mexico by the United States, 
by virtue of any treaty that may be negotiated between them, and to the 
ase by the Executive of the moneys herein appropriated, neither slavery 
nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part, of said territory, ex- 
cept tor crime, whereof the party shall first be duly convicted." — Proviso 
introduced by Wilmot, ('<m<rressional Globe, 1st session 29lh Congress> 
p. 1217. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 447 

sition was rejected by a vote of 82 to 100. Mr. 
Graham moved to amend the proviso, by asserting 
that slavery should, be prohibited north of the Mis- 
souri compromise line of 36° and 30', and tolerated 
south of it, if a majority of the people in any new 
State should authorize it by their constitution. This 
motion was also rejected, by a vote of 81 to 1.04. 
On the proposition to incorporate the Wilmot pro- 
viso into the three million bill, the vote was 115 
yeas, and 106 nays* All who voted in the affirma- 
tive were from the free States, except John W. 
Houston, of Delaware, and all who voted in the 
negative were from the slave States, with the excep- 
tion of Messrs. Charles J. Ingersoll, Mc Clean, Erd- 
man, of Pennsylvania; Douglas, Ficklin, and Mc- 
Clernard, of Illinois ; Owen and Wick, of Indiana ; 
Sawyer, St. John, Morris, Parish, Cunningham, and 
Morris, of Ohio ; and Strong, of New- York. On the 
passage of the bill as amended, the vote was 115 to 
105. The three million bill passed the Senate on 
the 1st of March, 1847, without the proviso, by a 
vote of 29 to 24. The two Houses upon this ques- 
tion, then, were at issue, and one had to yield, or 
the bill would fail. On the 3d of March, 1847, the 
Senate bill was taken up for consideration in the 
House of Representatives, and Mr. Wilmot moved 
to amend it by inserting his proviso : the motion was 
rejected by a vote of 97 in the affirmative, to 102 in 
the negative. The bill then passed the House by a 
majority of 34. 

* Congressional Globe, 2d session 29th Congress, p. 425. 



448 HISTORY OF THE 

Thus the proviso was temporarily defeated hi 
both branches of the national legislature. The ques- 
tion, however, was not decided, but only postponed, 
and the excitement which resulted from it rages 
with a violence that threatens the most disastrous 
consequences. 

The President attempted to pour oil upon the 
troubled waters which the storm had driven against 
the pillars of the Constitution, and threatened to 
undermine that glorious fabric, and involve it in ir- 
retrievable ruin. In his message to the House of 
Representatives, approving the Oregon territorial 
bill, he laid down a chart by which the American 
people might be governed in the admission of new 
States, while he solemnly appealed to the patriotism 
and good sense of all to allay the excitement.* 

* " Tin' Missouri compromise contains a prohibition of slavery through- 
out all the vast regions, extending twelve and a half degrees along the 
Pacific, from the parallel of thirty-six decrees thirty minutes, to that of for- 
ty-nine degrees ; and east from that ocean to and beyond the summit of 
the Rocky Mountains. Why, then, should our institutions be endangered 
because il is proposed to submit to the people of the remainder of our 
newly acquired territory lying south of thirty-six degrees, thirty minutes, 
embracing less than four degrees of latitude, the question whether, in the 
language of the Texas compromise, they 'shall be admitted (as a State) 
into the Union with or without slavery ?* Is this a question to be pushed 
to such extremities by excited partisans on the one side or on the other, in 
regard to our newly acquired distant possessions on the Pacific, as toen- 
danger the union of thirty glorious States which constitute our confede- 
racy? I have an abiding confidence that the sober reflection and sound 
patriotism of all the States, will bring them to the conclusion that the dic- 
tate of wisdom is to follow the example of those who have gone before us, 
and settle this dangerous question on the Missouri Compromise, or some 
other equitable compromise, which would respect the rights of all, and 
prove satisfactory to the different portions of the Union. 

"Holding as a sacred trust the Executive authority for the whole 
Union, and bound to guard the rights of all, 1 should be constrained, by a 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 449 

111 the Convention which framed the Constitu- 
tion, the question of slavery was the subject of earn- 
est discussion. The views of the delegates differed 
widely,* and only harmonized when they were con- 
sense of duty, to withhold my official sanction from any measure which 
would conflict with these important objects." — Message of Mr. Polk to 
the House of Representatives, August 14, 1848. 

* " Mr. King thought the subject should be considered in a political 
light only. If two States will not agree to the Constitution, as stated on 
one side, he would affirm with equal belief, on the other, that great and 
equal opposition would be experienced from the other States. lie re- 
marked on the exemption of slaves from duty, whilst every other impost 
was subjected to it, as an inequality that could not fail to strike the com- 
mercial sagacity of the Northern and Middle States. 

" Mr. Langdon was strenuous for giving the power to the General 
Government. He could not, with a good conscience, leave it with the 
States, who could then go on with the traffic, without being restrained 
by the opinions here given, that they will themselves cease to import 
slaves. 

" General Pinckney thought himself bound to declare candidly, that he 
did not think South Carolina would stop her importations of slaves in any 
short time ; but only stop them occasionally, as she now does. He moved 
to commit the clause, that slaves might be made liable to an equal tax 
with other imposts, which he thought right, and which would remove one 
difficulty that had been started. 

" Mr. Rutledge. If the Convention thinks that North Carolina, South 
Carolina, and Georgia, will ever agree to the plan, unless their right to im- 
port slaves be untouched, the expectation is vain. The people of these 
States will never be such fools as to give up so important an interest. He 
was strenuous against striking out the section, and seconded the motion of 
General Pinckney for a commitment. 

" Mr. Gouverneur Morris wished the whole subject to be committed, 
including the clauses relating to taxes on imports, and to a naviga- 
tion act. These things may form a bargain among the Northern and 
Southern States. 

" Mr. Butler declared that he never would agree to the power of tax- 
ing exports. 

" Mr. Sherman said it was better to let the Southern States import 
slaves, than to part with them, if they made that a sine qua non. He was 
opposed to a tax on slaves imported, as making the matter worse, be- 
cause it implied they were property. He acknowledged that, if the power 
29 



450 HISTORY OF THE 

trolled by a spirit of concession and compromise. 
If they had adhered to their personal opinions with 
the same dogmatical purpose which governs the po- 
liticians of the present age, the draft of a Constitu- 
tion would not have been submitted to the people 
for ratification. And if one *f the extremes had 
yielded every thing to the other, the instrument, 
instead of being sanctioned, would have been sum- 
marily and indignantly rejected. 

Mr. King, a member of the Convention from 
Massachusetts, remarked, that the exemption of 
slaves from a duty, while upon every other article 
of import the tariff was levied, would produce an 
inequality which could not fail to strike the com- 
mercial sagacity of the North. It was evident that 
he not only contemplated the existence of slavery 
within the borders of the Union, but that he counted 
upon raising revenue upon all negroes who might 
thereafter be imported. Mr. Rutledge declared that 
North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, would 
never agree to the Constitution, unless their right 
to import slaves was unimpaired, while Gouverneur 
Morris declared the subject should be referred to a 
Committee, and made the subject of a bargain, be- 
tween the Northern and Southern States. Colonel 
Mason, from Virginia, denounced the traffic as in- 
fernal, originating in the avarice of British mer- 
chants;* while Roger Sherman declared that it was 

of prohibiting tlio importation should be given to the General Government, 
it would be exercised. He thought it, would he its duty to exercise the 
power." — The Madison Papers, containing Debates in the Convention, 
p. 460-1. 

* " Colonel Mason. This infernal traffic originated in the avarice of 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 451 

better to let the Southern States import slaves, 
than to part with them, although he refused to tax 
them, because it implied they were property. 

The question was compromised by allowing the 
States to import slaves until the year 1808, by pay- 
ing a duty of ten dollars upon each person.* 

The l'ight of the. South to slave representation in 
Congress, was also a delicate matter to adjust.f 

British merchants. The British Government constantly checked the at- 
tempts of Virginia to put a stop to it. The present question concerns not 
the importing States alone, but the whole Union. The evil of having 
slaves was experienced during the late war. Had slaves been treated as 
they might have been by the enemy, they would have proved dangerous 
instruments in their hands. But their folly dealt by the slaves as it did 
by the tories. He mentioned the dangerous insurrections of the slaves in 
Greece and Sicily ; and the instructions given by Cromwell to the Com- 
missioners sent to Virginia, to arm the servants and slaves, in case other 
means of obtaining its submission should fail. Maryland and Virginia, he 
said, had already prohibited the importation of slaves, expressly. North 
Carolina had done the same in substance. All this would be in vain, if 
South Carolina and Georgia be at liberty to import. The western people 
are already calling out for slaves for their new lands, and will rill that 
country with slaves, if they can be got through South Carolina and 
Georgia. Slavery discourages arts and manufactures. The poor despise 
labor when performed by slaves. They prevent the emigration of whites, 
who really enrich and strengthen a country. They produce the most per- 
nicious effect on manners. Every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. 
They bring the judgment of Heaven on a country. As nations cannot be 
rewarded or punished in the next world, they must be in this. By an in- 
evitable chain of causes and effects, Providence punishes national sins by 
national calamities. He lamented that some of our eastern brethren had, 
from a lust of gain, embarked in this nefarious traffic. As to the States 
being in possession of the right to import, this was the case with many 
other rights, now to be properly given up. He held it essential, in every 
point of view, that the General Government should have power to prevent 
the increase of slavery." — Madison Papers, containing Debates in the 
Convention, p. 458. 

* Constitution of the United States, Article 1, Section 9. 

f Constitution of the United States, Article 5, Section 2, Madison 
Papers, p. 181. 



452 HISTOEY OF THE 

That too was compromised by giving to the slave 
States three votes in the enumeration for every five 
slaves, in making out the ratio of representation. It 
has been erroneously asserted, that this right of the 
South to slave representation gave that portion of 
the Union greatly the advantage over the North. 
That this is not true, is evident from the fact, that 
three-fifths only of the slaves are counted in enu- 
merating the population, while if they were free, 
five-fifths, or all, would be taken into the calcula- 
tion. The proposition to include three-fifths of the 
slaves in the ratio of representation, was made 
by Mr. Wilson, of Pennsylvania.* Mr. Gerry ex- 
pressed the opinion that as property should not be 
the rule of representation, that the blacks, who were 
property in the South, could not come within the 
rule of representation, more than the cattle and 
horses of the North.f 

* Madison Papers, containing Debates in the Convention, p. 181. 

f Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts, " thought property not the rule of re- 
presentation. Why, then, should the blacks, who were property in the 
South, be in the rule of representation more than the cattle and horses of 
the North." 

• Mr. King wished to know what influence the vote just passed was 
meant to have on the succeeding part of the report, concerning the admis- 
sion of slavery into the rule of representation. He could not reconcile his 
mind to the article, if it was to prevent objections to the latter part. The 
admission of slaves was a most grating circumstance to his mind, and he 
believed would be so to a great part of the people of America. He had 
not made a strenuous opposition to it heretofore, because he had hoped 
that (his concession had produced a readiness, which had not been mani- 
fested, to strengthen the General Government, and to mark a full confi- 
dence in it. The report under consideration had, by the tenor of it, put an 
end to all these hopes. In two great points, the hands of the Legislature 
were absolutely tied. The importation of slaves could not be prohibited. 
Exports could not be taxed. Is this reasonable ? What are the great 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 453 

The question of domestic slavery, which was a 
fruitful source of dissension and anarchy, was com- 
promised by the frainers of the Constitution. In 
settling so delicate a subject their course was char- 
acterized by great candor and fairness, and had a 
great effect in procuring the adoption of that instru- 
ment by the people. 

The arrest and delivery of fugitive slaves also 
claimed the attention of the Convention. It was 
proposed that they should be delivered up like cri- 
minals by the Executives of each State whither they 
might flee ; in the same way that persons charged 
with treason, felony, or other crime, are surrender- 
ed.* This was opposed, and the clause as it now 
stands was substituted.f 

objects of the general system ? First, defence against foreign invasion ; 
secondly, against internal sedition. Shall all these States, then, be bound to 
defend each other, and shall each be at liberty to introduce a weakness which 
will render defence more difficult ? Shall one part of the United States be 
bound to defend another part, and that other part be at liberty, not only to 
increase its own danger, but to withhold the compensation for the burden ? 
If slaves are to be imported, shall not the exports produced by their labor, 
supply a revenue the better to enable the General Government to defend 
their masters ?" — Madison Papers, containing the Debates in the Conveii' 
tion, p. 391. 

* " Mr. Butler and Mr. Pinckney moved to require ' fugitive slaves 
and servants to be delivered up like criminals.' " 

" Mr. Wilson. This would oblige the Executive of the State to do it 
at the public expense." 

" Mr. Sherman saw no more propriety in the public seizing and sur- 
rendering a slave or servant than a horse." 

" Mr. Butler withdrew his proposition, in order that some particular 
provision might be made, apart from this article." — Mac/ism; Papers, 487. 

f ; ' No person held to service or labor in one Slate under the laws 
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation 
therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered 
up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." — 
Constitution of the United Slates. 



4">4 HISTORY OF THE 

These provisions of the Constitution received the 
sanction of every section of the Union, until the 
whole question was re-opened when Missouri applied 
for admission into the Union, in 1819. The high 
degree of excitement which prevailed at that period, 
indicated the dee]) feeling with which the question 
was regarded. When patriots had almost despair- 
ed, and the hopes which were entertained for the 
stability of the Union began to grow faint, the dan- 
ger was averted by the Missouri Compromise bill, 
which passed Congress on the 6th of March, 1820.* 
The rock upon which the ship of state had been near- 
ly w recked was passed. The watchful and vigilant 
pilots steered her in safety along the very border 
of the breakers, but so near, that her timbers trem- 
bled in every joint as the angry waves dashed rude- 
ly upon her deck. 

The Constitution of the United States author- 
izes the admission of new States into the Union, and 
the only condition which governs the subject is the 
clause making it necessary for the United States to 
guarantee to every State a republican form of gov- 
ernment. The citizens of each State have the right 

* " That, in all that territory coded by France to the United States, 
under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees and 
thirty minutes north latitude, not included within the limits of the State 
contemplated by this act. slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than 
for the punishment of crimes, whereof the parties shall be duly convicted, 
shall be, and is hereby, for ever prohibited : Provided, always, That any 
person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully 

claii 1 in any State or Territory of the United States, such fugitive may be 

lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor 
or services aforesaid." — Section xth of act of Congress, passed March 
6th, 1820. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 455 

to manage their domestic institutions, and possess 
the constitutional power to establish or abolish slave- 
ry after being admitted into the Union.* If this 
position is conceded, what authority does Congress 
possess, incidentally, to control the constitutional 
rights of the States to establish or prohibit slavery, 
at the time they apply for admission into the 
Union. Suppose the General Government should 
pass a law establishing slavery in New Mexico, it 
would probably have the effect of making that a 
a slave State. If, on the contrary, Congress should 
pass a bill containing the Wilmot proviso, it might 
have the effect of creating a free State in New Mex- 
ico. The question then arises, does the General 
Government possess the power thus incidental! >/ to 
affect the rights of the States. The inhabitants of 
the territories have more interest in properly set- 
tling the slave question than members of Congress. 
They understand much better their necessities, and 
their responsibilities, than persons who do not re- 
side within their borders ; and they will appreci- 
ate to a far greater degree the blessings of the 



* " Should Congress, when California shall present herself for an in- 
corporation into the Union, annex a condition to her admisson as a State, 
affecting her domestic institutions, contrary to the wishes of her people, 
and even compel her temporarily to comply with it, yet the State could 
change her constitution at any time after her admission, when to her it 
should seem expedient. It is to be expected that any attempt to deny the 
people of the State the rights of self-government, in a matter which pecu- 
liarly affects themselves, will infallibly he regarded by them as an invasion 
of their rights, and upon the principles laid down in our Declaration of In- 
dependence, they will certainly be sustained in their resistance against it 
by the great mass of the American people." — Message of President Tay- 
lor to the House of Representatives, January 21st, 1850. 



456 HISTOKY OF THE 

Union, if permitted to adjust their domestic policy, 
untrammelled and uncontrolled by the General Gov- 
ernment.* It is to be hoped that sufficient patriot- 

* " It is to be expected that in the residue of the territory ceded to us 
by Mexico, the people residing there will, at the time of their incorporation 
into the Union as a State, settle all questions of domestic policy to suit 
themselves." — Message of President Taylor to the House of Representatives, 
January 21 st, 1850. 

This policy was* sustained by the democratic party during the presiden- 
tial contest of 1848, in their support of General Cass for the presidency. The 
whig party from the north, as well as a majority of the democracy from 
tli.it section of the Union, during the administration of Mr. Polk, strenu- 
ously insisted upon the application of the Wilmot proviso to the territories 
ing to the United States. The author, on the 1st of August, 1848, 
introduced the following preamble as an amendment to a territorial bill : 
•• I'm, hid, That nothing herein contained shall be considered as an 
assumption of the power, upon the part of the Congress of the United 
States, to interfere with the establishment of slavery in said territory ; or 
as authorizing the inhabitants thereof, having the right to vote by the pro- 
of this bill, to establish or prohibit slavery previous to an application 
for the admission of said territory into the Union as a sovereign State." 

Tin' preamble was rejected, although it embraces the principles con- 
tained in Taylor's message of the 21st of January, 1850. It remains to 
n whether the whig party of the North will abandon the ground 
which they have hitherto maintained for the purpose of sustaining General 
Taylor in the positions which have been already quoted. The New-York 
ie, in an article written before the message of General Taylor to 
the House <>( Representatives, January 21st, 1850, had been received in 
New-York, having surmised with great accuracy what it would contain, 
proceeds to say : 

"On these and similar grounds he will urge Congress to leave the 
settlement of this exciting question to the territories themselves, encour- 
aging them to form State Constitutions at an earlv day and apply for ad- 
i into the Union, which Congress is exhorted to accord promptly 
and cordially. Such, we infer will be the drift of the President's message. 
•• This is as much, we presume, as a Louisiana planter could be ex- 
pected to concede, but it by no means follows that it should satisfy 
northern freemen or their representatives. We are utterly indisposed to 
hazard the Union on a punctilio, or to exasperate the public sentiment of 
on, or even State, on any question of form or etiquette. We are 
'1 to see the Wilmot Proviso, or any other Proviso, again and again 



\ 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 457 

ism still remains in our land to preserve with un- 
changeable fidelity tliat Constitution, which the 
fraternal affection of our fathers established. It is 
painful to contemplate the ruin and desolation which 
must follow its destruction. The blood which our 
ancestors so freely shed, flowed in vain if the Union 
is dissolved; and all good men should rally for its 
protection, with the same unalterable purpose which 
won our liberty in the days of the revolution. If 
the Union was invaded by a foreign foe, a million 
of bayonets would present a glittering wall for its 
defence, and a nation in arms would attest its de- 
votion to the country's honor. Why, then, should 
domestic feuds induce us to destroy that ourselves 
which is impregnable against the assaults of the 
world combined. There are breakers ahead which 
warn us that shoals lie within the bosom of the 
trackless deep, and if those who control the desti- 
nies of the gallant ship, which has on board the 
hopes of freedom and the rights of man, are forget- 
ful of their obligations to the past, and their respon- 
sibilities to the future, she will yet be lost, and 
storms and tempests will sweep unresistingly over 
the spot where despotism riots in the destruction of 
liberty and equality. 

rejected by Congress, provided the territories are nevertheless preserved 
from the pollution of slavery. It is the substance we care for, and not the 
shadow. If General Taylor throws the influence of his name and station 
in favor of the admission of the State of California with her present Con- 
stitution, and the protection of New Mexico against the efforts of Texas 
to subject and enslave her. he is practically on the right side, no matter 
what he may feel constrained to say in favor of non-intervention, and 
against the Proviso. We shall thank him for his deeds, and let those who 
choose place emphasis on his words." — New-York Tribune, Jan. 22, 1850- 



458 IIISTOEY OF THE 

The President of the United States, in his first 
mi— age to Congress, recommended the establish- 
ment of a territorial government for the protection 
of our citizens in Oregon. His views were reitera- 
ted in still more pointed language in his message of 
the 5th of August, 1846, and in his second and third 
annual communications to that body, and on the 
29th of May, 1848, he made it the subject of a spe- 
cial message.* Although these recommendations 
had repeatedly been pressed upon the attention of 
Congress by the Executive, it was not until the 14th 
of August, 1848, that a territorial bill, containing 
the Wilmot Proviso, passed Congress, for the gov- 
ernment of the citizens of Oregon. This was ow- 
ing, in part, to the other questions of great interest 
which occupied the attention of Congress, but 
mainly to the question of slavery, which was con- 
nected with all bills for the establishment of terri- 
torial governments during that administration. In 

* " The memorialists are citizens of the United States. They express 
ardenl attachment to their native land, and in their present perilous and 
distressed situation, they earnestly invoke the aid and protection of their 
Government." 

'■ The population of Oregon is believed to exceed twelve thousand 
souls, and it is known that it will be increased by a large number of emi- 
grants during the present season. The facts set forth in the accompany- 
in" memorial and papers, show that the dangers to which our fellow-citi- 
zen- are exposed are so imminent, that I deem it my duty again to impress 
on ( Congress the strong claim which the inhabitants of that distant country 
have to the benefit of our laws, and the protection of our Government." 

'• I therefore again invite the attention of Congress to the subject, and 
recommend that laws be promptly passed establishing a Territorial Govern- 
ment, and granting authority to raise an adequate volunteer force for the 
defence and protection of its inhabitants." — Message of Mr. Polk to Con- 
gress, May 2!V/i, 1848. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 459 

his approval of the Oregon bill, the President as- 
signed his reasons for doing so, and laid down cer- 
tain principles for the control of the General Go- 
vernment in future.* 

On the 2d of August, 1848, the Oregon bill 
passed the House of Representatives. The Wilinot 
proviso was inserted in it by a vote of 114 to 88.f 
In the Senate it was moved to amend the bill, by 
assigning as a reason for ingrafting in it the ordi- 
nance of 1787, the fact, that the country lay north 
of 36° 30'. This proposition only received two 
votes .J It was then proposed to amend it by ap- 
plying the principles of the Missouri compromise 

* Message of Mr. Polk to the House of Representatives, August 
14th, 1848. Congressional Globe, 1st session 30th Congress, p. 1081. 

f Congressional Globe, 1st session 30th Congress, p. 1027. 

I " Mr. Webster addressed the Senate. He admitted the propriety of 
the establishment of a Territorial Government in Oregon, and he was 
willing to vote for this bill as it came from the House. If amended as 
now proposed, he would not be able to vote for it. He recited the words 
of the section, and said, the amendment proposed gave a reason for the 
application of the principle of the ordinance of 1787 to the Territory of 
Oregon. When a single reason was given for any act, it was intended to 
be inferred that there were no other reasons. The Territory of Oregon 
was above the line of the Missouri compromise. His objection to slavery 
was irrespective of lines and points of latitude : it took in the whole coun- 
try and the whole question. He was opposed to it in every shape and in 

every qualification ; and was against any compromise of the question." 

Speech of Mr. Webster, in the Senate, August 10th, 1848. 

" Mr. Calhoun said he should vote against the amendment, because he 
regarded it as ambiguous, and he was against all ambiguity. Again, he 
opposed it because the North could not be more determined to exclude the 
South than he was to resist such exclusion. He would be as firm in 
maintaining his ground as Northern Senators were in maintaining theirs. 
A majority would always be able to carry their views ; but here a minor- 
ity, aided by a few of the majority, attempted to impose on the South 
restrictions which could not be submitted to." — Speech of Mr. Calhoun 
in the Senate, August 10th, 1848. 



4(30 HISTOEY OF THE 

to the territories of the United States, and this was 
agreed to by a vote of 33 to 21* The bill was 
returned to the House, and this amendment of the 
Senate was rejected by a vote of 121 to 82. The 
Senate then receded from their amendment running 
the Missouri compromise line west to the Pacific 
Ocean, by a vote of 29 to 25.+ Attempts were 
made during the same session of Congress, to es- 
tablish territorial governments for Oregon, New 
Mexico, and California, but they all failed with the 
exception of the Oregon bill. 

A military Governor was appointed for Califor- 
nia, with the authority to exercise civil functions, 
and he was continued in office when the administra- 
tion of General Taylor came into power. J The 

* " That the line of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north lati- 
tude, known as the Missouri compromise line, as defined by the eighth 
section of an act entitled ' An act to authorize the people of Missouri Ter- 
ritory to form a Constitution and State Government, and for the admission 
of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, 
and to prohibit slavery in certain Territories,' approved March 6th, 1820, 
bo, and the same is hereby declared to extend to the Pacific Ocean ; and 
the said eighth section, together with the compromise therein effected, is 
hereby revised and declared to be in full force and binding for the future 
organization of the Territories of the United States, in the same sense, 
and with the same understanding with which it was originally adopted." — 
Conqrt ssi, mal Globe, 1st session 30th Congress, p. 1062. 

f Congressional Globe, 1st session 30th Congress, p. 1078. 

X " The immediate establishment of Territorial Governments, and the 
extension of our laws over these valuable possessions, are deemed to be 
not only important, but indispensable to preserve order and the du^ ad- 
ministration of justice within their limits, to afford protection to the inhab- 
itants, and to facilitate the development of the vast resources and wealth 
which their acquisition has added to our country. 

"The war with Mexico having terminated, the power of the Executive 

|jsh or continue temporary civil Governments over these territories, 

which existed under the laws of nations, whilst they were regarded as 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 461 

people of New Mexico enjoyed the benefit of their 
municipal laws after their annexation to the United 
States, and a military force was sent to protect 
them against the Indians. 

During the administration of Mr. Polk two new 
States, Iowa and Wisconsin, were admitted into the 
Union. The inhabitants of Iowa, through their 
delegates, framed a Constitution, which was signed 
on the 18th of May, 1846, and a law was approved 
on the 28th of December of the same year, admit- 
ting her to the sisterhood of States. Iowa was set- 
tled by a hardy, industrious and enterprising pop- 
ulation, and having the advantage of a rich and 
productive soil, its resources were rapidly developed. 
Many of the citizens of Iowa were from the slave 
States, and made their way thither up the Missis- 
sippi river, and located upon its banks. 

Wisconsin was admitted on the 3d of March, 
1847. This State is inhabited principally by north- 
ern men, but there may be found within her bor- 

conquered provinces in our military occupation, has ceased. By their 
cession to the United States, Mexico has no longer any power over them ; 
and, until Congress shall act, the inhabitants will be without any organ- 
ized Government. Should they be left in this condition, confusion and 
anarchy will be likely to prevail." — Message of Mr. Polk to Congress. 
July 6th, 1848. 

It will be observed that Mr. Polk was willing to surrender the power 
to Congress to govern the territory acquired, as soon as the war ceased. 
But Congress did not, during his administration, establish Territorial Go- 
vernments ; and he was forced therefore to appoint General Riley military 
Governor of California, to prevent anarchy and bloodshed in that territory. 
His powers were enlarged by the succeeding administration, as will be seen 
by the message of General Taylor, and the accompanying documents, 
which were transmitted to the House of Representatives January 21st, 
1850. 



462 HISTORY OF THE 

ders very many foreigners. The agricultural re- 
sources of Wisconsin are even greater than those of 
Iowa, and the energies of her people are making this 
young commonwealth one of the most nourishing 
in the Union. The productions of both States are 
easily conveyed away. The eastern boundary of 
Wisconsin is washed by the transparent waters of 
Lake Michiaran, while the western limits of Iowa 
arc bathed by the father of rivers. The surplus 
produce of one finds its egress along the lakes to 
the Atlantic coast, and that of the other floats down 
the Mississippi to the great southern mart. The 
mind can scarcely realize, that these two prosperous 
sovereignties are furnishing homes for an industri- 
ous and happy people. But a few years have 
elapsed since the aborigines roamed undisturbed by 
the white man through these western wilds, and 
the sharp twang of the bow, the rush of the arrow, 
and the piercing war-whoop, alone disturbed their 
solitudes. Cities have arisen in the midst of forests 
with a celerity unequalled, except by those which 
have been created almost by the hand of magic upon 
the -1 to res of the Pacific. Within the memory of 
our yoHinj men, first western New- York, and then 
Ohio, was regarded as t\\Q far toest, but now our 
relations have converted the vast forests which sur- 
rounded our inland seas and western rivers into 
ih^ peaceful and happy abodes of civilization. 

On the 9th day of July, 184(5, the President 
approved a bill retroceding the county and town 
of Alexandria to the State of Virginia. This bill 
re-conveyed to that State all the territory which 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 463 

had been ceded by her to the General Government, 
with the exception of the public buildings belong- 
ing to the United States. This measure encoun- 
tered very little serious opposition in either House 
of Congress ; and when we take into consideration 
the uselessness of the territory to the General Gov- 
ernment, and the vexed question of slavery, it was 
perhaps a movement dictated by wisdom upon the 
part of Congress. 

We might pause here to consider the advance 
which had been made during the administration of 
Mr. Polk, in the development of the arts and sci- 
ences, the state of American literature and educa- 
tion, the increase or decline of morality, the pro- 
gress of religion, and the prevalence of fanaticism, 
the existence of energy and enterprise among our 
citizens, as well as the acquisition of that influence 
and power as a nation, which commands the re- 
spect and challenges the admiration of the civilized 
world. 

There are many circumstances in the history of 
a people which are regarded of secondary import- 
ance, that seem, nevertheless, to illustrate their 
career, and indicate the destiny which awaits them. 
Such events signalized each year of Mr. Polk's admin- 
istration, and a brief space will now be devoted to 
their analysis. 

In former years labor was performed by hand, 
with the most simple agencies. The earth was pre- 
pared for seed with wooden ploughs, and harrows 
with wooden teeth. Produce was wheeled to mar- 
ket along rough and miry roads, or taken in flat- 



4G4 HISTORY OF THE 

boats down our rivers, while merchandise, in keel- 
boats, was warped against the current to its place 
of destination* Yam was spun with hand-wheels, 
and cloth was manufactured in hand-looms. And, 
indeed, all the implements of husbandry were of 
the roughest and most unwieldy description. Time, 
which is so important with all, was wasted in tra- 
velling by tardy conveyances, and persons divided 
b\ a few hundred miles, rarely met. Within the 
lasl half century, great and radical changes have 
been made in all that relates to the comfort and 
happiness of man. The power of steam has be- 
come an important agent in our operations. Along 
our lakes and rivers, and even upon the turbulent 
ocean itself, steamboats are bearing the rapidly ac- 
cumulating commerce of the United States, while 
across streams, over valleys, and through mountains, 
rushes the iron-horse, and intelligence with the 
rapidity of thought is transmitted from pole to 
pole.f New improvements are yearly being made 
in the engines which move our floating palaces, 
and in the shape of the vessels, that they maybe 
forced through the water with greater ease. Steam 
presses, which are substituted for the small and in- 
formed ones that were moved by human power, 

* But a few years have elapsed since a trip down the tributaries of 
the Mississippi to New Orleans and back required nearly half a year. 
Merchandise was placed in keel-boats, and with long poles was pushed 
up the river. When th<> Davigators arrived at a spot where the current 
waE veT y r:i| ,;,i. it was warped, which operation consisted in attaching a 
rope to a tree or rock, far up the stream, and then winding it up. 

f The foreign news was lately sent from Halifax to New Orleans in 
thirty-six hours, a distance of 2,800 miles. January, 1850. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 465 

enable our enterprising publishers to spread infor- 
mation and intelligence, with greater facility, before 
the reading world. In almost every kind of man- 
ufacturing the agency of steam is employed. The 
complicated machinery of cotton, carpet, and wool- 
len corporations, the iron foundry, and the furnace,* 
the steamship and the tow-boat, the flour-mill and 
the factory, all move in obedience to that power 
which the genius of Fulton enabled him to subject 
to our control.f 

The formation of our ships, the structure of the 
machinery used in manufacturing, farming uten- 
sils ; in short, every article employed by man, has 
been wonderfully improved within the last few 

* To show the power which art enables man to employ in his service, 
it is only necessary to recur to the operations of some of our iron masters. 
Steam is employed for the purpose of moving the bellows attached to the 
stack. This is something like a shot tower, only not so high, built of 
rock, into which is put iron ore, charcoal, and limestone. The bellows is 
applied to an aperture in the lower part of the stack for the purpose of 
producing heat. At first the boilers were placed upon the ground, and 
the steam was generated by large quantities of wood. But subsequently 
the boilers were elevated upon the top of the stack, and steam was produced 
by the flame which came out of it. The boilers moved the bellows, and 
that operated upon the fire within the stack, and the heat created thereby 
generated the steam. 

f While Robert Fulton was employed in convincing an incredulous 
community of the practicability of applying steam power to water craft, 
he asked countenance and support from one of the wealthiest citizens of 
New-York, who responded to him that he was then engaged in preparing 
for the press a learned dissertation upon the influence which preserved 
Daniel unharmed in the lion's den. He was not prepared, therefore, to 
devote either time or attention to the " visionary scheme" which Fulton 
was endeavoring to perfect. The work which the millionaire supposed 
would startle the literary world, only made its appearance to find that 
oblivion which it no doubt deserved, and its enthusiastic author sleeps with 
his fathers, and his name perished almost with his existence, while Fulton, 
the despised and villified, won a deathless and immortal reputation. 
30 



466 HISTOBT OF THE 

years, until nature and art arc combined in yielding 
to the Lords of creation comfort and happiness. 

Science has also made rapid strides within the 
last fifty years ; and at the present day, speculative 
reasoning, and metaphysical disquisitions character- 
ize thought and argumentation. Researches upon 
dry and a kst ruse questions seem to afford particular 
pleasure to investigating intellects, and the fruits 
which reward mental toil, elevate to a still higher 
pedestal that knowledge which the human mind 
can grasp and retain. 

American literature is each year becoming more 
and more appreciated at home and abroad, until 
our authors stand in the front rank of historians, 
poets, and novelists. Education, the advance guard 
of liberty and the rights of man, has keen extended 
to our youth. Facilities are afforded to the rising 
generation which were unknown to our fathers, and 
all obstacles are removed from the path which leads 
to the temple of knowledge. This subject presents 
itself in the double aspect of a guarantee for the 
stability of our institutions, and a passport to that 
happiness which mental culture cannot fail to he- 
Btow. Volumes could be written upon the advan- 
tages to be obtained by nations, as well as indivi- 
dual-, from a general system of education.-' I) qua- 
lifies mm for the high and ennobling destiny which 
freemen can command, and renders the domestic 
circle peaceful and interesting. Each step taken 
by the white man fr om the Atlantic coast into the 

* It was a true savin**, tint if •• the \v:it_ r <^ of the schoolmaster are re- 
ducedj the pay of the recruiting sergeant musl be increased." 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 467 

wilcls of the West, has been the precursor ot educa- 
tion and refinement, and the school-house, the acad- 
emy, and the college, have been erected upon the 
confines of civilization. That energy which could 
successfully encounter the solitude and perils of a 
wilderness, was prepared to dissipate its gloom by 
mental improvement and social intercourse. To 
New England are the other States indebted for 
much of that well-directed zeal in the cause of edu- 
cation which signalizes the present age. The ce- 
lebrity of her system of common schools has found 
favor elsewhere, and in many instances has been 
greatly improved upon. 

It had been a prevailing opinion in Europe, that 
the Americans were a nation of traders, not over 
scrupulous about the means of acquiring wealth, and 
consequently, that a high state of morality could 
not exist among us. The Mexican war, by illustra- 
ting the chivalrous gallantry of the citizen soldier, 
went far towards removing this prejudice. It was 
proved that a much higher degree of patriotism 
animated our people than Europe ever exhibited. 
And where that is a prominent attribute of national 
character, morality must be found. I do not mean 
a thirst for slaughter, or a spirit which riots in car- 
nage and blood, as an avocation ; but that enthu- 
siastic love of country which induces an estimable 
citizen to leave his kindred and his home, to vindi- 
cate the honor of his native land, and when that 
end is attained, to return to his quiet fireside, blest 
with a nation's gratitude. 

It is a subject as gratifying to the patriot as to 



4G8 HISTOKY OF THE 

the Christian, that morality is wielding yearly a 
more enlarged and liberal influence upon the people 
of this confederacy. Religion is exercising its mild 
and gentle sway, with less of that bigotry which 
hitherto marked its progress. Charity is extended 
to foreigners with a liberal hand, while the poor 
and degraded are snatched from the haunts of 
wretchedness and vice, where crime has not inclosed 
them too closely in its folds. Religious fanaticism 
does not rage with the same violence as formerly, 
and therefore possesses more of that spirit which 
was inculcated by our Saviour. Many new sects 
are springing up, but their secession is not visited 
with that unforgiving spirit which punished free- 
dom of opinion in former days. As they serve to 
prevent a concentration of power in one church, 
which during its early history proved not only 
quite inconvenient, but oftentimes dangerous, they 
are to be encouraged, rather than condemned. 
There is a political fanaticism, however, which has 
increased in violence within the last few years, to 
an alarming degree. Thedanger to be apprehended 
from that kind of zeal, which borders upon frenzy, 
is, that its efforts are uncontrolled by a proper re- 
gard for the difficulties it seeks to overcome. When 
passion, instead of reason guides its career, a due 
respect is not paid to the Constitution and the laws* 

* "All this is just and sound. But assuming the same premises, to 
wit, that all men are equal by the law of nations, the right of propert) in 
Blaves falls to the ground, lor one who is equal to another cannot be the 
owner or property of thai other. Bui yon answer that the Constitution 
recognizes property in slaves. It would be sufficient then to reply, that 
thie constitutional recognition must be void, because it is repugnant to the 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 469 

The abolition excitement is produced by religious 
zealots and unscrupulous politicians. The latter 
make concessions to its demands, for the purpose of 
obtaining place and power. Its decrees are pro- 
mulgated from the pulpit and the hustings, with an 
ardor equal to that which prompted the crusaders 
to drive the infidel from the Holy Land. Where it 
will terminate no one can tell, unless all who respect 
the guaranties of the Constitution arrest its progress. 

If the zeal which is now employed upon distant 
objects, was directed with as much fervor to the re- 
lief of suffering at our doors, our motives would not 
so often be subject to a just criticism. 

The overthrow of the popular cause in Hungary 
and Italy has, for a period, destroyed the hopes of 
republicanism in that portion of the world. France 
may stay the tide of absolutism, on the one hand, 
and socialism, on the other ; and, emerging from the 
difficulties which assail her from without and with- 
in, yet illustrate the principles of free government. 

Upon the soil of Europe all is uncertainty; the 
spark of liberty which still lingers may light up 
into a blaze, and spread from land to land, until 
despotism and misrule shall nowhere find a spot to 
exercise its ruthless sway ; or it may go out, leaving 
continental Europe surrounded with the darkness 
of the middle ages. 

But here no such doubt and uncertainty exists. 
That Constitution which was framed by the wisdom 

law of nature and of nations." " But there is a higher law than the Consti- 
tution which regulates our authority overthe domain, and devotes it t" the 
same noble purposes." — Speech of Mr. H. Seward, U. S. Senate, March, 
1850. 



470 HISTOEY OF THE 

of those who passed through the fiery ordeal of the 
Revolution, stands the test of scrutiny and of time. 
Every assault which taction makes against it only 
has the effect of eliciting the veneration and regard 
entertained for its provisions by the American peo- 
ple. And wherefore should it not be so? The basis 
of that Constitution is the immutable principles of 
justice and truth. It guaranties the largest liberty 
to the citizen consistent with a well-ordered and 
well-regulated society. We choose our own public 
servants, who are accountable to us for their actions. 
All grievances can be redressed at the ballot-box. 
The private citizen, unawed by power, and uncon- 
trolled by a superior, possesses all the attributes and 
privileges of a freeman. 

We have a country of vast and illimitable re- 
sources, possessing every variety of soil and climate 
which the heart can desire; while national justice, 
unmingled with pride, will enable us to say that no 
country is blessed with inhabitants so gallant, patri- 
otic, enterprising, scientific, and moral, as those 
within the borders of the American Union. 

Here the husband is not torn from the bosom of 
his family, reluctantly to fight a tyrant's battles; 
but at the call of his country, when her honor is as- 
Bailed, he vohmteers to redress her wrongs. Con- 
Bcious of possessing the power of a slumbering giant, 
there is ao manifestation of constanl alarm indicated 
b\ the existence of large standing armies. On the 
contrary, unawed by tin- formidable array presented 
by foreign powers, our citizens peacefully pursue 
their usual avocations, confident in their ability to 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 471 

repel every aggression upon their rights, and to pre- 
serve unsullied the national honor. 

With all these elements of domestic happiness 
and national greatness, where is the cause for dis- 
content ? If we were ' disposed to appreciate the 
blessings which we enjoy, instead of seeking some 
imaginary evil as a source of dissatisfaction, it would 
be far more conducive to our happiness. We should 
not for a moment forget that we have the most per- 
fect form of government ever devised by the wit of 
man. This idea should daily be a subject of rejoic- 
ing. We should then be prepared to estimate the 
horrors of a dissolution of the Union. That terrible 
event should not for a moment be entertained ; and 
the monster who could have the hardihood to pro- 
pose an encroachment upon the Constitution, or re- 
sist its requirements, should be held up to the un- 
mitigated scorn and contempt of every patriot in 
the land ; and whoever attempt* the treason should 
be made a fearful example to all who would shun 
the traitor's doom. 

While the mind dwells upon the eventful admi- 
nistration of James K. Polk, the Mexican war and 
its consequences at once arrest attention. The re- 
nown of the American arms has spread abroad, un- 
til it is heralded in every part of the earth, and re- 
echoed in each isle of the ocean. Buena Vista and 
Molino del Rey, Vera Cruz and the Garitas of Mex- 
ico, will long be remembered by the civilized world.. 

The territory which we obtained from Mexico 
will yield us illimitable resources. The frowning 
barriers of the Rocky Mountains afford no obsta- 



■472 nisTOEY or the 

cles to our enterprising people, who are already 
crowding into the valleys of California. The com- 
merce of the United States now possesses the key 
which will unlock the treasures of the East; and 
that which raised to an extraordinary pitch of gran- 
deur the cities of ancient times, by the uncontrol- 
lable law of destiny is turned like a glittering and 
golden tide into the harbors of California. 

And where is that man who contributed more 
than all others towards producing these brilliant 
results? His pulseless form is mingling with the 
dust. The vast amount of labor which he perform- 
ed while occupying the presidential chair was too 
much for his constitution, and he had scarcely reach- 
ed his home in Tennessee when he was attacked by 
disease, which baffled the efforts of the most skilful 
physicians, and terminated his mortal career on the 
15th day of June, 1849* Posterity will pronounce 
his eulogium. 

* "Nashville, June 161%, 1849. 

'• Yesterday, at twenty minutes before five o'clock, P. M., James K. 
Polk expired at his residence in this city. 

" Mr. Polk had suffered from diarrhoea on his way up the Mississippi 
R from New Orleans, in March, hut the attack passed off, and he 

reached this city in good health. A few days after his arrival he mined 
i mansion, a stately edifice, which had just been completed 
and furnished in a style of combined elegance and taste. I lis estate lies 
in the very heart of the city, on an eminence known as Grundy's Hill, 
having been the home of the Hon. Felix Grundy, from whose heirs Mr. 
I i irehased the property. 

'• Having taken up his abode here, the Ex-President gave himself up 
to the improvement of the grounds, and was seen every day about his 
dwelling, aiding and directing the workmen he had employed. Now 
overlooking a cat i w giving instructions to a gardener, often 

■I by .Mrs. Polk, whose exquisite taste constituted the element of 
every improvement. It is not a fortnight since that I saw him on his 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 473 

lawn directing some men who were removing decaying cedars. I was 
struck with his erect and healthful bearing, and the active energy of his 
manner, which gave promise of long life. His flowing gray locks alone 
made him appear beyond the middle age of life. He seemed in full 
health. The next day being rainy he remained within, and began to 
arrange his large library, and the labor of reaching books from the floor 
and placing them on the shelves, brought on fatigue and slight fever, 
which the next day assumed the character of disease in the form of chronic 
diarrhoea, which was with him a complaint of many years' standing, and 
readily induced upon his system by any over-exertion. 

" For the first three days his friends felt no alarm. But the disease 
baffling their skill, (and for skilful physicians, Nashville will compare 
with the first cities in the Union,) Dr. Hay, his brother-in-law and family 
physician for twenty years, was sent for from Columbia. But the skill 
and experience of this gentleman, aided by the highest medical talent, 
proved of no avail. Mr. Polk continued gradually to sink from day to 
day. The disease was checked upon him four days before his death, but 
his constitution was so weakened that there did not remain recuperative 
energy enough in the system for healthy re-action. He sunk away so 
slowly and insensibly, that it was eight hours before he died, after the 
heavy death respirations commenced. He died without a struggle, simply 
ceasing to breathe, as when deep and quiet sleep falls upon a weary 
man. 

" About half an hour preceding his death, his venerable mother, en- 
tered the room, and kneeling by his bedside, offered up a beautiful prayer 
to the " King of kings, and Lord of lords," committing the soul of her son 
to his holy keeping. The scene was strikingly impressive. Major Polk, 
the President's brother, was also by his bedside, with other members of 
the family. 

" Upon the coffin was a plain silver plate, with these words : — 

"J. K. POLK, 

"Born November, 1795, 
"Died June 15, 1849. 

" The body lies in state to-day. The noble drawing-rooms are shrouded 
in black, and every window in morning with black scarfs of crape. «The 
tall white columns of the majestic portico facing the south, are completely 
shrouded in black, giving a solemnly majestic and funeral aspect to the 
Presidential mansion. 

"The funeral took place at four o'clock this afternoon, masonic cere- 
monies being first performed in the drawing-room over the body. I saw 
the body before it was encoffined. The features are in noble composure. 



474 HISTORY OF THE 

Dt-atli has impressed upon them the seal of majesty. In his life his fea- 
tures never wore that impress of command and intellectual strength that 
seemed now chiselled upon their marhle outline. He was habited in a 
plain suit of black, and a copy of the Constitution of the United States 
was placed at his feet. Before being taken to the cemetery, the body was 
hermetically soldered within a copper coffin. 

■■ From the house the funeral cortege, which was very large, all places 
of business being closed by order of our good whig mayor, proceeded to 
the Methodist Episcopal Church, where, after services performed by the 
Rev. Mr. McFerren, it was conveyed to the cemetery, followed by a vast 
concourse of citizens. The body was deposited in the Grundy vault, 
temporarily ; but it will soon be removed to a vault on the lawn of the 
Ex-Presidential mansion, where a willow now stands, and over it will be 
erected a stately marble mausoleum : thus the body of the President from 
Tennessee will lie entombed in the heart of its capital. Mr. Polk, by 
will, the evening before his death, gave the lawn to the State, in perpe- 
tuity, for this purpose. 

'• Mr. Polk sent for the Rev. Dr. Edgar, of the Presbyterian church, 
Beven days before his death, desiring to be baptized by him. He said to 
him impressively : — 

" 'Sir, if I had suspected twenty years ago that I should come to my 
death-bed unprepared^ it would have made me a wretched man ; yet I am 
about to die, and have not made preparation. I have not even been bap- 
tized. Tell me, sir, can there be any ground for a man thus situated to 
hope ?' 

" The Rev. Doctor made known to him the assurances and promises 
of the gospel that mercifully run parallel with man's life. 

• Mr. Polk then remarked that he had been prevented from baptism 
in infancy by some accidental occurrence, that he had been several times 
strongly inclined to be baptized during his administration, but that the 
cares and perplexities of public life hardly gave him time for the solemn 
preparation requisite, and so procrastination had ripened into inaction, 
when it was now almost too late to act. In his conversation with the 
Rev. clergyman, Mr. Polk evinced great knowledge of the Scriptures, 
which, he said, he had rend a great deal, and deeply reverenced as divine 
truth ; in a word, he was theoretically a Christian. 

••The conversation fatiguing Mr. Polk too much for him to be then 
baptized, it was postponed, to take place the next evening; but in the in- 
terval the Ex-Presidenl recollected that when he was Governor, and lived 
here, he used to hold many arguments with the Rev. Mr. McFerren. the 
talented and popular Methodist minister of the place, his warm personal 
and political friend, and that he had promised him that when he did em- 
brace Christianity, that he, the Rev. Mr. McFerren, should baptize him. 



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 475 

He, therefore, sent for the Rev. Dr. Edgar, made known this obligation, 
and expressed his intention to be baptized by his friend the Methodist 
minister. The same day the venerable Mrs. Polk, mother of the Ex-Pre- 
sident, a very pious Presbyterian lady, arrived from her residence, forty 
miles distant, accompanied by her own pastor, hoping that her distin- 
guished son would consent to be baptized by him. 

" ' Mother,' said the dying Ex-President, taking her affectionately by 
the hand, ' I have never in my life disobeyed you, but you must yield to 
your son now, and gratify my wishes. I must be baptized by the Rev. 
Mr. McFerren.' 

" His mother, wise as she is pious, did not hesitate to give her consent; 
and in the presence of the Rev. Dr. Edgar, and the Rev. Mr. Mack, of 
Columbia, the Ex-President received the rite of baptism at the hands of 
the Rev. Mr. McFerren. 

" Mr. Polk has died worth about one hundred thousand dollars, the 
bulk of which is settled upon his amiable lady ; who, it is to be hoped, 
will long make this city her abode — an ornament to its society, for ' all 
lips do praise her.' 

" P. S. — I have sent you a rude, but accurate sketch of the mansion 
of the Ex-President, as draped with mourning on the day of the funeral. 
The window blinds are tied with black crape, in, however, handsomer 
bows than my pen has achieved." — Correspondence of the New- York 
Herald. 



APPENDIX. 



GENERAL SCOTT TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. 

Mexico, February 24, 1848. 

Sir: On the 18th instant, I received your two letters, of the 13th 
ultimo, and immediately issued the general order, No. 59, (a copy in- 
closed,) devolving the command of the army. in Mexico upon Major Ge- 
neral Butler. 

As the officers detailed for the court of inquiry before which I am or- 
dered to appear as a criminal, are not known to have arrived in the coun- 
try, I avail myself of a moment's leisure to recall some of the neglects, 
disappointments, injuries and rebukes, which have been inflicted upon me 
by the War Department, since my departure from Washington, November 
23,1846. 

To me, the business of recrimination, however provoked, has ever 
been painful. In this summary I shall, therefore, indulge in no wanton- 
ness of language, but confine myself to naked historical facts, leaving con- 
clusions to men of sense and candor. 

In the hurry of preparation for Mexico, (only four days were allowed 
me at Washington — when twenty might have been most advantageously 
employed in the great bureaux — those of the chief engineer's, chief of 
ordnance, chief quartermaster's and chief commissary of subsistence,) I 
handed to you a written request that one of three of our accomplished 
captains, therein mentioned, might be appointed assistant adjutant general, 
with the rank of major, for duty with me in the field, and there was a va- 
cancy, at the time, for one. My request has never been attended to, and 
thus I have had no officer of the adjutant general's department with me in 
the campaign. Can another instance be cited of denying to a general-in- 
chief, in the field, at the head of a large army, or even a small one, the 
selection of his chief of the staff — that is, the chief in the department of 
orders and correspondence ? 

Early in the following January, I asked that a general court-martial 



478 APPENDIX. 

might !"• appointed on the part of the President, for the trial of two offi- 
cers (named by me), for conduct each had committed, that endangered, in 
a high degree, the success of the impending campaign ; and I specially re- 
ferred to the anomalous and fatal act of Congress, (May 29, 1830,) which 
prohibited me, as the " accuser or prosecutor," from ordering the court for 
the trial of the cases. My application has never been noticed. This neg- 
lect alone ought early to have admonished me that 1 had no hope of sup- 
port at Washington,- in any attempt I might make (against certain offi- 
cers) to maintain necessary discipline in the army I was about to lead into 
the Held. 

1 left Washington highly flattered with the confidence and kindness 
the President had just shown me. in many long personal interviews on 
military matters. For more than two months my expressions of gratitude 
\\>-re daily and fervent, nor were they much less emphatic towards the 
head of the War Department. Proceeding with zeal and confidence in 
my most hazardous duties, I learned. January '21. at the Brazos San Jago, 
that an attempt was on foot to create a lieutenant general to take command 
in the field over me. Shocked and distressed. I allowed of no relaxation 
in my efforts to serve my country, resolved that, for the short time I was 
likely to remain in commission, to he 

" True as the dial to the sun, 
Although it be not shined upon.' 

A vet n-reater outrage soon followed : failing to obtain an act for the 
lieutenant general, a bill was pressed upon Congress to authorize 
the placing a junior major general, just appointed, (the same individual,) 
in command over all the old major generals then in front of the enemy ! 

I will not here trust myself to add a soldier's comment upon those at- 
. but I may thank God that lie did not allow them, or subsequent 
injuries, to break down, entirely, the spirit and abilities (such as they are) 
with which He has endowed me. 

Foreseeing at Washington that, from the great demands of commerce 
at the moment, it would lie difficult, if not impossible, to take up, perhaps 
at any price, a sufficient number of vessels at New-Orleans and Mobile to 
transport tin' regiments of my expedition from the Rio Grande frontier to 
Vera <'ruz. I endeavored to impress upon the War Department the n • es- 
sitv nf sending out from the northern and eastern p<>rH a certain number 
of large ships in ballast, in order that the expedition mighl not he delayed, 
and in view of "the fixed fact," the return of the vomito, at Vera Cruz in 
the Bpring of the year, a delay of a few weeks was likely to prove a total 

di feat. 

In a paper transmitted to me. headed " .Memorandum for the Quarter- 
master General," marked " War Department, December 15, 1846," and 



APPENDIX. 479 

signed by the secretary, which I received January 8, it is said : " Independ- 
ently of this number of transports for troops and ordnance stores, [from 
the north] there will be required, say, five ships for the transportation of 
the [surf] boats now being prepared, besides which, ten vessels mast be 
taken up and sent out in ballast, [for troops,] unless stores can be put on 
board, to make up the number (40) required by the commanding general. " 

The date of this memorandum is December 15, more than three weeks 
after my requisition and departure from Washington. Of not one of the 
" ten vessels," in ballast, or with stores, (leaving room for troops,) have I 
heard up to this day. Relying upon them, confidently, the embarkation 
was delayed in whole or in part, at the Brazos and Tampico, from the 15th 
of January to the 9th of March, leaving, it was feared, not half the time 
needed for the reduction of Vera Cruz and its castle before the return of 
the yellow fever. But half the surf boats came at all, and of the siege 
train and ordnance stores, only about one-half had arrived when the Mexi- 
can flags were replaced by those of the United States on those formidable 
places. We succeeded at last in reaching the point of attack, in the midst 
of frightful northers, by means, in great part of trading craft, small and 
hazardous, picked up accidentally at the Brazos and Tampico, and when 
the army got ashore, its science and valor had to supply all deficiencies in 
heavy guns, mortars, and ordnance stores. 

The first letter that 1 received from the department, after entering the 
captured city, contained an elaborate rebuke, (dated February '22,) for hav- 
ing ordered Colonel Harney, 2d dragoons, to remain in the command of the 
cavalry with Major General Taylor, so as to leave Major Sumner, of the 
same regiment, the senior of that arm, in my expedition. There was no 
great difference in the number of cavalry companies with the armies, 

This rebuke was written with a complacency that argued the highest 
professional experience in such matters, and could not have been more con- 
fident in its tone if dictated to the greenest general of the recent appoint- 
ments. Yet, without the power of selecting commanders of particular 
corps, no general-in-chief would venture to take upon himself the con- 
duct of a critical campaign. Such selections were always made by the 
father of his country, and the principal generals under him. So in the 
campaign of 1814, I myself sent away, against their wishes, three senior 
field officers, of as many regiments, who were infirm, uninstructed. and 
inefficient, in favor of three juniors, and with the subsequent approbation 
of Major General Brown, on his joining me, and the head of the War De- 
partment. Both were well acquainted with the customs of war. in like 
cases, at home and abroad ; and without that energy on my part, if is 
highlv probable that no American citizen would ever have cited the buttles 
of the Niagara wiihont a sigh for his country, I am happy, however, 
that before a word had been received from the department, and indeed be- 



480 APPENDIX. 

fore it could have had any knowledge of the question, I had decided to 
take with me the frank and gallant colonel, and hope soon to learn that he 
and very many other officers have been rewarded with brevets for their 
highly distinguished services in the campaign that followed. 

It was in reference to the same rebuke that, in acknowledging your 
communication, I said, from Vera Cruz, April 5, " I might very well con- 
trovert the military principles so confidently laid down by the department, 
[in the letter of the 22d February,] but believing that the practice of the 
United States army, in the two wars with Great Britain, would have no 
weight in the particular case, I waive further reply; having, at the mo- 
ment, no leisure and no inclination for controversy." 

Alluding to the heavy disappointments, in respect to transports, siege 
train, and ordnance stores, then already experienced, I wrote to the de- 
partment from Lobos, February 28 : " Perhaps no expedition was ever so 
unaccountably delayed— by no want of foresight, arrangement, or energy 
on my part, as I dare affirm — and under circumstances the most critical to 
this entire army, for everybody relied upon and knew, from the first, as 
well as I knew, it would be fatal to us to attempt military operations on 
this coast after, probably, the first week in April ; and here we are at the 
end of February. Nevertheless this army is in heart ; and crippled as I 
am in the means required and promised, I shall go forward, and expect to 
take Vera Cruz and its castle in time to escape, by pursuing the enemy, 
the pestilence of the coast." 

The city and castle were captured March 29, and, with about one- 
fourth of the necessary means for a road train, (no fault of mine.) the re- 
tr . in pursuit of the enemy, was vigorously commenced April 8. The 
battle of Cerro Gordo soon followed, and we occupied Jalapa and Perote, 
v. here we were obliged to wait for supplies from Vera Cruz. In those 
ns I was made to writhe under another cruel disappointment. 

In my tour memorials, to the department, on the further prosecution of 
the war against Mexico, written at Washington, and dated, respectively, 
Oct er 27, November 12, 16, and 21, (it was only intimated to me in the 
night of November 18, thai I might prepare myself for the field,) papers 
in which I demonstrated thai Vera Cruz was the true base of operations, 
and that the enemy's capital could riot, probably, be reached from the Rio 
Grande, I estimated that after taking that great seaport, " about 20,000 
men," or " an army of more than 20,000 men may be needed ; 1. To beat, 
in the 6eld and in passes any accumulated force in the way, 2. To gar- 
rison many important points in the rear, to secure a free communication 
with Vem Cruz ; and :>,. To make distant detachments, in order to gather 
in, without long halts, necessary subsistence." And that force, I sup- 
posed, including volunteers, and aided by land and money bounties, might 
be raised in time by adding ten or twelve new regiments of regulars, and 
filling up the ranks of the old. 



APPENDIX. 481 

A bill was introduced for raising ten additional regular regiment!?, and 
I certainly do not mean to charge the department with the whole delay in 
passing the bill through Congress. But it was passed, February 11, 1847, 
and under it, by early in April, some few thousand men had been already 
raised and organized. My distress may be conceived, by any soldier, on 
learning at Jalapa, April 27th, that the whole of that force had been sent, 
under Brigadier Cadwalader, to the Rio Grande frontier. 

In my letter to the department, written the day after, I said, I had ex- 
pected that " detachments of the new regiments, would, as you had pro- 
mised me, begin to arrive in this month, and continue to follow perhaps in 
June." " How many (volunteers) will re-engage under the act approved 
March 3, (only received two days ago,) I know not ; probably but few. 
Hence, the greater my disappointment caused by sending the new troops 
to the Rio Grande ; for, besides their keeping the road in our present rear 
open for many weeks, by marches in successive detachments, I had in- 
tended, as I advanced, to leave strong garrisons in this place, [Jalapa.] in 
Perote, and Puebla, and to keep at the head of the movement, a force equal 
to any probable opposition. It may now depend on the number of the old 
volunteers who may re-engage, and the number of new troops that may 
arrive from the Brazos in time ; as also, in some degree, upon the advance 
of Major General Taylor, whether I shall find this army in strength to 
leave the garrisons and to occupy the capital." 

I may add, that only about fifty individuals of the old volunteers re- 
engaged under the provision of the act of March 3 ; that the remainder 
were discharged May 4 ; that Major General Taylor made no movement in 
advance of Saltillo, and that the new regular, including Cadwalader's 
brigade, only began to come up with me, at Puebla, in July, but not in suf- 
ficient numbers till August 6. The next day the army commenced its 
advance upon the capital with a little more than 10,000 effective men. 

It is not extravagant to say that, if Brigadier General Cadwalader's 
forces had not been diverted from me, to the Rio Grande, where he was 
made to lose, without any benefit to Major General Taylor, much precious 
time, I might easily have taken this city in the month of June, and at 
one-fifth of the loss sustained in August and September. The enemy 
availed himself of my forced delay, at Puebla, to collect, to treble, to orga- 
nize and discipline his forces, as also to erect numerous and powerful de- 
fences with batteries. Nearly all those extraordinary preparations, for 
our reception, were made after the middle of June. And it is known that 
the news of the victory of Buena Vista reached Washington in time to 
countermand Cadwalader's orders for the Rio Grande, before his departure 
from New-Orleans. Two rifle companies with him received the counter- 
mand there and joined me early. 

I know that I had the misfortune to give offence to the department by 
31 



!>J A PP E -N 1) 1 X. 

expressing myself to tlie same effect, from Jalapa,May 6. In a report of 

that (lair. I said : 

•■ The subject of that order (No. 135 — old volunteers) has given me 
long and deep solicitude. To part with so large and so respectable a por- 
ti on of this army in the middle of a country which, though broken in its 
, is not yet disposed to sue tor peace ; to provide for the return home 
ul seven regiments, from this interior position, at a time when I find it 
quite difficult to provide transportation and supplies for the operating forces 
which remain ; and all this without any prospect of succor or reinforce- 
ment in, perhaps, the next seven months — beyond some 300 army recruits 
— present novelties utterly unknown to any invading army before. With 
the addition of ten or twelve thousand new levies in April and May — 
asked for, and, until very recently, expected — or even with the addition of 
two or three thousand new troops, destined for this army, but suddenly, by 
the orders of the War Department, diverted to the Rio Grande frontier, I 
might, notwithstanding the unavoidable discharge of the old volunteers — 
regiments and two independent companies — advance with confi- 
dence upon the enemy's capital. I shall, nevertheless, advance ; but 
whether beyond Puebla, will depend on intervening information and reflec- 
tion. The general panic given to the enemy at Cerro Gordo still remain- 
ing, I think it probable that we shall go to Mexico, or, if the enemy reco- 
ver from that, we must renew the consternation by another blow."' 

Thus, like Cortez, finding myself isolated and abandoned, and again 
like him, always afraid that the next ship or messenger might recall or 
farther cripple me, I resolved no longer to depend on Vera Cruz or home, 
Inii in render my little army " a self-sustaining machine" — as I informed 
every body, including the head of the War Department — and advance to 
Puebla. 

It was in reference to the foregoing serious causes of complaint, and 
others to be found in my reports al large — particularly in respect to money 
for the disbursing staff officers, clothing, and Mr. Trist, commissioner — 
that I concluded my report from Puebla, June 4, in these words : 

•• Considering the many cruel disappointments and mortification I have 
been made to feel since I left Washington, and the total want of support 
or Bympathy on the part of the War Department, which I have so long 
experienced, I beg to be recalled from this army the moment it may be 
safe for any person to embark al Vera Cruz: which,] suppose, will be 
early in November. Probably all field operations will be over long before 
that time." 

Bui my next report (July 25th) from Puebla has, no doubt, in the 
end, been deemed more unpardonable by the department. In that paper, 
after speaking of the " happy change in my relations, both official and pri- 
vate, with .Mr. Trist," I continued : 



APPENDIX. 483 

" Since about the 26th ultimo [June], our intercourse has been fre- 
quent and cordial, and I found him [Mr. T.] able, discreet, courteous, and 
amiable. At home it so chanced that we had had but the slightest possible 
acquaintance with each other. Hence, more or less of reciprocal preju- 
dice, and of the existence of his feelings towards me, I knew (by private 
letters), before we met, that at least a part of the cabinet had a full intima- 
tion. 

" Still, the pronounced misunderstanding between Mr. Trist and my- 
self could not have occurred, but for other circumstances: 1. 1 lis bring 
obliged to send forward your letter of April 14th, instead of delivering it 
in person, with the explanatory papers which he desired to communicate. 
2. His bad health in May and June, which, I am happy to say, has now 
become good ; and 3. The extreme mystification into which your letter — 
and particularly an interlineation — unavoidably threw me. 

" So far as I am concerned, I am perfectly willing that all I have here- 
tofore written to the department about Mr. Trist should be suppressed. 
I make this declaration as due to my present esteem for that gentleman ; 
but ask no favor, and desire none, at the hands of the department. Jus- 
tice to myself, however tardy, I shall take care to have done. * * * 

" I do not acknowledge the justice of either of your rebukes contained 
in the letter of May 31, [in relation to Mr. Trist and the prisoners at Cerro 
Gordo,] and that I do not here triumphantly vindicate myself, is not from 
the want of will, means, or ability, but time. 

" The first letter (dated February 22) received from you at Vera Cruz, 
contained a censure, and I am now rebuked for the unavoidable— nay. 
wise, if it had not been unavoidable— release on parole of the prisoners 
taken at Cerro Gordo ; even before one word of commendation from gov- 
ernment has reached this army on account of its gallant conduct in the 
capture of those prisoners. [No such commendation has yet been re- 
ceived, February, 1848.] So, in regular progression, I may— should tin- 
same army gallantly bear me into the city of Mexico, in the next six or 
seven weeks, which is probable, if we are not arrested by a peace or a 
truce — look to be dismissed from the service of my country ! You will 
perceive that 1 am aware (as I have long been) of the dangers which hang 
over me at home; but I, too, am a citizen of the United States, and well 
know the obligations imposed, under all circumstances, by an enlightened 
patriotism. 

" In respect to money, I beg again to report that the chief commi^ary 
(Captain Grayson) of this army has not received a dollar from the United 
States since we landed at Vera Cruz, March 9. He now owes more than 
$200,000, and is obliged to purchase, on credit, at great disadvantages. 
The chief quartermaster (Captain Irwin) has received perhaps $60,000, 
and labors under like incumbrances. Both have sold drafts to mm:. 1 ' 



484 APPENDIX. 

amounts, and borrowed largely of the pay department, which has received 
about half the money estimated for. Consequently the troops have some 
four months' pay due them. Our poverty, or the neglect of the disbursing 
departments at home, has been made known, to our shame, in the papers 
of tlic capital here, through a letter from Lieutenant Colonel Hunt, that 
was found on the person of the special messenger from Washington. 

11 The army is also suffering greatly from the want of necessary cloth- 
ing, including blankets and great-coats. The new troops, (those who 
have last arrived.) as destitute as the others, were first told that they 
would find abundant supplies at New-Orleans ; next, at Vera Cruz, and 
finally here ; whereas, we now have, perhaps, a thousand hands engaged 
in making shoes and (out of bad materials and at high cost) pantaloons. 
These articles, about 3,000 pairs of each, are absolutely necessary to cover 
the nakedness of the troops. 

" February 28th, off Lobos, I wrote to Brigadier General Brooke, to 
direct the quartermaster at New-Orleans to send me large supplies of 
clothing. March 16 and 23, General Brooke replied that the quartermas- 
ter at New-Orleans, had ' neither clothing nor shoes,' and that he was 
' fearful that unless they have been sent out to you direct, you will be 
much disappointed. 5 

" Some small quantity of clothing, perhaps one-fifth of our wants, 
came to Vera Cruz, from some quarter, and followed us to Jalapa and this 
place." 

I must here specially remark, that this report, No. 30, though for- 
warded the night of its date (July 25), seems to have been miscarried. 
Perceiving, about November 27, that it was not acknowledged by the de- 
partment, I caused a duplicate to be made, signed it and sent it off by the 
same conveyance with my dispatch No. 36, and the charges against Bre- 
vel Major General Worth, Major General Pillow, and Brevet Lieutenant 
Colonel Duncan, together with the appeal against me, of the former. All 
these papers arc acknowledged by the department in the same letter, Janu- 
ary 13, that recalls me. 

It was that budget of papers that caused the blow of power, so long 
suspended, to fall on a devoted head. The three arrested officers, and he 
who had endeavored to enforce a necessary discipline against them, arc all 
to be placed together before the same court. The innocent and the guilty, 
the accuser and the accused, the judge and his prisoners, are dealt with 
alike. Most impartial justice ! But there is a discrimination with a ven- 
geance ! While the parties are on trial — if the appealer is to be tried at 
all. which seems doubtful — two are restored to their corps — one of them 
with his brevet rank, and I am deprived of my command. There can be but 
one step more in the same direction ; throw the rules and articles of war 
into the fire, and leave all ranks in the army free to engage in denuncia- 



APPENDIX. -IS") 

tions, and a general scramble for precedence, authority, and executive fa- 
vor. The pronunciamento, on the part of my factious juniors, is most 
triumphant. 

My recall — under the circumstances a severe punishment before trial, 
but to be followed by a trial here that may run into the autumn, and on 
matters I am but partially permitted to know by the department and my 
accusers — is very ingeniously placed on two grounds: 1. My own re- 
quest, meaning that of June 4, (quoted above, and there was no other lie- 
fore the department,) which had been previously (July 12) acknowledged 
and rebukingly declined. 2. The arrest of Brevet Major General Worth, 
for writing to the department, " under the pretext and form of an appeal," 
an open letter, to be sent through me, in which I was grossly and falsely 
accused of " malice" and " conduct unbecoming an officer and gentle- 
man," in the matter of the general order, No. 349, on the subject of puff- 
ing letters for the newspapers at home. 

On that second point, the letter from the department of January 13 is 
more than ingenious ; it is elaborate, subtle, and profound; a professional 
dissertation, with the rare merit of teaching principles, until now wholly 
unknown to military codes and treatises, and of course to all mere soldiers, 
however great their experience in the field. 

I have not, in this place, time to do more than hint at the fatal conse- 
quences of the novel doctrine in question. According to the department, 
any factious junior may, at his pleasure, in the midst of the enemy, using 
" the pretext and form of an appeal" against his commander, insult and 
outrage him to the grossest extent, though he be the general-in-chief, and 
charged with the conduct of the most critical operations, and that com- 
mander may not arrest the incipient mutineer until he shall have first laid 
down his own authority, and submitted himself to a trial, or wait, at least, 
until a distant period of leisure for a judicial examination of the appeal ! 
And this is precisely the case under consideration. The department, in 
its eagerness to condemn me, could not take time to learn of the ex- 
perienced that the general-in-chief who once submits to an outrage 
from a junior, must lay his account to suffer the like from all the vicious 
under him ; at least, down to a rank that may be supposed without influ- 
ence in high quarters beyond the army. But this would not be the whole 
mischief to the public service. Even the great mass of the spirited, in- 
telligent, and well affected, among his brothers in arms, would soon re- 
duce such commander to utter imbecility, by holding him in just scorn and 
contempt for his recreancy to himself and country. And are discipline 
and efficiency of no value in the field 1 

But it was not my request of June 4, nor report No. 30 (of July 25), 
so largely quoted from above, nor yet the appeal of one pronunciado, 
that has at length brought down upon me this visitation, so clearly pre- 



486 APPENDIX. 

dieted. That appeal, no doubt, had its merits, considering it came from 
an erratic brother — a deserter from the other extreme — who, having just 
made his peace with the true faith, was bound to signalize apostasy by ac- 
ceptable denunciations of one for whom, up to Vera Cruz, he had pro- 
fessed (and not without cause) the highest obligations. (It was there he 
learned from me that I was doomed at Washington, and straightway the 
apostate began to seek, through a quarrel, the means of turning that 
knowledge to his own benefit.) No, there was (recently) still another 
element associated in the work, kept, as far as practicable, out of the letter 
of recall ; an influence proceeding from the other arrested general, who is 
quite willing that it should be generally understood (and who shall gainsay 
his significant acquiescence ?) that all rewards and punishments in this 
army were, from the first, to follow his recommendations. This the mere 
powerful of the pronunciados against No. 349 well knew, at the time, as 
I soon knew that he was justly obnoxious not only to the animadversions 
of that order, but to other censures of yet a much graver character. 

In respect to this general, the letter of recall observes, parenthetically, 
but with an acumen worthy of more than " a hasty" notice, that some of 
my specifications of his misconduct " are hardly consistent with your [my] 
official reports and commendations." 

Seemingly this is a most just rebuke. But, waiting for the trials, I 
will here briefly state, that unfortunately I followed that general's own 
reports, written and oral; that my confidence lent him in advance, had 
been but very slightly shaken as early as the first week in October ; that 
up to that time, from our entrance into this city, I had been at the desk, 
shut out from personal intercourse with my brother officers, and that it was 
not till alter that confinement that facts, conduct, and motives, began to 
pour in upon me. 

A word as to the 5th article of war. I can truly say that in this and 
other communications, I have not designed the slightest disrespect to the 
Commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States. No 
doubt he, like myself and all others, may fall into mistakes as to particular 
men ; and I cannot, having myself been behind the curtain, admit the legal 
fiction that all acts of a secretary are the acts of the President. Yet, in 
my defensive statements, I have offered no wanton discourtesy to the head 
of the War Department, although that functionary is not in the enumera- 
tion of the above-mentioned article. 

Closing my correspondence with the department until after the ap- 
proaching trial, 

I have the honor to remain, respectfully, your most obedient servant, 

WINFIELD SCOTT. 

lion. Secretab.1 of War. 



APPENDIX. 487 



! 



THE SECRETARY OF WAR TO GENERAL SCOTT. 

War Department, 
Washington, April 21, 1848. 

Sir : It would not be respectful to you to pass unnoticed your extraor- 
dinary letter of the 24th of February, nor just to myself to permit it to 
remain unanswered on the files of this department. 

To attempt to dispel the delusions which you seem to have long perti- 
naciously cherished, and to correct the errors into which you have fallen, 
devolves upon me a duty which I must not decline ; but in performing it I 
mean to be as cautious as you profess to have been, to abstain from any 
" wanton discourtesy," and I hope to be alike successful. Your prudent 
respect for the " 5th article of war," has induced you to hold me ostensi- 
bly responsible for many things which, you are aware, are not fairly 
chargeable to me. The device you have adopted to assail the President, 
by aiming your blows at the Secretary of War, does more credit to your 
ingenuity as an accuser, than to your character as a soldier. A premedi- 
tated contrivance to avoid responsibility does not indicate an intention not 
to do wrong. 

The general aspect of your letter discloses an evident design to create 
a belief that you were drawn forth from your quiet position in a bureau of 
this department, and assigned to the command of our armies in Mexico, 
for the purpose of being sacrificed ; and that, to accomplish this end, 
" neglects, disappointments, injuries, and rebukes" were " inflicted" on 
you, and the necessary means of prosecuting the war with success with- 
held ; or, in other words, that the Government, after preferring you to any 
other of the gallant generals within the range of its choice, had labored to 
frustrate its own plans, to bring defeat upon its own armies, and involve it- 
self in ruin and disgrace, for an object so unimportant in its bearing upon 
public affairs. A charge so entirely preposterous, so utterly repugnant to 
all the probabilities of human conduct, calls for no refutation. 

For other purposes than to combat this fondly cherished chimera, it is 
proper that I should notice some of your specific allegations. 

It is true that, after you were designated for the chief command of our 
armies, the President was desirous that your departure should not be un- 
necessarily delayed, but you were not restricted, as you allege, to "only 
four days," to make the necessary preparations at Washington. You 
were not ordered away until you had reported that these preparations were 
so far completed that your presence here was no longer required. Then, 
instead of going directly to Mexico, you were permitted, at your own re- 
quest, to take a circuitous route through New-York, and there to remain 
a few days. You staid at New-York nearly an entire week ; and not until 



488 APPENDIX. 

the 19th of December (twenty-six days after leaving Washington), did 
you reach New-Orleans, where you would have arrived in seven days, if 
you had been required to take the direct route. This solicited indulgence, 
by which your arrival at New-Orleans was delayed nearly three weeks, 
is incompatible with your allegation that you were allowed "only lour 
day- at Washington, where twenty might have been most advantageously 
employed." This complaint has relation to facts within your own knowl- 
edge ; error, therefore, is hardly reconcileable with any solicitude to be ac- 
curate. As this is your opening charge against the War Department, and 
may be regarded as indicative of those which follow, I shall make the refu- 
tation of it still more complete, for the purpose of showing with what 
recklessness you have performed the functions of an accuser, and how 
little reliance, in the present state of your feelings, can be placed on your 
memory. You are the witness by whom your allegation is to be dis- 
proved. On the day of your departure from Washington, you left with 
me a paper in your own handwriting, dated November 23d, 1846, with the 
following heading : " Notes, suggesting topics to be embraced in the Se- 
cretary's instructions to General S., drawn up (in haste) at the request of 
the former." From that paper 1 extract the following paragraph : 

"I [the Secretary of War] am pleased to learn from you [General 
Scott] that you have, in a very few days, already, through the general 
staff o{' the army here, laid a sufficient basis for the purposes with which 
you are charged, and that you now think ilbest to proceed at once to the 
southwestern order to organize the largest number of troops that can be 
obtained in time for that most important expedition" — the expedition ayainst 
Vera Cruz. Here is your own most explicit admission that you repre- 
sented to the Secretary of War, before leaving Washington, that ar- 
rangements were 60 far completed, that you thought it best to proceed at 
once to the army in Mexico, and yet you make it your opening charge 
against the department, that you were forced away to Mexico before you 
had time for necessary preparations. 

1 present the next charge in your own language : " I handed to you a 
written request that one of three of our accomplished captains, therein 
named, might be appointed assistant adjutant general, with the rank of 
Major, for duty with me in the field, and there wasa vacancy, at the time, 
My request has never been attended to; and thus I have had no 
officer of the adjutant general's department with me in the campaign, 
nother instance be cited of denying to a general-in-chief, in the field, 
at the head of a !ar<_ r o army, or even a small one, the selection of his chief 
of the stall'— that is, the chief in the department of orders and correspond- 
ent 

Were the case precisely as you have stated it to be, you have given 
I io much prominence, as a matter of complaintj to the President's refusal 



APPENDIX. 489 

to be controlled in the exercise of the appointing power by your wishes. 
Had there been a vacancy, such as you mention, for one of the " accom- 
plished captains" you named, no one knows better than you do thai your 
request could not have been acceded to, without departing from the uniform 
rule of selection for staff' appointments — without violating the rights of se- 
veral officers to regular promotion, and offering an indignity to all those who 
held the position of assistant adjutants general with the rank of captain. 
The rule of regular promotion in the staff is as inflexible, and has been 
as uniformly observed, as that in the line. It must appear surprising that 
you, who were so deeply " shocked and distressed" at the suggestion of 
appointing, by authority of Congress, a " citizen lieutenant general," or 
vesting the President with power to devolve the command of the army on 
a major general, without regard to priority in the date of his commission, 
should, in your first request after being assigned to command, ask the Pre- 
sident to disregard the rights of, at least, four officers, as meritorious as the 
" three accomplished captains" named by you. The President's views on 
this subject undoubtedly differ from yours. His regard for the rights of 
officers is not graduated by their rank. Those of captains and major ge- 
nerals have equal value in his estimation, and an equal claim to his respect 
and protection. I cannot admit that it is a just ground of censure and re- 
buke against the " head of the War Department," that the President did 
not see fit, in order to gratify your feelings of favoritism, to disregard the 
claims, and violate the rights, of all the assistant adjutants general of the 
rank of captain then in commission. 

But, so far as it is made a ground of complaint and reproof, this is not 
the worst aspect of the case. You are entirely mistaken in the assertion 
that there was then a vacancy in the adjutant general's staff', with the rank 
of major, to which either of the captains recommended by you could have 
been properly appointed. There was no such vacancy. To show the 
correctness of this statement, and to demonstrate your error, I appeal to 
the army register and the records of the adjutant general's office. Your 
mistake as to an obvious fact, lying within the range of matters with 
which you are presumed to be familiar, has excited less surprise than the 
declaration that, by the non-compliance with your request, you " have had 
no officer of the adjutant general's department with me [you] in the cam- 
paign." Every officer of that department, at least eight, were, as you well 
knew, subject to your command. When you arrived in Mexico, there 
were with the army at least five assistant adjutants general, all at your 
service. That you chose to employ none of them at your head-quarters, 
and detached from other appropriate duties an officer to act as an assistant 
adjutant general, may well be regarded as a slight to the whole of that 
staff then with you in Mexico, and a cause of complaint ; but certainly not 
a complaint to emanate from you against the War Department. Willing 



490 APPENDIX. 

as I am to presume, though unable to conceive, that circumstances justi- 
fied you in passing over all the assistant adjutants general then with the 
army, and in selecting an officer of the line to perform the duties of adju- 
tant general at your head-quarters, I was much surprised to learn from you 
that, when General Worth sent to you one of these "accomplished cap- 
tains," the first on your list, under the belief that you desired his services 
as an acting assistant adjutant general, you declined to employ him in that 
capacity ; and I am still more surprised to perceive that you have made it 
a distinct ground of charge in your arraignment of the War Department, 
that you were not permitted to have him as an assistant adjutant general at 
your head-quarters. Had you selected him instead of another, as you 
might have done, you would have been bereft of all pretext for complaint. 
Though there was no vacancy in the adjutant general's staff of the grade 
of major, for which only you recommended the " accomplished captains," 
and to which only they were properly eligible, there was a vacancy in it 
of the rank of captain. For this position you recommended an officer in 
( reneral Wool's staff, then on the Chihuahua expedition. This officer was 
[uently appointed assistant adjutant general, with the rank of captain, 
as you desired, and has ever since been at the head-quarters of that general. 
Thus it will be perceived that your request, so far as it was proper and 
reasonable, was actually complied with. 

The next specification in the catalogue of charges preferrred against 
me is, that a court-martial was not instituted by the President for the trial 
or General .Marshall and Captain Montgomery on your charges against 
them. The offences imputed to them were certainly not of an aggravated 
character. The one, as was alleged, had been incautious in relation to a 
dispatch, under circumstances that might admit of its coming to the 
know ledge of the enemy ; and the other had not carried a dispatch with as 
much expedition as you thought he might have done. As one was a ge- 
neral officer, a court to try him must, have been composed of officers of 
high rank. Before the order for assembling it could have reached Mexico, 
it was foreseen that your command would be at Vera Cruz, and probably 
engaged in an active siege of that city. Officers could not, therefore, have 
been then sent from your column to Monterey or the Rio Grande, (where 
the court must have been held.) without great detriment to the public ser- 
vice. Had you been deprived of several officers of high rank, at that 
critical period, by order of the President, it would have afforded a bet- 
ter pretence of complaint than any one in your extended catalogue. Had 
the court been composed of officers taken from General Taylor's com- 
mand, it would have still further weakened his condition, already weak in 
(uence of the very large force you had withdrawn from him. Sub- 
' events have proved that it was most fortunate the President did 
not comply with your request, for had he done so, some of the officers 



APPENDIX. 491 

highest in rank and most conspicuous at Buena Vista might, at that criti- 
cal juncture, have been separated from their commands and engaged on a 
court at a distance from that glorious scene of action. It is not fanciful to 
suppose that their absence might have changed the fortune of that event- 
ful day, and that, instead of rejoicing, as we now do, in a triumphant vic- 
tory, among the most brilliant in the whole course of the war, we might 
have had to lament a most disastrous defeat, and the almost total loss of 
the whole force you had left to sustain that frontier. 

No man has more reason than yourself to rejoice that no order emana- 
ted from Washington, though recmested by you, which would have fur- 
ther impaired the efficiency of General Taylor's command in the crisis 
that then awaited him. 

My letter of the 22d of February, conveying the President's views in 
regard to your order depriving Colonel Harney of his appropriate com- 
mand, is severely arraigned by you as offensive, both in manner and matter. 

The facts in relation to this case of alleged grievance arc now before 
the public, and a brief allusion to them will place the transaction in its 
true light. Under your orders Colonel Harney had brought seven compa- 
nies of his regiment, the 2d dragoons, from Monterey to the Brazos, to be 
under your immediate command ; and two others, being all of the regiment 
in Mexico, were expected to follow within a few days. In the midst of his 
high hopes and ardent desire for active service, you took from him the 
command of his own regiment, devolved it on one of his junior officers, 
and ordered him back to General Taylor's line, to look for what was not 
inappropriately denominated " an imaginary command." Outraged in his 
feelings and injured in his rights, he respectfully remonstrated ; liis appeal 
to your sense of justice was unavailing. Neither to this gallant officer, 
nor to the President, did you assign any sufficient or even plausible reason 
for this extraordinary proceeding. The whole army, I believe, and the 
whole country, where the transaction became known, entertained but one 
opinion on the subject, and that was, that you had inflicted an injury and 
an outrage upon a brave and meritorious officer. Such an act, almost the 
first on your assuming command, boded disastrous consequences to the 
public service, and devolved upon the President the duty of interposing to 
protect the injured officer. This interposition you have made a grave 
matter of accusation against the head of the War Department, and have 
characterized it as a censure and a rebuke. It may imply both, and .-till, 
being merited, may leave you without a pretence for complaint. The Pre- 
sident, after alluding to his duty to sustain the rights of the officers under 
your command, as well as your own rights, informed you that he did not 
discover in the case, as you had presented it, sufficient cause for auch an 
order ; that, in his opinion. Colonel Harney had a just cause to complain, 
and that he hoped the mutter had been reconsidered by you, and the colo- 



492 APPENDIX. 

nel restored to his appropriate command. Your own subsequent course 
in this case demonstrates the unreasonablenes of your complaint, and vin- 
dicates the correctness of the President's proceedings. You had really 
rebuked and censured your own conduct, for even before you had received 
the President's views, you had, as he hoped you would, reconsidered the 
matter, become convinced of your error, reversed your own order, and re- 
stored Colonel Harney to his command ; thus giving the strongest evidence 
in favor of the propriety and correctness of all the President had done in 
the case. I give you too much credit for steadiness of purpose, to suspect 
tl Kit you retraced your steps from mere caprice, or for any other cause 
than a conviction that you had fallen into error. After the matter had 
thus terminated, it appears unaccountable to me that you, who above all 
others should wish it to pass into oblivion, have again called attention to it 
by making it an item in your arraignment of the War Department. 

You struggle in vain to vindicate your course in this case, by referring 
to your own acts in the campaign of 1814. You then sent away, as you 
allege, against their wishes, " three senior field officers, of as many regi- 
ments, who were infirm, uninstrucied, and inefficient, in favor of three 
juniors, and with the subsequent approbation of Major General Brown and 
the head of the War Department." This precedent does not, in my judg- 
ment change the aspect of the present case. Colonel Harney was not 
" infirm, uninstructed, and inefficient ;" you did not assign, and in defer- 
ence to the known opinion of the army and country, you did not venture 
to assign that reason for deposing him. I do not understand the force of 
your logical deduction, that, because you, on a former occasion, had de- 
prived officers under you of their commands, for good and sufficient rea- 
sons, with subsequent approval, you may now, and at any time, do the 
same thing, without any reason whatever ; and if the President interposes 
to correct the procedure, you have a just cause to complain of an indig- 
nity, and a right to arraign the War Department. 

As your animadversion upon the tone of my letter is, probably, not a 
blow aimed at a much more conspicuous object, to be reached through me, 
I ought, perhaps, to pass it without notice. On revision of that letter, I 
cannot perceive that it is not entirely respectful in manner and language. 
The views of the President are therein confidently expressed, because 
they were confidently entertained. It seems to be admitted by you that, 
" if dictated to the greenest general of the recent appointments." the 
letter would not have been exceptionable. I was not aware that it was 
my duty to modify and graduate my style, so as to meet, according to your 
fastidious views, the various degrees of greenness and ripeness of the 
generals, to whom I am required to convey the orders of the President ; 
and for any such defect in my official communications I have no apology 
to offer. 



APPENDIX. 493 

In the same letter, wherein you complain of being censured for your 
course in relation to Colonel Harney, you say, " I am now rebuked for the 
unavoidable — nay wise, if it had not been unavoidable — release, on parole, 
of the prisoners taken at Cerro Gordo — even before one word of com- 
mendation from government had reached this army, on account of its gal- 
lant conduct in the capture of those prisoners." Accident alone, not any 
oversight or neglect on my part, has given you the apparent advantage of 
the aggravation, which you have artfully thrown into this charge. My 
letter, commending yourself and the gallant army under your command, 
for the glorious achievement at Cerro Gordo, was written and sent to you 
on the 19th of May, eleven days before that which you are pleased to con- 
sider as containing a rebuke. 

But I meet the main charge with a positive denial. You never were 
rebuked for discharging the prisoners taken at Cerro Gordo. This issue 
can be tried by the record. All that was ever said on the subject, is con- 
tained in the following extract from my letter of the 31st of May. 

" Your course hitherto, in relation to prisoners of war, both men and 
officers, in discharging them on parole, has been liberal and kind ; but 
whether it ought to be still longer continued, or in some respects changed, 
has been under the consideration of the President, and he has directed me 
to communicate to you his views on the subject. He is not unaware of 
the great embarrassment their detention, or the sending of them to the 
United States, would occasion; but, so far as relates to the officers, he 
thinks they should be detained until duly exchanged. In that case, it will 
probably be found expedient to send them, or most of them, to the United 
States. You will not, therefore, except for special reasons in particular 
cases, discharge the officers, who may be taken prisoners, but detain them 
with you, or send them to the United States, as you shall deem most ex- 
pedient." 

If I understand the force of terms, there is nothing in this language 
which, by fair interpretation, can be made to express or imply a rebuke. I 
cannot conceive that any mind, other than one of a diseased sensitiveness, 
ever anxious to discover causes for complaint and accusation, could ima- 
gine that any thing like a rebuke was contained in this extract ; yet on this 
unsubstantial basis alone rests the charge, over and over again presented, 
that you were rebuked by the War Department, for discharging the pris- 
oners captured at Cerro Gordo. If, in a case where it was so easy to be 
right and so difficult to get wrong, you could fall into such an obvious mis- 
take, what may not be expected from you in other matters, where your 
perverted feelings have a freer and wider range ? 

Before considering your complaints, for not having been supplied with 
sufficient means for transportation for the expedition against Vera Cruz, I 
will notice your " four memorials" to the War Department, in which you 



49-t APPENDIX. 

demonstrated, as you state, that Vera Cruz was the true basis of opera- 
nd that the enemy's capital could not, probably, be reached from the 
Rio Grande. 

I cannot discover the pertinency of your allusion to these four memo- 
rials, except it be to put forth a claim to the merit of originating the expe- 
dition against Vera Cruz, and of being the first to discover that the most 
practicable route to the city of Mexico was from that point on the Gulf; 
but your known abhorrence for a " pruriency of fame not earned," ought 
to shield you from the suspicion of such an infirmity. 

I am sure you are not ignorant of the fact — but, if you are, it is nev- 
ertheless true — that the expedition against Vera Cruz had been for some 
time under consideration ; that great pains had been taken to get informa- 
tion as to the defences of that city, the strength of the castle, and the 
difficulties which would attend the debarkation of troops ; that maps had 
been procured and carefully examined ; that persons who had resided there, 
and officers of the army and navy, had been consulted on the subject, and 
the enterprise actually resolved on before the date of your first memoir, 
and before you were thought of to conduct it. 

A early as the 9th of July, 1846, within two months after the decla- 
ration of war, and before the main body of troops raised for its prosecution 
had reached the scene of operations, considerable attention had been given 
to that subject. On that day a letter, from this department to General 
Taylor, thus alludes to a movement from Vera Cruz into the interior of the 
enemy's country. 

■• If. from all the information you may communicate to the department, 
as well as that derived from other sources, it should appear that the diffi- 
culties and obstacles to the conducting of a campaign, from the Rio 
Grande, the present base of your operations, for any considerable distance 
into the interior of Mexico, will be very great, the department will consider 
whether the main invasion should not ultimately take place from some 
point on the coast, say Tampico, or some other point in the vicinity of 
Vera Cruz. This suggestion is made with a view to call your attention 
to it, and to obtain from you such information as you may be able to im- 
part. Should it be determi 1 that the main army should invade .Mexico 

at some other point than the Rio Grande — say the vicinity of Vera Cruz 
— a largeand sufficient number of transport, vessels could be placed at the 
month of the Rio Grande by the time the healthy season sets in— say 
early in November. The main army, with all its munitions, could he 
orted, leaving a sufficient force behind to hold and occupy the Rio 
Grande, and all the town- and provinces which you may have conquered 
before that time. In the event of Buch being the plan of operations, your 
opinion isdesired, what increased force, if any, will be required to carry it. 
out with success. Wo loarn that the army could be disembarked a few 



APPENDIX. 495 

miles distant from Vera Cruz, and readily invest the town in its rear, with- 
out coming within the range of the guns of the fortress of San Juan d' 
Ulloa. The town could be readily taken by land, while the fortress, being 
invested by land and sea, and all communication cut off, must soon fall. 
From Vera Cruz to the city of Mexico there is a fine road, upon which 
the diligences or stage coaches run daily. The distance from Vera Cruz 
to the city of Mexico is not more than one-third of that from the Rio 
Grande to the city of Mexico." 

The subject was again brought into view on the 13th of October, in 
the same year, and more particularly on the 22d of October, in letters ad- 
dressed to General Taylor. At the last date, the plan had been so far 
matured that several officers of the staff and line were indicated for that 
service. This was nearly a month before it was determined to employ you 
with the army in any part of Mexico. 

It was never contemplated here to strike at the city of Mexico from 
the line occupied by General Taylor, or through any other, except that 
from Vera Cruz. If the war was to be pushed to that extent, it required 
no elaborate demonstration, no profound military talent, nothing more 
than common sagacity and very slight reflection on the subject, to see the 
propriety and the necessity of making Vera Cruz the base of military ope- 
rations. 

An alleged deficiency of means to transport the troops in the expedi- 
tion to Vera Cruz seems to be most prominently presented, and most con- 
fidently relied on, to sustain your charge against the War Department for 
neglecting this branch of its duties. I issued, it seems to be admitted, the 
proper order, so far as the means of transportation were to be drawn from 
the north ; but the allegation is thai it was issued too late, and was never 
executed. It was issued at least four days before you arrived at New- 
Orleans, on your way to the army. If promptly executed, it was a reas- 
onable calculation that the " ten vessels."' alluded to in your letter, would 
have arrived in season to receive the troops, as soon as you could collect 
them from their remote and scattered positions in the interior of Mexico. 
bring them to the sea-coast, and prepare for their embarkation. Whether 
an order for ships to be sent out in ballast, issued the 15th of December, 
was or was not in season for the service they were designed for, depends 
upon the time when the expedition could be got ready to sail. To deter- 
mine this, a regard must be paid to what you required to be done prepara- 
tory to the expedition, rather than what you may have said on that Bubject. 

A reference to two or three of your requisitions will show that no ra- 
tional hope could be entertained that the expedition would set forth before 
the middle or the last of February. You required, as one item of the 
outfit, one hundred and forty surf boats— all to be constructed after you 
left Washington. Though the department urged a less number, you in- 



4 •..»«'> APPENDIX. 

sisted tin all. You estimated the expense of each at $200, and thought, 
by putting the principal ship-yards on the Atlantic coast in requisition, 
they might be constructed by the first of January. To show what reli- 
ance was to 1)0 placed on your calculation, I refer to the fact, that though 
due regard to economy was had in procuring these boats, each cost on an 
average §950 — nearly fivefold your estimate. Conceding that you erred 
much less as to the time within which they could be constructed — nay, 
more, admitting they could have been ready by the first of January, and 
sooner you did not expect they could be made — by no reasonable calcula- 
tion could they have reached the coast of Mexico before the first of Febru- 
arv. The expedition could not go fortli without them. In your letter to 
me, dated the 28th of February, off Lobos, you state that but a small part 
of the transports engaged at New-Orleans, under your orders of the 28th 
December, had arrived, and " not one of the ten ordered by your memo- 
randum of the 15th of that month, and the whole were due at the Brazos on 
the 15//i of January." Having thus shown, by your own opinion, that, un- 
der my order, " the ten vessels" ought to have been at the Brazos at least 
fifteen days before the expedition could have been ready to sail, I have vindica- 
ted myself from the charge of having neglected my duty, by not issuing 
that order at an earlier date. If issued earlier, it would have involved a 
largely increased expenditure for demurrage, and resulted in no public 
benefit 

But the graver part of this charge is, that none of these " ten vessels" 
ever arrived. " Relying," you say, in the letter now under consideration, 
li upon them [the ten vessels] confidently, the embarkation was delayed, 
in the whole, or in part, at the Brazos and Tampico, from the 15th of Janu- 
ary to the !)th of March, leaving, it was feared, not half the time needed 
for the reduction of Vera Cruz and its castle, before the return of the yel- 
low fever." To whomsoever the calamitous consequences of the non- 
arrival of these " ten vessels" and your ' : cruel disappointment" in rela- 
tion to them are imputable, he has certainly involved himself in a serious 

res] sibility. I hope to remove the whole of it from "the head of the 

War Department," and entertain some apprehensions that it will fall, in 
part, upon the commanding general of the expedition. 

The execution of the most difficult branch of duties appertaining to a 
military expedition — providing for transportation — is by the distribution of 
the business of the War Department allotted to the quartermaster general. 
As an expedition against Vera Cruz had been resolved on some time before 
you were assigned to take command of it, General Jesup had gone to 
• 'leans to be in the best position to make the necessary preparations 
for such an enterprise. From his great knowledge, and long experience in 
military affairs, not only in his appropriate department, but as a commander 
in the field, the government thought it fortunate that you could have the 
advice and assistance of so able a counsellor. 



APPENDIX. 497 

Your suggestion that it might be necessary to send ships in ballast 
from the north, for transports, was not neglected or unheeded by me. 
Whether it would be necessary, or not, depended, according to your state- 
ment to me, upon the means of transportation which could be procured at 
New-Orleans, &c. My first step was, to write to the quartermaster gene- 
ral, then at that place, for information on that subject. In my letter to him 
of 11th of December, I said : " It is expected that most of the vessels in 
the service of the quartermaster's department can be used as transports !<>r 
the expedition. It will be necessary that the department here should 
know what portion of the transportation can be furnished by the ordinary 
means which the quartermaster's department has now under its control for 
the purposes of its expedition. I have to request that information on this 
point should be furnished without delay. 

" Another point upon which the department desires information is, 
what amount of means of transportation, for such an expedition, can be 
furnished at New-Orleans, Mobile, and in that quarter. 

" The expense of procuring transports from the Atlantic cities will be 
exorbitant. Freights are very high, and most of the good vessels are en- 
gaged for the ordinary purposes of commerce." 

It is important to bear in mind that you saw this letter, on your first ar- 
rival at New-Orleans. In writing to me from that place, December 21st, 
you observe, " I have seen your letter (in the hands of Lieutenant Colonel 
Hunt) to the quartermaster general, dated the 1 1th." You could not mis- 
take its object, because it was clearly expressed. I asked distinctly what 
means of transportations for the expedition can be furnished at New-Or- 
leans, &c, and referred to the expense and difficulty of procuring trans- 
ports from the Atlantic cities. You could not, therefore, but know that 
my course, as to sending ships in ballast from the north, would be regula- 
ted by the quartermaster general's reply. While waiting for this informa- 
tion, and in order to prevent delay, and be sure not to deserve the imputa- 
tion you now cast upon me, I issued the order of the 15th of December, 
to which you refer, knowing that it could be modified and conformed to 
the exigencies of the service, according to the answer which I should re- 
ceive from General Jesup. His reply is dated the 27th of December, and 
in it he says : 

" Transportation can be provided here for all the troops that may be 
drawn from the army under the command of General Taylor, and for all 
the ordnance, ordnance stores, and other supplies, which may be drawn 
either from this depot, [the Brazos,] or from New-Orleans. The public 
transports, I mean those owned by the United States, that can be spared 
for the contemplated operations, it is estimated, will carry three thousand 
men, with all their supplies. Vessels can be chartered here, on favorable 
terms, for any additional transportation that may be required" This letter 



498 APPENDIX. 

was submitted to, and read by, you, as appears from your endorsement 
thereon. After referring to some other matters in the letter, you conclude 
your endorsement as follows : " I recommend that Brevet Major General 
Jesup's suggestions be adopted." This fact shows that the letter received 
your particular attention. 

When this letter, which you knew was forwarded to the department, 
was here received, showing that your apprehended difficulty in obtaining 
Bufficienf transportation at the south was unfounded, and that it could be 
provided in that quarter in great abundance on favorable terms, my order 
of the 15th of December, so far, and only so far, as it related to sending 
out vessels in ballast, was countermanded. It is strange, indeed, that, after 
you were made acquainted with the object of my inquiries and General 
Jesup's letter in reply to them, you should have looked for transport ves- 
sels in ballast from the Atlantic cities ; and, still more strange, that their 
non-arrival should be the proof you rely on to convict me of having neg- 
lected my duty in this instance. If, in truth, you delayed the expedition 
nearly two months for these transports, I am blameless ; the responsibility 
is in another quarter. It cannot be said that this statement, as to the suffi- 
ciency of transports to be obtained at the south, had an implied reference 
to what I had ordered from the Atlantic cities; for my order was then un- 
known to yourself and the quartermaster general. You first received a 
copy of it several days after the date of General Jesup's letter to me, and 
of your endorsement thereon. [See your letter to me of the 12th of 
January.] Resisted, as you were, by " head winds," enveloped in " fright- 
ful northers," and oppressed with complicated and perplexing duties in 
arranging and preparing the expedition against Vera Cruz, some tempo- 
rary bewilderment may be excused; but to charge the War Department 
with your own misapprehensions and mistakes is inexcusable. 

My reply to your accusations forces me to expose some of your mis- 
statements of fact. You allege that the expedition, for the want of the 
" ten vessels," was delayed from the 15//t of January to the 9th of March. 
You certainly mean to be understood that, on the 15th of January, your 
troops were ready to embark, and were delayed for want of these trans- 
ports ; but this was not so, and I am indebted to you for most abundant 
proof to establish your inaccuracy. The great body of your troops, for 
the expedition, was drawn from General Taylor's command at Monterey, 
and in the interior of .Mexico, and no part of them had reached either the 
Brazos or Tarn pi CO, the points of embarkation, on the 15th of January. 
In your letter of the 1 lit ti of that month, to General Brooke, at New-Or- 
leans, yon said : " I have now to state that it is probable the troops I have 
called lor from General Taylor's immediate command, to embark here 
[the Brazos] and at Tampico, will not reach these points till lute in the 
present month, [January,] say about the 25th." In a letter to me, of the 



APPENDIX. 499 

26th of January, you remark that General Butler responded to your call 
for the troops with the utmost promptitude, and that General Worth made 
an admirable movement : " the head of his division arrived with him at the 
mouth of the Rio Grande the day before yesterday," [24th January.] 
When the remainder came up, is not stated ; yet one of your li naked his- 
torical facts" places the whole command at the points of embarkation, 
waiting for the " ten vessels" at least nine days before the actual arrival of 
any part of them. But, if they had been there, why should they have 
been detained for these vessels ? In the same letter, written but two days 
after the arrival of the head of the first division, and probably before the 
other troops had come up, you say : " that the quartermaster general, Bre- 
vet Major General Jesup, at New-Orleans, I find, has taken all proper mea- 
sures, with judgment and promptitude, to provide every thing depending 
on his department for the dispatch and success of my expedition." If 
more was wanted, cumulative proof might be drawn from the same source 
— your own correspondence — to show, not only that this charge against 
me has no foundation in truth, but that you can have no apology for having 
preferred it. 

After showing how unfortunate you have been in your specific charges, 
I may, with propriety, meet those of a general and sweeping character 
with a less particular detail of proofs to show their groundlessness. 

Though the " ten vessels" were not, for the very sufficient reasons I 
have assigned, sent out in ballast from the Atlantic cities, yet a very large 
number were sent thence with stores, supplies, and troops to co-operate 
in the expedition. In General Jesup's letter to me, of the 17th instant, a 
copy of which is sent herewith, he states that fifty-three ships, barques, 
brigs, and schooners, were sent from the north, and the department aetHr 
ally furnished at New-Orleans, Brazos, and Tampico, for the army, before 
it took up the line of march into the interior, one hundred and sixty-three 
vessels. 

1 have alluded to the large number of surf-boats, and the great diffi- 
culty of procuring them, as the cause of the delay in their arrival. I 
have, also, a similar reason to offer in reply to your complaint for not hav- 
ing seasonably received the siege-train and ordnance supplies. The delay 
is to be ascribed to the enormously large outfit you required. If it was 
necessary, and dispatch was used in procuring it, no one is in fault ; if too 
large, you certainly should not regard, as a reprehensible delay, the time 
necessarily taken up in preparing it. To show that it was large, and re- 
quired much time to prepare it, I will select from many, a Bingle item. 
You demanded from eighty to one hundred thousand ten-inch shells, and 
forty or fifty mortars of like calibre. This enormous quantity of ^iells— 
about four thousand tons— was mostly to be manufactured after you left 
Washington. All the furnaces iu Mie country, willing to engage in the 



500 APPENDIX. 

business, were set to work ; but, with the utmost diligence and dispatch, 
the supply of this one article, or even two-thirds of it, having to be manu- 
factured and transported to the seaboard from the furnaces, (located, in 
most instances, in the interior of the country,) at a season of the year 
when water communications were obstructed by ice, could rot be ready 
to be sent forward to you in many months after your departure from 
Washington. Had your requisitions been moderate, and, undoubtedly, 
more moderate ones would have sufficed, they could have been furnished 
at a much earlier period. 

The memorandum which you left " for the siege-train and ammunition 
therefor," was submitted to me by the ordnance department on the 26th of 
November, with an intimation that it could not be complied with in season 
for the expedition to go forward as early as you had contemplated. I en- 
dorsed upon it, "comply with the above as far as practicable;" and this 
order, I am satisfied, after full examination, was faithfully executed. 

What could be done at Washington, was done promptly. You had 
with you the quartermaster general, with all the means at the command of 
the War Department, and with unrestricted authority to do whatever you 
might require. He was under your supervision, and subject to your orders, 
able and willing to execute them ; and you have never intimated that he, 
in any respect, failed in his duty, but on the contrary, you have spoken in 
highly commendatory terms of his efficient services. I have already ([no- 
ted your acknowledgment that he had "taken all proper measures, with 
judgment and promptitude, to provide every thing depending on his depart- 
ment for the dispatch and success of your expedition." In an issue of 
fact between you and the head of the War Department, his testimony, 
next to your own confessions, is the best that can be offered to correct your 
misstatements, and to refute your charges. In his letter to me of the 2d 
of January, 1847, he says : " General Scott, left for the interior on the 29th 
ultimo, and I am taking active measures to have every thing depending 
upon me ready for his operations. The quartermaster's department. I 
find, is called upon to do a great deal that should be done by other branches 
of the staff. So far as General Scott's operations go, I shall have every 
thing done that is necessary, whether it belongs to my department or to 
other departments to do it." You had with you, and subject to your or- 
der-, not only the quartermaster general, but officers of the other staff de- 
partments. They did not look to the War Department, but to yourself, 
for directions; and it was your duty, and not mine, to see that your re- 
quirements were complied with. That they were so. to the utmost prac- 
ticable extent, I have no reason to doubt ; but. if they were not, the fault, 
if any, is not with the War Department, you also gave the instructions 
in relation to providing the means of land transportation, and the officers 
charged with that duty were under your immediate control ; and, if there 



APPENDIX. 501 

is blame any where for any deficiency in this respect, it cannot be imputed 
to the War Department. Your whole correspondence with me, and the 
staff officers with you, shows that you very properly took upon yourself 
the whole charge of giving directions in this matter. In a letter to Cap- 
tain Hetzel, senior quartermaster at the Brazos, speaking on the subject of 
the land transportation which may be needed after the descent on the ene- 
my's coast, near Vera Cruz, you say : " I have already discussed and ar- 
ranged witli you the detail of the early land transportation train," &c. On 
the 19th of March you furnished General Jesup with your estimates and 
directions on this subject. The staff officers being with you, and under 
your orders, nothing further was, or properly could be, required or ex- 
pected to emanate from Washington beyond the supply of funds ; and 
this being done, if you were disappointed in not realizing your expecta- 
tions, you have not a colorable pretence for imputing blame to " the head 
of the War Department." 

As a ground of complaint, and a matter of accusation, you refer to 
your deficiency of means to make the descent, and to capture the city of 
Vera Cruz and the castle of San Juan d' Ulloa, and assume that the ex- 
tent of that deficiency was the difference between what you received and 
what you required. It would be quite as correct reasoning to say that 
what you had having proved sufficient for the purpose, the difference 
showed the extent of the errors in your estimates. The truth lies, per- 
haps, between the two extremes. You had less, probably, than you should 
have had, and you required much more than was necessary. That you 
did not have more, and, indeed, all you asked for, I have already shown, 
was not the fault of the War Department. 

General Jesup was with you at Vera Cruz, saw your means, and is ca- 
pable of forming an estimate of their sufficiency. He is, as his letter 
herewith shows, disposed to be just, and even generous to your fame. To 
his opinion on the subject, no well-founded exception can be taken. He 
says, in reference to your complaints on account of a deficient supply of 
surf boats, siege train, and ordnance stores, " the result shows that he 
[General ScottJ had surf boats and stores enough ;" and of the delay of 
which you complain, he fully exonerates the War Department, and as- 
cribes the whole to yourself and to unavoidable accidents. 

The imputation that you were designedly crippled in your means, is a 
charge as preposterous as it is unfounded. 

I am aware that the execution of some of the many arrangements for 
the Vera Cruz expedition was obstructed and delayed by accidents ; but 
they were such as human sagacity could not foresee, or human agency 
control. They were not, however, more than a considerate mind, bring- 
ing into view all the vast difficulties of the case, would have expected. 
When your complaints on this subject were first received here, evincing, 



502 APPENDIX. 

ae they did, that you intended to hold the department responsible for every 
untoward event, (he heads of the several bureaus were called on by me to 
sh<nv how they had executed the duties which had been confided to them, 
particularly in regard to matters referred to by you. The evidence they 
presented of having done all that was required, or could have been expect- 
ed, convinced me. and I venture to say that, on a full examination, it will 
satisfy any mind open to conviction, that all your complaints, so far as they 
imputed blame to the War Department, or any of its branches, are un- 
founded. It will do much more — it will show that great industry, prompt- 
ness, uncommon capacity, and extraordinary exertions, in relation to every 
thing connected with the war, have characterized the action of each of 
these subordinate departments. As a commendation justly merited by 
these sev< ral branches of the department, assailed, as they are, indirectly 
by you, I see no good reason for withholding my opinion, that an instance 
cannot be found where so much has been done, and well done, in so short 
a time, by any similar body of officers, under similar circumstances. 

As you have, by implication, laid a heavy hand upon the bureau which 
is charged with the onerous duties of executing the laws and orders for 
raising and sending forward the recruits and levies, I feel bound to affirm 
that you have done to that branch of the public service the greatest injus- 
tice. No industry has been spared, no possible effort omitted to raise the 
forces which were authorized, and to send them to their destination within 
the briefest practicable period. The numerous orders issued from the ad- 
jutant's general's office, and its voluminous correspondence on that subject, 
will sustain this assertion. 

You have pressed with unwonted zeal the charge in relation to divert- 
ing the detachments of tife new regiments under General Cadwalader's 
command to the Brazos, and have indulged in the wildest speculations as 
to the sad consequences which attended this imputed error. Assuming 
that my orders diverted these troops, or any others, (an assertion which I 
shall controvert hereafter.) the circumstances justified the measure. The 
critical condition of General Taylor, according to all accounts received 
here at that time, is stated in my letter to you of the 22d of March. To 
show that the department acted properly, though it incurred your reproof, 
it is necessary to recall the facts as they then appeared here. They are 
presented in the following extract from that letter : 

" The information which has just reached us, in the shape of rumors, 
as to the situation of General Taylor and the forces under his command, 
has excited the most painful apprehensions for their safety. It is almost cer- 
tain that Santa Anna has precipitated the large army he had collected at 
San Luis de Potosi upon General Taylor, and it may be that the general 
has not been able to maintain the advanced position he had seen fit to take 
at Agua Nueva, but has been obliged to fall back on Monterey. It is 



APPENDIX. 503 

equally certain that a Mexican force has been interposed between Monterey 
and the Rio Grande, and that it has interrupted the line of communication 
between the two places, and seized large supplies which were on the way 
to General Taylor's army. 

" If the hostile force between the Rio Grande and General Taylor's 
army is as large as reports represent it, our troops now on that river may 
not be able to re-establish the line, nor will it, perhaps, be possible to pine 
a force there sufficient for the purpose, in time to prevent disastrous con- 
sequences to our army, unless aid can be afforded from the troops under 
your immediate command. 

" From one to two thousand of the new recruits for the ten regiments, 
from this quarter, will be on the way to the Brazos, in the course of three 
or four days. All the other forces will be directed to that point, and every 
effort made to relieve General Taylor from his critical situation. You 
will have been fully apprised, before this can reach you, of the condition 
of things in the valley of the Rio Grande, and at the head-quarters of Ge- 
neral Taylor, and have taken, 1 trust, such measures as the importance of 
the subject requires. I need not urge upon you the fatal consequences 
which would result from any serious disaster which might befall the army 
under General Taylor, nor do I doubt that you will do what is in your 
power to avert such a calamity." 

The course pursued by the War Department on that occasion, which 
you convert into a charge, must, on revision, I think, commend itself to 
general approbation. Had it been indifferent to the alarming condition of 
General Taylor's army, and forborne to use, at the earliest moment, the 
most energetic measures to guard against the fatal consequences of its 
defeat, then too probable, it would have deserved an arraignment as severe 
as that which you have made against it, for having done its duty in that 
critical emergency. When you first received the reasons assigned for the 
course adopted here, they appear to have been satisfactory. In your Mis- 
patch of the 28th of April, you say : " Yesterday I learned by your letter 
of the 22d, and the adjutant general's of the 26th ultimo, that all the re- 
cruits of the regiments, some 3,000, raised, or likely to he raised in time 
for this army, have been ordered to the Rio Grande." You did nut then 
intimate the slightest dissatisfaction, not even a premonitory symptom of 
that deep distress with which, instantly on Mr. Trist's arrival in Mexico, 
you represent yourself to have been seized. It is a coincidence, not un- 
worthy of notice, that the letter containing your first condemnatory re- 
mark on this subject, was written on the day of the date of Mr. Trist's 
first note to you, and only the day before your captious reply to it. and in 
both yon assail the War Department. Your withering disappointment 
seems to have slumbered for ten" days, and then to have been aroused by 
the appearance of Mr. Trist in Mexico, and your quarrel with him. If 



504 APPENDIX. 

the order from the War Department had in fact " diverted" the forces with 
General Cadwalader, still it was fully justified by the threatening aspect 
of affairs on the Rio Grande ; but I am quite sure that it did not divert 
them. No previous order from the department had designated any other 
place of rendezvous than the Brazos, for the troops that were to join your 
column. It was well understood, before you left Washington, that all the 
troops for both armies were to be sent to that place, and there to fall under 
your command. This arrangement was not, nor was it expected that it 
would be, here changed, until you had penetrated so far into the enemy's 
country as to render your communication with that place of general ren- 
dezvous difficult and dilatory. 

You also complain that the order was not countermanded. If there 
had been such an order, and it had been countermanded, what would have 
been the consequences ? The troops would have gone forward from the 
United States, under the former orders of the department, which would 
have taken them to the same place. 

You allege that "the news of the victory of Buena Vista reached 
Washington in time to countermand Cadwalader's orders for the Rio 
Grande, before his departure from New-Orleans." I notice this specifica- 
tion of neglect of duty, to show the extent to which you have carried your 
fault-rinding, and the industry with which you have searched for occasions 
to indulge it. 

Your assumption is, that the news of the victory of Buena Vista 
should have satisfied the War Department that Cadwalader's forces were 
not needed on the Rio Grande, and the omission to countermand, as soon 
a- that news was received, the orders to send them there, was a neglect 
deserving severe animadversion. How did you act under similar circum- 
stances ? With better means of information as to the actual condition of 
the Rio Grande frontier after the victory of Buena Vista, you did not deem 
it prudent, after being forty-one days in possession of the news of that 
victory, to issue positive orders to remove a single man from that frontier ; 
yet, y<>u venture to censure me for not having sent the troops away the 
momen' the news reached Washington. 

Y- ii received information of that victory on or before the 14th of 
March, lor on that day you proclaimed it in orders to your army. On the 
25th of April, more than forty days thereafter, you issued an order to the 
Commanding officer at the Brazos, to embark for Vera Cruz " such detach- 
ments of the new regiments as may have been ordered by the War De- 
partment to Point Isabel ; but you made it conditional, with reference to 
the safety of the line of the Rio Grande, and said to that officer that you 
relied upon his " sound judgment to determine on the spot, whether that 
line would not be too much exposed by the withdrawal of the troops in 
question." Thus it appears that you do not hesitate to impute neglect of 



APPENDIX. 505 

duty to me, for not having adopted and acted on the conclusion that the line 
of the Rio Grande was safe the moment I heard of the victory of Buena 
Vista ; but, when acting on the same subject, you dared not adopt that con- 
clusion, although you had been in possession of the same information 
forty-one days. Your own conduct in this matter completely refutes this 
charge of yours against the War Department ; it does more, it sliows how 
rash and inconsiderate you have been in selecting topics for attack. 

But the most serious consequences are attributed to the long delay of 
these troops at the Brazos. For your sake, I sincerely hope these conse- 
quences are much exaggerated, because I am quite confident it will be 
shown that you alone are responsible for the delay. The War Depart- 
ment did not — and it was proper that it should not — issue any order in re- 
gard to the movement of the troops after their arrival in Mexico. The 
order from the department, of the 30th of April, making a division of the 
new levies between the two columns, does not contradict this assertion, 
for these levies were then mostly within the United States ; only portions 
of them had then reached Mexico. Until this order took effect, the troops 
at the Brazos, and, indeed, on the Rio Grande and with General Taylor, 
were under your entire and unrestricted command. As to this matter you 
were under no misapprehension, for, on the 25th of April, and before you 
were informed what had been done here to secure the Rio Grande line, 
you issued an order in relation to the troops at the Brazos. This place, 
you well knew, was the general rendezvous of the new levies from the 
United States ; and before you sailed on your expedition to Vera Cruz, you 
were notified that the Mexican army were advancing upon General Tay- 
lor. To have assumed that you had not left at the Brazos, with a view to 
meet any probable contingency, orders for the proper disposition of the 
troops which were or might be sent there, would have implied an opinion 
that you wanted suitable qualifications for the high station which had been 
assigned to you. These troops were a part of your command, and BUD- 
ject to your orders; and if they remained one day at the Brazos alter it 
was there known that they were not needed on the Rio Grande line and 
would be serviceable with your column, the fault was entirely your own, 
and in no wise imputable to the War Department. If your opinion be not 
extravagant, and you say it is not, that, but for the diversion of General 
Cadwalader's forces from you, and the " much precious time" lost at the 
Brazos, you " might easily have taken this city (Mexico) in the month of 
June, and at one-fifth of the loss sustained in August and September," 
you have, indeed, a most fearful account to settle witli your country. 

I cannot, however, but regard your speculative opinions on this subject 
as fanciful and wild. You greatly over-estimate the forces which landed 
at the Brazos, and subsequently joined you. From the best calculations 
which can be made from data in the adjutant general's office, the num- 



506 APPENDIX. 

ber was much less than you imagine, and did not probably exceed one 
thousand. As the refutation of your charge against the department for 
diverting these troops is in no wise impaired by their number, be it more 
or less, it is not important to inquire into that matter; but there is a ques- 
tion of serious import, which I think the country will expect you to an- 
swer. If these new levies, which had just entered the service, would have 
enabled you to capture the city of Mexico in June, with a comparatively 
small loss, why did you at the very time you discovered that they were so 
much needed, and would have been so useful, send away from your army 
three times as many volunteers, who had been many months in service, and 
were, as you acknowledge, " respectable in discipline and efficiency," and 
wild had distinguished themselves at Vera Cruz and Cerro Gordo, and in 
the hour of peril had fought by the side of your veteran troops, and merited 
•an honorable share in the glory of those memorable conflicts ? 

The period of their engagement had not expired. When thus sent 
away but one of the seven regiments had less than thirty, and most of 
them had more than forty-five days to serve. According to your own 
opinion, concurred in by the department, they could have been legally re- 
tained on your line of operations till the last hour of their engagement. If 
not deemed expedient to take them on towards Mexico with you, their ser- 
vices at that critical period would have been of inestimable value in hold- 
ing the post at Jalapa, so important and so unexpectedly abandoned, and 
in keeping open the communication between Vera Cruz and your head- 
quarters, whereby supplies, munitions, and recruits could be safely and 
expeditiously forwarded to you. Had this been done you would have been 
spared the trouble of inditing many items of grievance and complaint 
against the War Department, for having failed to furnish them. If you 
had retained the twelve months' volunteers until the end of their agree- 
ment — and no sufficient reason has yet been shown for their premature 
discharge — you might, for a season at least, have received, without much 
obstruction, supplies from the main depot on the Gulf; the army might 
have been strengthened by reinforcements at an earlier period, and many 
of the revolting scenes of barbarity on the road from Vera Cruz to Jalapa, 
in which so many lives of our fellow-citizens have been sacrificed by the 
ruthless guerrilleros, would nol have occurred. 

Another and still more lamentable calamity is, I think, fairly to be as- 
cribed to the early obstruction of this important line of communication. 
The brave and patriotic men who were hurried <m to .Mexico in small de- 
tachmeflts, in order to reinforce your armv, were unexpectedly but neces- 
sarilv detained at Vera Cruz until the number- the:,- collected were suffi- 
cient to force their way through the strong L r uerril!a bands which held the 
difficult passes on the Jalapa road. While thus detained on that inhospita- 
t m the sickly season, they were exposed to the attacks of a wasting 



APPENDIX. 507 

pestilence, more formidable and, as it unfortunately proved, more destruc- 
tive than the Mexican army. 

When the unwelcome news of the premature discharge of this large 
body of volunteers was received here, unaccompanied by any explanation 
to show the necessity of the act, it excited very general surprise and re- 
gret; its consequences were at once foreseen, but the Btephad 1 a taken 

and could not be retraced. It was loudly condemned. Many did Dot be- 
lieve that a measure which appeared to be so unwise and so injurious to 
the operations of the army could have emanated from yourself, bul they 
were less charitable towards the President and Secretary of War. Both 
were denounced for what you had done ; they were unscrupulously charged 
with weakness and incapacity; with being actuated by hostility to you, 
and a desire to secure popularity with the volunteers, nor were these Mi- 
ter assaults intermitted until it began to be suspected that they were mis- 
directed. 

If you really regarded, on the 6th of May, the augmentation of your 
forces as being of such vital importance, it is almost as difficult to account 
for the course taken to re-engage the volunteers, as for their premature 
discharge. I am misled by information on which I ought to rely, if many 
of these volunteers would not have continued in service if proper measures 
had been taken at Jalapa, while they were indulging the hope of partici- 
pating in further triumphs, and of being among those who would enjoy 
the enviable distinction of first entering, as victors, the proud capital of the 
Mexican republic. Though the subject was there presented to their conr 
sideration, no vigorous efforts seem to have been made, no attempt to form 
new companies, or to muster them into service, until this powerful induce- 
ment was weakened or withdrawn ; until they had been detached from a 
victorious army, as if no longer deemed worthy to be a part of it ; sent 
sixty miles towards their homes, into a pestilential region, and there 
brought within the sympathetic influence of the sentiments which, it was 
natural that many should feel and manifest, at the moment of embarking, 
to return to their families and friends. Considering the manner in which 
the President's order on that subject was attempted to be executed, it is 
not strange that among more than three thousand patriotic volunteers Bent 
away by your order of the 4th of May, only about " fifty individuals'" were 
found willing to re-engage. 

You seem to have suddenly conceived the notion of converting the 
army, " like Cortez," "into a self-suslainiiig machine," and to make the 
resemblance between yourself and the Spanish hero more complete, yoa 
indulged a dream of fancy, until you seem to have adopted it as a matter 
of belief, that you were " doomed at Washington,* and you became, " like 
him, always afraid that the next ship or messenger might recall or further 
cripple" you. 



508 APPENDIX. 

It should not be forgotten that the design of this unaccountable mili- 
tary movement was first communicated to Mr. Trist, before you had given 
any intimation of it to your government, and while under the perturbation 
of mind which his unwelcome presence in Mexico had produced. Had 
you confided this extraordinary plan of a campaign to him, after the " hap- 
py change" in your relations ; after you had digested his " farrago of in- 
solence, conceit, and arrogance ;" and, after he too, mistaking notoriety for 
fame, had sought to win it by disobying the orders of his government, de- 
fying its authority, and assailing its conduct, this distinguishing mark of 
your confidence in him would have caused much less surprise. This 
novel conception, so suddenly adopted, was as suddenly carried out — your 
army was indeed converted " into a self-sustaining machine" — you dis- 
charged the twelve months' volunteers, and broke up your post at Jalapa, 
and on the way to your main depot ; " resolved," as you announced, " no 
longer to depend on Vera Cruz or home ;" you put yourself beyond the 
reach of the supplies which had been provided by the government, and 
rendered yourself, in a great measure, inaccessible to the recruits and le- 
vies (except in strong parties) which had been raised to augment your 
command. In this way you rendered unavailing, for a time at least, all 
that had been or could be done by the assiduous and incessant labors of the 
War Department in all its branches, and then you recklessly put forth the 
groundless complaint of " a total want of support and sympathy" from it. 

Your letter of the 25th of July, which was not received at Washing- 
ton until the 30th of December last, abounds with complaints against the 
department, and refers in strong terms to the wants and sufferings of the 
army at that time. Before you venture to make its then destitute condition 
a ground of charge against the War Department, you ought to have recol- 
lected that the afflictions fell upon it in the midst of your experiment of 
making it "a self-sustaining machine," and were the legitimate fruits of 
that experiment. These sufferings came upon it before your estimated pe- 
riod of isolation from " Vera Cruz and home" had half expired. When you 
had designedly and unnecessarily abandoned both, and entered upon your 
self-sustaining position, " cut off from all supplies and reinforcements from 
home, until perhaps late in November," by what pretence of justice do you 
complain of the War Department for the distresses you thus voluntarily 
inflicted upon yourself and the gallant army under your command I 
Something very different from censure and reproof is due for the extraor- 
dinary efforts which were successfully made to reach you with recruits 
and supplies in your sequestered situation, and to rescue you from the em- 
li:irr.issments in which your ill-judged measure had involved you. I have 
brought into view this unaccountable movement of yours, with no purpose 
to make any comment upon it as a military measure, but solely to show 
that the evils resulting from it are not just grounds of accusation against 



APPENDIX. 509 

the War Department, and that the labored attempt to pervert them to such 
a purpose, discloses the manner and spirit with which you have executed 
the assumed task of its accuser. 

As you have indulged in the wildest range of speculation in regard to 
the alleged sinister motives and covert designs of others, I feel less reluct- 
ant to present my views as to the main object of your last communication. 
Throughout the whole of it, and particularly in the concluding part, you 
manifest the utmost solicitude to place yourself in the position of an in- 
jured and persecuted man. With all the aid you can derive from dextrous 
strategy, you will be likely to fail in your attempt, unless you can have 
the full benefit of your high coloring of some facts, and your forgetful- 
ness of others, together with all your fanciful conjectures and surmises, 
Your recall is, you assert, the long suspended " blow of power" which you 
had the sagacity clearly to predict. It is somewhat remarkable that vour 
predictions preceded the events which you imagine provoked that blow. 
As early as the 25th of July — soon after " the happy change in my [your] 
relations, both official and private, with Mr. Trist" — you looked, you say, 
" to be dismissed from the service of my [your] country." If your recall 
can be regarded as a dismissal, you are entitled to all the credit of the 
fulfilment of your own early prediction. 

In presenting in its true light the President's compliance with vour 
own request to be recalled, which you now denominate your dismissal, I 
may be obliged to strip it of the embellishments you have ingeniously 
thrown around it, though, in doing this, you may be deprived of much 
upon which you depend to sustain your claim to be considered as a perse- 
cuted man. 

As early as June you begged to be recalled. You allege that this ap- 
plication was " rebukingly declined." This is not saying the exact thing. 
The reply to your request was, " that it would be decided with exclusive 
reference to the public good. When that shall render it proper in his 
(the President's) opinion to withdraw you from your present command, 
his determination to do so will be made known to you." This was not a 
denial, but a suspension of present action, accompanied with an assurance 
of future action on the subject. Your request was still pending : a regard 
to the public good then stood in the way of the immediate gratification of 
your wishes, but the President promised to act definitely on tin 1 question 
when that obstacle should be removed. Judging from the state of things 
at the head-quarters of the army, in January, he concluded that it was re- 
moved, and that he ought no longer to require <>f you reluctant service as 
commanding general. This, certainly, cannot be called persecution, <>r 
punishment. I do not deem it proper to comment on the state of things at 
the head-quarters of the army, to which allusion is made in the letter 
granting your request, nor to express an opinion as to the share of respon- 



510 APPENDIX. 

sibility therefor which rests upon yourself or others ; that matter is to a 
considerable extent involved in the investigations before the court of inqui- 
ry now sitting in Mexico. Your request to be recalled, thus ultimately 
granted, was prefaced with imaginary complaints, which could not be 
passed without notice, nor noticed, without exposing their groundlessness. 
If the exposition has given offence, you can blame only yourself for intro- 
ducing complaints so entirely unfounded. 

The crowning outrage, as you regard it, is the simple fact that you 
and " the three arrested officers" are all to be placed together before the 
same court ; "the innocent and the guilty, the accuser and the accused, 
the judge and his prisoners, are all dealt with alike." " Most impartial 
justice!" you exclaim. And why is it not impartial justice? On what 
ground of right can you claim to have your case discriminated from theirs? 
It is true you have assumed to be their judge, and have pronounced them 
guilty ; and complain and repine that the laws of the country do not allow 
you, their accuser, to institute a court to register your decree. But you 
are not their rightful judge, although they were your prisoners. Before 
that court you all stand on the same level, and all have equal rights. 
Though you may have the self-satisfying conviction that you are innocent 
and they are guilty, the government could act upon no such presumption. 
By becoming an accuser you did not place yourself beyond the reach of 
being accused; and unless you are clothed with the immunity of despotic 
power, and can claim the benefit of the maxim "that tiie king can do no 
wrong," I know not why your conduct, when made the subject of charges, 
may not be investigated by a court of inquiry, nor can I perceive by what 
other, or better, right you have to complain, and arraign the government, 
than the other officers whom you have accused, and whose cases, with 
yours were referred to the same court. If yours is a hard case, theirs is 
not less so ; if you can rightfully complain of persecution by the govern- 
ment, so can they, with equal justice, and an equal claim to public sym- 
pathy. 

The charges against you did not emanate from the government, nor did 
they relate to a matter in which it could feel any peculiar interest. Not 
believing it impossible for you to do wrong, or that you were exempt from 
all responsibility, for whatever you might have done, the government 
deemed it proper, when charges were preferred against you. coming from 
a source entitled to respect, to cause them to be investigated. As the 
usual ami mildest mode of proceeding, they were referred to a court of in- 
quiry. Until you can show that you enjoy the transcendental privilege to 
have your official conduct exempt from all examination, in any form what- 
ever, you have no cause to complain of the course taken in regard to the 
charges against von. 

It your extraordinary pretensions are to derive any support from your 



APPENDIX. 511 

distinguished services in the field, you ought to be mindful that the three 
accused officers, put under arrest by you, have like claims for distinguished 
services. On the pages of impartial history their names, and their gallant 
deeds, must appear with yours, and no monopolizing claims, seeking " ma- 
lignant exclusions," at the expense of the " truth of history," will be per- 
mitted to rob them of their fair share of the glory won by our gallant army 
while under your command. 

With your assault upon the character of your " erratic brother" I shall 
not intermeddle, but I must repel your charge that he has been favored for 
being a political " deserter" to " the truefaiih" for signalizing his " apos- 
tasy, by acceptable denunciations of one" to whom he had formerly " pro- 
fessed (and not without cause) the highest obligations." The reasons for 
not sending your charges against Brevet Major General Worth to the court 
of inquiry, are set forth in my letter of the 13th of January. I regret 
that they are so entirely unsatisfactory to you, but am consoled with the 
assurance that they are in other quarters more favorably received. The 
errors of your commentary on my letter have arisen from your misappre- 
hension of the text. The principle there laid down is of vital import- 
ance to subordinate officers, and in no respect impairs the rights or the au- 
thority of those in chief command. As the principles which you arraign 
are the creations of your own fancy, and have no countenance or support 
from my letter, I am in no way implicated by the " fatal consequences" 
you deduce from them. Whether legitimate or fanciful, they do not dis- 
turb the positions laid down in my letter. 

I cannot, however, but regard your solicitude for the support of disci- 
pline to be more ostentatious than profound. When a general at the 
head of an army of freemen, who do not lose their rights as citizens by 
becoming soldiers, sets up pretensions to dictatorial power — when he con- 
temns the authority of his government, and is much more ready to censure 
than to execute its orders and instructions— when he denounces as an out- 
rage and a punishment the attempt to submit his acts, charged to be an 
offence against a subordinate officer, to an investigation in the mildest form 
—when he administers an indignant reproof to his superior for upholding 
the sacred right of appeal, upon which depend the security and protection 
of all under his command— such a general sets an example of insubordi- 
nate conduct of wide and withering influence upon sound military disci- 
pline. 

By extending my comments upon your letter, I might multiply proofs 
to show that your accusations against the head of the War Department 
are unjust; that your complaints are unfounded; that the-designs imputed 
by you to the government to embarrass your operations, impair your right- 
ful authority as commander, and to offer outrage and insult to your feel- 
ings, are all the mere creations of a diste npsred fancy ; but to do more 
than I have done would, in my judgment, be a work of supererogation. 



512 APPENDIX. 

In conclusion, I may be permitted to say that, as one of the Presi- 
dent's advisers, I had a full share in the responsibility of the act which 
assigned you to the command of our armies in Mexico. I felt interested 
even more than naturally appertained to my official position, that success 
and glory should signalize your operations. It was my duty to bring to 
your aid the efficient co-operation of the War Department. I never had 
a feeling that did not harmonize with a full and fair discharge of this duty. 
I know it has been faithfully -performed. There are some men for whom 
enough cannot be done to make them grateful, or even just, unless acts 
of subserviency and personal devotedness are superadded. From you I 
expected bare justice, but have been disappointed. I have found you my 
accuser. In my vindication I have endeavored to maintain a defensive line, 
and if I have gone beyond it at any time, it has been done to repel unpro- 
voked ao-gression. To your fame I have endeavored to be just. I have 
been gratified with the many occasions 1 have had to bear public testi- 
mony to your abilities and signal services as a military commander in the 
field. It has been, and, under any change in our personal relations, it will 
continue to be, my purpose to be liberal in my appreciation of your dis- 
tinguished military merits. In respect to your errors and your faults, 
though I could not be blind, I regret that you have not permitted me to be 
silent. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

W. L. MARCY, 
Secretary of War. 

To Major General Winfield Scott, 

U. S. Army, Mexico. 



END 



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CONTINUED. 

Egypt and its Monuments ; 

Or, Egypt a Witness for the Bible. 

BY FRANCIS L. HAWKS, D. D., LL.D., &C, &.C 

Illustrated with Engravings from the works of Champollion, Rosellini, Wil- 
kinson, and others; and Architectural Views of the principal Temples, &c. 
1 vol. 8vo, uniform with " Layard's Nineveh," cloth, $2 50 ; half mor. 
gilt edges, $3 50. 

SECOND EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED. 

"It wfl. have a lively interest; not for the Bible student only, but for all who take merest in 
histoiical* research."— N. Y. Com. Advertiser. 

" A valuable contribution to our Sacred Literature."— Newark Daily Advertiser. 

"It supplies a desideratum in the Literature of the Bible."— Buffalo Comnu 

" An intelligible, true, and readable book on Egypt, beyond what the experiences of a single 
traveller could furnish the materials of."— Boston Transcript. 

"The volume will constitute a valuable addition to Christian Literature."— AT. Y. Recorder. 

" The volume of Dr. Hawks will be welcomed by many readers as a valuable contribution to 
the stock of information, hitherto to be obtained only in the costly volumes of Wilkinson and 
others. There probably exists no other volume of the same size containing so much inlormation 
on Egypt."— Cambridge Chronicle. 

" The volume is intensely interesting, and will abundantly repay a careful perusal." — Christian 
Alliance. 

" The entire work is filled with most instructive facts, gathered from recent discoveries in monu- 
mental literature, valuable alike to the theological student and general reader."— Universaitst 
Review. 

"In the treatment of this subject, Dr. Hawks's admirable faculty of lucid arrangement and dl •■ 
tinct statement has-full play ; and he proceeds, too, with a calm confidence of the strength ol his 
positions, that cannot fail to inspire his readers— such of them especially as have been somewhat 
startled by the bold assertions of the infidel school ol Egyptologists and their train of lgnoraft. 
imitators— with a similar confidence."— Methodist Quarterly Review. 



The East ; 

Or, Sketches of Travel in Egypt and the Holy Land. 
BY REV. J. A. SPENCER, M. A., 

Editor of the New Testament in Greek, with English Notes. Member of the New- York 
Historical Society, 4"c, <$"c 

Splendidly Illustrated with Original Drawings. 8vo, pp. 500. Uniform w: 
" Layard's Nineveh," " Hawks's Monuments of Egypt," &c 

CONTENTS. 
EGYPT.— Alexandria.— The Nile and the Pyramids.— The Pyramids and their Builders.— Life on 

the Nile.— Philae, Syene, Elephantine, Esoeh.— Necropolis of Thebes.— Luxor and Karnak.— 

Dendera, Es-siout, Beni-hassan.-The Metropolis of Egypt.— Mbaks, Citadel, Heliopolis.- 

Coptic Church, Public Men and Events. 
THE HOLY LAND— Life in the Desert.— Palestina, the Hill Country.— The Holy City— Oeth- 

semane, the Mount of Olives.— Calvary and the Holy Sepulchre. -Bethlehem and its Vicinity. 

—The Dead Sea and the Jordan.— Judea, Samaria, Jacob's Well, Nabulua.— Sebaate, Tabor 

Tiberias, Nazareth.-Mount Carmel, St. Jean d'Acre, Tyre.-Sidon, Beirut and its Vicinity - 

Appendix, Notes, &c. 

5 



g. p. putnam's new publications. 

fowls, itontra, nni Wmnnm-- Sir % dfrtst 

CONTINUED. 

Visits to Monasteries in the Levant. 

BY THE HON. ROBERT CURZON. 

One vol., post 8vo. Illustrated with 17 spirited Engravings. $1 50. 

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Monastery of Meteora, 
Interior of Greek Monastery, 
Koord, or Native of Koordistan. 
Negress waiting to be soul, 
Bedouin Arab, 
Egyptian in Nizam Dress, 
Interior of Abyssinian Library, 
Mendicant Dervish, 
Church of Holy Sepulchre, 
Monastery of St. Barlaam, 
Tartar, or Government Messenger, 
Turkish Common Soldier, 
Promontory of Mount Athos, 
Greek Sailor, 
Monastery of Simo-Petri, 
Circassian Lady, 
Turkish Lady. 

'• A volume of more than ordinary interest, relating a series of most curious and often amus ins 
adventures. * " * The field occupied by the volume is almost entirely new." — Commercial 
Advertiser. 

"A very curious and unique w»rk. We recommend it to those who are fond of cheerful inci- 
dent of travel, through lands possessing the greatest interest." — Washington Union. 

" His wanderings in the Levant extend over a period of nearly ten years, abounding in adven- 
tures, many of them attended with extreme peril, which are told with inimitable naivete and skill. 
" " * There is an elegance and picturesque simplicity in his language equally rare and delight- 
ful. The book is profusely illustrated by wood engravings in the highest style of art, executed in 
London. It is issued simultaneously with Murray's English edition, and the author receives his 
share of the profits arising from its sale here."— Tribune. 




Oriental Life Lllustrated : 



Being a new Edition of " Eothen, or, Traces of Travel brought Home from 
the East." Illustrated with fine Steel Engravings, viz., Travelling in 
the Desert, Luxor, Karnac, Nazareth, the Pyramids. 12mo, cloth, 
extra gilt, $1 50. 

"Nothing so sparkling, so graphic, so truthful in sentiment, and so poetic in vein, has issued 
bom the p;ess in many a day." — London Critic. 



Jowrnen from CornTiill to Cairo. 

BY MICHAEL ANGELO TITMAR8H. 

One vol. l2mo, green cloth, 50 cts. 

•It is wonderful what a description of people and things, what numerous pictures, what inn* 
Jierablo remarks and allusions it contains."— Douglas Jerrold's Magazine. 

6 



€xam\&, Jtontas, mifo JJisrantrits— 3u i\)t d&nd. 

CONTINUED. 

Adventures in the Lybian Desert, 

And the Oasis of Jupiter Ammon. 
BY BAYLE ST. JOHN. 

12mo, cloth, 75 cts. 

" It is a very graphic and amusing description of the scenery and annqt itiea, and of the people 
whom he saw." — Washington Union. 

" Though written with an eye to antiquarian lore, there is no want of liveliness in the personaj 
adventures of the author." — Albion. 

" A most interesting book." — N. Y. Recorder. 

"It will be read through by those who reach the middle of the first chapter." — Albany Journal. 

" It is a spirited description of the adventures of the author among the Bedouin Araos." — 7Y»- 
eune. 



JEothen / 

Or, Traces of Travel brought Home from the East. 12mo, green cloth, 
50 cents. 

" Eothen is a book with which every body, fond of elegant prose and racy description, should be 
well acquainted." — U. S. Gazette. 
"The best book of Eastern travels we know."— London Examiner. 



The Crescent cmd the Cross / 

Or, the Romance and Reality of Eastern Travel. 

BY ELLIOT WARBURTON. 

One vol. 12mo, green cloth, $1 25 

" This delightful work is, from first to last, a splendid Panorama of Eastern scenery, in the fW) 
bLus of its magnificence."— London Morning News. 
"A brilliant, poetic, and yet most instructive book."— N. Y. Courier 4* Enquirer. 



3d Intttlj tarira. 

Trowels in Peru. 

BY DR. J. J. VON TSCHUDI. 

1 vol. l2mo, cloth, $1 00. 

" Braving the dangers of a land where throat-cutting is a popular pastime, and earthquakes and 
fevers more or less yellow, and vermin more or less venomous are amonsst the indigenous com- 
forts of the aoil, a German, of high reputation as a naturalist and man of letters, has devoted four 
years of a life valuable to science to a residence and travels in the most interesting; districts of 
South America, the ancient empire of the Incas, the scene of the conquests and cruelties of Fran 
Cisco Pizarro." 

7 



g. p. putnam's new publications. 



IN THE WEST. 

Calif ornict and Oregon Trail, 

Being Sketches of Prairie and Rocky Mountain Life. 
BY FRANCIS PARKMAN, JR. 

With Illustrations by Darley. 12mo. cloth, $1 25. 

"Written with the genuine inspiration of untamed nature." — Tribune. 

"A lively and well written account of divers adventures on mountains and plains, deserts and 
rivers in the Indian Country." — Churchman. 

"A series of graphic and apparently reliable sketches." — Albion. 

" Agreeably designed and ably executed." — Home Journal. 

" One of the few books from which we can obtain any thing like accurate information of the 
character of the country between the Mississippi and the Pacific. As descriptive of a race fast 
passing away, and of the wild and wonderful country from which they are perishing, and through 
which the march of civilization is lorcing its way, to the dazzling treasures of the Pacific borders, 
the work is attractive, and is got up in a style and character ol most of the publications of Mr. 
Putnam. The cuts are very admirable specimens of the high perfection to which engraving on 
wood has arrived." — Democratic Review. 



Astoria / 

Or, Anecdotes of an Enterprise beyona the Rocky Mountains. 
BY WASHINGTON IRVING. 

With Map. 12mo. $1 50. 

"A beautiful edition of Irving's highly graphic and stirring sketch of the early enterprises of 
John Jacob Astor, which will now be read with even more interest than when first written." — 
Evangelist. 

" It is one of those rare works which belongs, by the value of its suhject and the truthfulness of 
its details, to authentic history, and by its vivid descriptions, and exciting incidents to the mora 
varied province of Romance." — Albany Atlas. 

"Loses nothing of its interest oy the late discoveries, <tc, beyond the Rocky Mountains." — 
Recorder. 

" One of Irving's most valuable works. * * * Still fresh, instructive and entertaining."— 
Holden's Magazine. 



A Tour on the Prairies; 

With Abbottsford and Newstead Abbey. 

BY WASHINGTON IRVING. 

l2mo. $1 25. 

" its perusal leaves a positive sense of refreshment, which we should think would make a 
fcook invaluable to the thousands of mortals whose lives are bound up with ledgers and cash bcotak " 
Tribune. 
Delightful reading for a leisure hour." — Albany Atlas. 



Adventures of Capt. Bonneville, TI. S. A., 

In the Rocky Mountains and the Far West. 
BY WASHINGTON IRVING. 
12mo, with a valuable Map. $1 25. 
"Kull ol wild and exciting incidents of frontier and savage lifo."— Providence Journal. 

8 



q. p. Putnam's new publications. 
Th#> Genius of Italy ; 

Being Sketches of Italian Life, Literature, and Religion. 

BY REV. ROBERT TURNBULL, 

Author of " The Genius of Scotland." 
Third edition. 1 vol. l2mo, $1 ; illustrated edition, cloth, gilt, $2. 

The edition with extra illustrations, handsomely bound, will be ready in the autumn. 

" Mr. Turnbul! gives us the orange groves, and the fountains, and the gondolas, ar^y Jhe frcscoe* 

dthe ruins, with touches of personal adventure, and sketches of biography, and glimpses of the 
life, literature, and religion ol Modern Italy, seen wilh the quick, comprehensive glances of an 
American traveller, impulsive, inquisitive, and enthusiastic. His book is a pleasant record of a 
tourist's impressions, without the infliction of the tiresome minutire of his everyday experience." 
— Literary World. 

"At a moment when Italy is about to be regenerated— when the long-slumbering spirit of the 
people is about assuming its ancient vigor, a work of this kind is desirable. * * ' The country, 
its people, and prominent features are given with much truth and force."— Democratic Review. 



Views A-Foot ; 

Or, Europe seen with Knapsack and Staff. 
BY BAYARD TAYLOR. 

New edition, with an additional Chapter of Practical Information for Pedes- 
trians in Europe, and a Sketch of the Author in Pedestrian Costume, frorr 
a Drawing by T. Buchanan Read. 12mo., cloth, $1 25. 

The same, fancy cloth, gilt extra, $1 75. 

''There is a freshness and force in the book altogether unusual in a book of travels. ' 
As a text-book for travellers the work is essentially valuable ; it tells how much can be accom- 
plished with very limited means, when energy, curiosity, and a love of adventure are the promp- 
ters; sympathv in his success likewise, is another source ol interest to the book. ine 
result of all this is, a wide-spread popularity as a writer, a very handsomely printed bonk with a 
very handsome portrait of the author, and we congratulate him upon the attainment ot this and 
future honors." — Union Magazine. 

The Spaniards, and their Country. 

BY RICHARD FORD. 

l2mo, green cloth. $1 00. 

"The best English book, beyond comparison, that ever has appeared for the illustration, not 
merily of the general ^ograpny and local curiosities, but of the nat.onal character and manner, 
(tf Spain."— Quarterly Review. 

«This is a very clever and amusing work."— Louisville Exam. 

« The style is light, dashing, and agreeable."— N. Y. Mirror. 

V Washington Irving commends this as the best modern popular account of Spam. 



Scenes and Thoughts in Europe. 

BY AN AMERICAN. 

(Geo. H. Calvert, Esq., Baltimore.) 12mo. 50 cts. 

- This book is a delightful instance of the transforming and ^creative power of the mind upon 
every *±>« H touches. The most hackneyed ground ot Europe, persons and objects '^t have 
Wn the thenir - - « the last half dozen vears of everv literary remittance Irom abroad. •Tpear to 
ufclothed w"th new c.^rrns and mearnn.s, because examined with a finer penetration than the, 
nave been by any other English or American travjller. — 1 nuune. 



g. p. putnam's new publications. 



Tfo Z^e awd Voyages of Christopher Columbus. 

To which are added those of his Companions. 
BY WASHINGTON IRVING. 

New Edition, Revised and Corrected. Maps, Plates, and copious Index. 
3 vols. l2mo, green cloth uniform with the new edition of Irving'a 
Works, $4 ; half calf, $6 ; half morocco, top edge gilt, $6 75 ; full calf, 
gilt, $7 50. The Octavo Edition, in 3 vols., on superfine paper, uniform 
with Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella, $6; half calf, $8 50; full 
calf, $10. 
" One of the most fascinating and intensely interesting books in the whole compass of English 
Literature. * * * It has all the interest conferred by the truth of history, and at the same tuna 
Ihe varied excitement of a well written romance."— Western Continent. 
"Perhaps the most truly valuable of the Author's writings."— Home Journal. 
" The History of Columbus is admirably executed ; and though a true and faithful history, It 18 
u interesting as a liigh wrought romance." 



The Conquest of Florida. 

BY THEODORE IRVING. 

Prof, of History and Belles Letters in the Free Academy. 

New and Revised Edition, Corrected, with Notes, and Illustrations from 
various recent sources. l2mo. 



The Monuments of Central and Western America; 

With Comparative Notices of those in Egypt, India, Assyria, &c. 

BY REV. F. L. HAWKS, D. D., LL. D. 

1 vol. 8vo. 

This work is now in preparation, uniform with "Nineveh," and the "Monuments of Egypt." 
It will comprise a compreheiwive, readable, and popular view of tho whole subject of Ancient r* 
mains on the American continent— with ample Illustrations. 



The Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley. 

Comprising the Results of Extensive Original Surveys and Explorations. 

BY E. G. SQUIER, A. M., AND E. H. DAVIS, M. D. 

With numerous Illustrations. Royal 4to, $10. 



Ten Year's of American History : 

1840-49 including a History of the Mexican War and of California. 

BY EMMA WILLARD. 
With a valuable Map. l2mo, $1. 
10 



g. p. Putnam's new publications. 



®stnrt{~-^ingra|i!]i|— togrnpjjtj, 



CONTINUED. 



Italy ; Past and Present : 

Or General Views of its History, Religion, Politics, Literature and Art. 

BY L. MARIOTTI, 

Prof, of Italian Literature in London University. 

2 vols., 8vo, cloth, $3 50. 



The Letters and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, 

With Elucidations. 

BY THOS. CARLYLE. 

The Fine Edition, in 2 vols., Octavo, with Portrait. Reduced to $2 50. 



Borrow 's Autobiography. — Lavengro : 

BY GEORGE BORROW, 

Author of " The Gipsies of Spain," " The Bible in Spain," $c. 

To be published simultaneously by John Murray, London, and G. P. 
Putnam, New- York. In one volume, l2mo. 
* ' This will be a work of intense interest, including extraordinary adventures in various part» 
of the world. 



Jo\nstovJs Universal Atlas. 

This splendid and important work — by far the most comprehensive, correct 
and useful Atlas now extant, was published recently in Edinburgh at the 
price of eight guineas, and the price in this country has been about $50. 
G. P. Putnam has made arrangements for an edition for the United States, 
rendered far more valuable by the addition of a COPIOUS and USEFUL 
INDEX of about 40,000 names ; but the maps being transferred in fac- 
simile on stone, the American publisher is enabled to supply it at the 
low price, of $20— elegantly and substantially bound in halt morocco, 
gilt edges. The maps are clearly and beautifully executed, and are 
practically fully equal to the original edition. The work contains 41 
large and splendid maps. 
• Havin- examined many of the Maps of the National Atlas, 1 have no hesitation in saying, 

Out They arc m accurate in their geographical details as Aey are beautiful in their execution."- 

Sir David Brewster. 

Historical Studies. 

BY GEORGE WASHINGTON GREENE, ESQ., 

Late Consul of the U. S. at Rome, i vol. 12mo, cloth. 

The World's Progress ; 

BY G. P. PUTNAM. 

New edition, revised and enlarged. 1 Ttl 6vo. 
11 



g. p. putnam's istew publications. 



THE LIBERTY OF ROME; 

A HISTORY. 

With an Historical account of the Liberty of ancient Nations. 

BY SAMUEL ELIOT, ESQ. 

2 vols. 8vo, cloth, and illustrated with 12 Plates. $4 50. 

LIST OF l'LATES. 



1 Allegorical. 

2. Homer singing on the Chian strand. 

3. Bust of Socrates. 

4. Imaginary View of Early Rome. 

5. Bust of Pythagoras. 

(i. The Secession of the People to Mons 
Sacer. 



7. The meeting of Camillus and Man- 

lius after the retreat of the GauU. 

8. Bust of Marcus Tullius Cicero. 

9. The Triumph of Quintus Fabius. 

10. Caius Gracchus weeping before hia 

Father's Statue. 

11. Cicero denouncing Catiline. 



12. Bust of Lucius Junius Brutus. 



OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 



" Mr. Eliot's aim is- an important one. It is to indicate the kind and amount of liberty enjoyed 
by the ancient Romans. He has formed a just conception of what is meant by the word liberty, 
which is too often confounded with mere forms of government, at best but its guards and supports. 
* * * The scale of the work is so extensive, that details necessarily disappear in any 
abridged statement of its contents, nor is it possible by extracts to convey an idea of the value and 
interest of the book. To be appreciated it must be taken as a whole. There are few Balient pas- 
ESges. Hut its general impression is in the highest degree healthy, conducive to the expansion of the 
mind, and calculated to enrich it with new and important ideas. We are glad to receive from an 
American hand such a welcome contribution to our best order of Literature." — London Examiner. 

"A work of high character and distinguished merit. The author has brought to the performance 
of a task of such magnitude and difficulty, vast stores of erudition, a highly cultivated taste, a com- 

prehensive and | etrating intellect, and a grave and sober judgment ; qualities indispensable to one 

who would write such a history, and rarely to be found combined to the same extent in the same 
ndividual." — Jolin Bull. 

" We have had histories of Rome written by the scholar, by the credulous, and lately a history 
of it by the great historic skeptic, Nicbuhr. We had not yet one by a philosopher ; we thank I\Ir. 
Eliot for having undertaken, and we may add, succeeded »« his task. This is a good and new book 
to the classic student and thinker. 1 ' — Daily News. 

"This remarkable book presents us with a view of lvbertj in a different and truer light than has 
been laid before us by any writer. Extensive reading, a well balanced and philosophical mind, 
above all prejudice, could alone have fitted its author for producing a work which must take a high 
rank in American Literature, in its style as well as in Its subject."— Providence Journal. 

" The present volumes exhibit the evidence of many qualities essential to so large an enterprise in 
tli.u accomplished author. They are in the highest degree creditable to the conscientious fidelity of 
irehes, to his industry and power of persistent labor, to his acquaintance with the most au- 
thentic trees of ancient and modern learning, and to tl I tent and variety of his erudition, which 

u fr«o from any tincture of pedantry or ostentation.— j v «- York Trihunc. 

12 



q. p. Putnam's new publications. 



I3istnrt{---$tngrrtjil)tj--- togrniijjtj. 

CONTINUED. 

Maliomet and his Successors. 

BY WASHINGTON IRVING. 

2 vols. 12mo, cloth. Uniform with the new edition of " lrving's Works.' 
$2 50. 

"The events and circumstances of Mahomet's life and course exceed ID romantic Interest the 
most ingenious creations of fiction. These events are related in the present work with the fasci- 
nating art and skill for which Mr. Irving is distinguished. * * The pre ant I I. is one of 

absorbing interest." — Washington Union. 

"It will be universally welcomed, and read with cordial interest. It is marked by the inimita- 
ble grace and richness of style characteristic of his works."— N. Y. Courier. 

"An exceedingly interesting review of the history of the founder of the I lam faith, 
times, faultless as a composition, blending happily critici m and i m with the i 

narrative. We doubt whether any of Mr. in ing's earlier volumes will equal the Life ol Mahomet 
in permanent popularity."— 2V. Y. Com. Advertiser. 

"By far the most complete and most candid history of the great founder of a religion that still 
holds "sway over a large fraction of the race." — N. Y. Evangelist. 

" To the general reader it will he found an excellent boqk,and it will be found useful even to 
those who are familiar with Gibbon and Ockley."— Boston Times. 

"The most complete and authentic Life of the great Arabian Prophet that has yet been given lo 
the world."— Evening Mirror. 

"Abounds in events of thrilling interest, which its author has clothed in language as attractive 
aa it is beautiful." — Nat'. Intelligencer. 

"Our author sketches in a rapid manner and in a style scarcely matchable lor beauty, the 
youthful habits and pursuits, and the manhood, projects, and public career ol the Monder and 
original propagator of Islamism, and ends with an appendix which embodies an outline of its 
doctrines, which is scarcely less entertaining than the narration, and is an essential and highly 

valuable accompaniment. Our author has interspered th ii '■■<• '• ■'■■< > 

legends (as incredible as the one already quoted), to show the peculiar characteristics Ol lh( Mos- 
lem mind, and to give variety and consequently additional interest to the story of the origin ana 
progress of the Islam faith."— Western Literary Messenger. 



Oliver Goldsmith : a Biography. 

BY WASHINGTON IRVING. 

1 vol. 12mo, cloth. Uniform with the new edition of " lrving's Works." 
$125. 

•' A most agreeable work. The grace of lrving's style is peculiarly adapted to the amiable, con- 
fiding nature of the wayward genius whose history he records."— Democrats R< vu W. 

" It will supersede all former lives of the author of the Deserted Village and the Vicar of Wake- 
field." — Christian Advocate. 

"With a general admiration of Goldsmith, with a cordial appreciation of the spirit of his writ. 
insrs, and with many similar intellectual tendencies, he has portrayed the varied picture 01 COS lite 

wfth a grace and elegance that makes his narrative ascnari | a piece ol composition as can be 

found in the whole range of his former Works."— AT. 1 \ 

"He brings the man before his readers in all his aspects and sufferings, from his cradle to hii 
crave. The style is easy, the reflections just and flow naturally Horn the subject-tin arrange- 
ment is that of a picture wherein the leading incidents are shown in foreground situations, and the 
minor and less attractive points are kept well in the background."— London Athteneum. 



George Washington : a Biography. 

BY WASHINGTON IRVING. 
With Illustrations. In Preparation. 

13 



g. p. potnam's new publications. 
3Jib1on|---1MDgrn|ilitj— fopp|t|. 

CONTINUED. 

Historical Studies. 

BY GEORGE WASHINGTON GREENE, 

Late United States Consul at Rome. 
1 vol. 12mo, cloth, $1 25. 

"There is a vast deal of information compressed in 'this work. It is composed of twelve Es?ay^ 
every one of which contains matter for a volume." — Albany Journal. 

" They are written in the spirit of true scholar-like cultivation, and embody the results o Ae 

author's studies while in the enjoyment of rare opportunities for indulging a passionate taste for 

Italian Literature. His historical views are marked with great critical acuteness, often presenting 

tions, and always stimulating the attention of the reader by the strength ol their 

statements."— TYi'Mewe. 

" Bear the impress of intelligent observation and no little research." — Commercial Adv. 

"Deserves m be read by a.W."'— Evening Post. 

" Exhibit-much critical acumen."— Buffalo Commercial Adv. 



Ewope, Past and Present. 

A Comprehensive Manual of European Geography and History, derived from 
official and other authentic sources, and comprising not only an accurate 
Geographical and Statistical Description, but also a faithful and interesting 
History of all European States; together with a carefully arranged Index, 
by which the reader is enabled to find readily whatever lie wishes to know 
about any Geographical, Statistical, or Historical Fact concerning Europe. 

BY FRANCIS H. UNGEWITTER, LL. D. 

Author of "Popular Geography," "Universal Geography and History," "School Geogra- 
phy," &c, <fec 



The Ilinu/arian Pevolution. 

Outlines of the Prominent Circumstances attending the Hungarian Struggle 
for Freedom; together with Brief Biographical Sketches of the leading 
Statesmen and Generals who took part in it. 
BY JOHANN PRAGAY, 
Colonel and Adjutant-General i:i the Hungarian Army under Kossuth. 
1 vol. l2mo, cloth. — Map, 75cts. 



The Sclamc Nations. 

An Historical Sketch of the Language and Literature of the Sclavic Nations 

(Russia, Poland, Hungary, &c). 

BY TALVI. 
With an Introduction and Notes by H<-v. E. Robinson, D. L»., &c, Author 

of " Biblical Researches in Palestine," &c, &c. 

I vol. 12mo, cloth. 

13a 



o. p. putnam's new publications, 



SlrdjitfrtLtrt. 




Hints on Public Architecture, 

Prepared, on behalf of the Building Committee of the Smithsonian Institution. 
BY ROBERT DALE OWEN. 
In large Quarto, elegantly printed, with 113 Illustrations in the best style 
of the Art. Price $6. 

"While the Committee offer the result of these researches, not so 
much to the profession asto the public, and to public bod 
Vestries. Bunding Committees, and the like,) charged with the 
duties similar to their own. they in '!"' Architect 

also may find subject for Inquiry an I m iterial i"r thought 

" Money is expended even lavish o i ijtheshowy, 

die commonplace. But this period of trai 

The progress of painting and sculpture, which, in other lands, has 
been the slow growth of centuries, has been hasti ountry, 

thanks to the genius of a few self-taught men, beyond all former 
precedent. To stimulate genius in a kindred branch ol art; to 
supply suggestions which may call off from devious paths, and 
indicate to the student the true line ol pi thus to aid in 

abridging that season of experiment and ol inline m which the 
glittering is preferred to the chaste, and the gaud; is mistaken for 
the beautiful, arc objects of no light ii to BUCD con- 

siderations may be found the motive and the purpose of the follow- 
ing page&,"—Ex(ractfrom the Preface. 

"Tins work should be in the hands of every building committee, 
vestry city corporation, <>r other similar body, having the selections 
of plans lor building, and of every individual 
similar duty- h is ''"' " ,l!v w " rk wllil wnlcn WB ''' 
especially prepared for their use. [| should find its way to the 
shelves of every county library: for by reference to it 
sands of dollar's may be saved m the selection ol a proper style tor 
court-houses, churches, and other public i ail 

"Nor, though not specially addressed ton, is it or 

less value to the architect. There is much in this volume which 
even- member ol the profession would do well to 

"Of the numerous wood engravings which form the chief illus- 
trations of tins volume. w < dt too highly. Till we ex- 
amined them, we were not aware to what perfection the art I e .unity. 
The effect of several of these (especially of the fror, I «.«« 
best steei engravings ; and the whole of the illustrations are e ImericM 




art. 



14 



G. P. PUTNAM'S NEW PUBLICATIONS. 



tajjitrrta. 

CONTINUED. 

••In point of mechanical execution we have rarely seen its equal."— N. Y. Mirror. 
"A very valuable book. * * * In point of typography and embellishment one of the TMTJ 
Choicest volumes that ever issued from the American Press."— Albion. 

■■ Mr Owen is a clear 
thinker, and a man of 
great activity of mind, 
and these qualities have 
impressed themselves on 
his work, which is writ- 
ten with perspicuity and 
The principles 
i: architec- 
ture bi nay are pointed 
: v. nh much beauty of 
language and dexterity of jtou./ 
illustration. 

•■ We understand that 
Mr. Putnam has expend- 
ed on this work many 
hundreds of dollars be- 
yond the amount speei- 
ra,ci with 
the Smithsonian Iristim- 
a ■ the copj right 
- he will 
be amply remunerated 
ralitj ."-A" v. 
/ 'ost. 
"The best work on 
Architecture ever pub- 
,, hed m the 1 - States. 

beam i t'u I." — Pi nnsylva- 
fuirer. 

i one which 

will be read with interest 

and pleasure even by 

those who have considered architecture as a dry study. 
''The work is exceedingly interesting, while to public bodies it is one ot great value; and wo 

cannot say too much in commendation of the very superior style in which the publisher has pro- 
duced it."— iV. Y. Com 
Adv. 

" The most compre- 
hensive and elegantly il- 
lustrated treatise on arch- 
itecture that has yet ap- 
peared in this country." — 
Boston Transcript. 

" A truly admirable 
work — and creditable a- 
like to the institution, to 
the editor, and to the 
publisher."— 'Permsylva- 
nia Inquirer. 

" The subject of which 
it treats is one of vast 
importance to our peo- 
ple, in its economical not 
less than its ornamental 
relations ; anil it is pre- 
sented here in such a war 
as cannot fail both to 

f ratify and instruct." • 
Philadelphia A/. Ammi- 
can. 





15 



g. p. Putnam's new publications. 



lantep? (Gnrkiing. 




A Treatise on the Theory and Practice of Landscape 
Gardening and Rural Architecture, 

Adapted to North America. With a view to the Improvement of Country 
Residences — comprising Historical Notices, and General Principles of the 
Art ; Directions for laying out Grounds and arranging Plantations; the 
Description and Cultivation of Hardy Trees : Decorative Accompaniments 
to the House and Grounds ; the Formation of Pieces of Artificial Water, 
Flower Gardens, &c ; with Remarks on Rural Architecture. 



BY A. J. DOWNING. 

Fourth Edition, Revised, Enlarged, and Newly Illustrated, 
volume, 8vo., cloth, $3 50. 



One handsome 




"John Bull looks at Brother Jonathan 

with a : uraii ■ com] nd i i Ha 

dislikes him as a rival ; he 
is proud of him, as being, after all, of his 
own flesh and blood. Bui whenever, in 
scii nee, art, <>r literature, Jona m.w 

i; irply on thi ' bn, the 

said John bellows oui most lustily. Of all 

to be the groui ition between 

progenitor and deso I 

<; i i ing would, in this ca 

And yetj our Ann rit ■■ 
so far from being behind us in • 
thusiasm, or execution, seem to be inking 
dly. " ' ' There 
is now lying before us a thick octavo 
volume of about BOO pages, entitled -A 
; on the Theory and Practice of 

i ; • Gardening, adapted w North 



g. p. putnam's new publications. 



Tfiutope dparfomng, 



CONTINUED. 

America.' It is by A. J. Downing, author of 'Designs for Cottage Residences, &c.' * * * 
The volume itself is beautifully got up. It is full of admirably executed illustrations, represent 
ins very numerous landscape gardening and architectural eriVcts. It has reached its second 
edition in 1844, although an expensive work ; a consummation which a similar treatise, published 

England, by an English Landscape Gardener, could scarcely have hoped to reach. ' * " So 

for the present; details will come forth hereafter; and then, most excellent John Bull, 

you will see that this is no time to fold your arms, and loll in your chair, as if the race had been 

won and the prize already yours. You have not gained the victory, nor the prize."— London 

Ga i I > iirr' s Chronicle," Edited by Prof. Lindley. 

•■Mr. Downing has here produced a very delightful work, and has convinced us that sound 
criticism and refined taste, in matters of art, are not confined to this side of the Atlantic."— London 
Ait Union Journal. 

"The principles he lays down are not only sound, but are developed on a uniform system 
which is not paralleled in any English work."— Prof. Lindley's Chronicle, London. 

" A masterly work." — Loudon. 

"There is no work extant which can be compared in ability to Downing's volume on this sub- 
ject. It is not overlaid with elaborate and learned disquisition, like tho English works, but is 
truly practical."— Louisville Journal. 

' The standard work on this subject."— Sillimaris Journal. 




3Kinmtlngt|. 

Damds System of Mineralogy. 

A System of Mineralogy — Comprising the most recent discoveries ; with 
numerous wood-cuts and four copper-plates. 

BY JAMES D. DANA, 

Geologist of the U. S. Exploring Expedition. 

The third Edition of this valuable and important work, with essential 
additions and revisions, bringing the subject down to the present hour — 
is now in the Press, and will be published shortly. 8vo., $3 50. 
"This work docs great honor to America, and should make us blush for the neglect in England 
•fan important and interesting science."— London Atheiuium. 



Q. p. Putnam's new publications. 



United States Exploring Expeditions • 

SCIENTIFIC SERIES. 

Geology of the United States Exploring Expedition. 

BY PROF. JAMES D. DANA. 

In a magnificent quarto volume, illustrated with Maps and Woodcuts, and a 
Folio Atlas of 21 Plates, $15. 

Zoophites. 

BY JAMES D. DANA. 

In a magnificent 4to volume, £?15 ; accompanied by a splendid folio Atlaa of 
61 Plates, colored in the most exquisite manner, half morocco, $30. 

The Races of Man. 

And their Geographical Distribution. 
BY CHARLES PICKERING. 

1 vol. 4to, illustrated with Colored Plates, $10. 

Ethnography and Philology. 

BY HORATIO HALE. 

In a magnificent quarto volume, $10. 



€)i %m <£W\n nf SSirjrmtffl f tjlnn. 

North American Sylva ; 

Or, A Description of the Forest Trees of the United States, Canada, and No- 
va Scotia, considered particularly with respect to their use in the Arts and 
their introduction into Commerce ; to which is added a description of the 
most useful of the European Forest Trees. Translated from the French of 

F. ANDREW MICHAUX. 

New Edition, Revised and Improved. 

With Notes by J. J. Smith. Handsomely printed on fine paper, and illus- 
trated by 156 Engravings, colored in the most exquisite style. 3 vols, 
royal 8vo, cloth, $24. 



North American Sylva: The Contiimotion. 

BY THOMAS NUTTALL. 

Illustrated by 122 Plates, finely colored. 3 vols. 8vo. 

17a 



g. p. putnam's new publications. 



Important Stofantal 3#orfoL 

The Genera of tlie Plants of the United States. 

Genera Florae Boreali-Orientali Illustrata : illustrated by Figures and Ana- 
lyses from Nature, by Isaac Sprague. Superintended, with descriptions, 
&t., by Prof. A. Gray. Vol. I, plates 1—100, 8vo, cloth, $6. Vol. II, 
plates, 8vo, cloth, $G. 
*.* The Sicond volume will be ready in August. 

' The design of this work is to illustrate the Botany of the United States by figures, with full 
analyses of one or more species of each genus, accompanied by descriptive generic characters and 
Critical observations. The figures are in all cases drawn directly from nature." — Ext. Preface. 

*." This is undoubtedly the most important botanical work ever published in the United States. 
The Illustrations are executed in a very superior style. G. P. Putnam is now the sole publisher 
of the work. 



Flora of North America; 

Containing Descriptions of all the known Indigenous and Naturalized Plants 
growing north of Mexico ; according to the Natural System. By Prof. 
John Torrey and Prof. A. Gray. Vol. I, 8vo, cloth, $6. 

The same, Part I to VI, each $1 50: Part VII, $4. 

*.* This elaborate and valuable work will form three volumes, octavo. The remainder will 
be issued as soon as practicable. 



Prof. Gray's Botanical Text Boo\ 



For Colleges and High Schools. New Edition, with about 1000 Engravings 
on Wood. Large 12mo, cloth, $1 75. 




Part I. — An Introduction to Structural and Physiological Botany. 
Part II. — Tin' Principles of Systematic Botany ; with an Account of the Chief 
Natural Families of the Vegetable Kingdoms, &c. &.C. 

".' This is by far the moBt comprehensive, clear and correct text-book on Botany now in use. 
■ d in the University of Edinburgh, and is used in Harvard and many other Amoncac 
Colleges. 
Prof. Gray's Manual of the Brtany of the Northern States. 12mo. $2. 

18 



G. P. PUTNAM'S NEW PUBLICATIONS. 

SBnsfjlngton Iruittp %3mfo. 

AUTHOR'S REVISED EDITION. 

Elegantly printed in 15 vols, (including new works) and neatly bound in dark clotn. 
vol. 

I. Knickerbocker's New- York - - 1 vol. $1 25. 
II. The Sketch Book 1 vol. 1 25. 

III. I 

IV. > Columbus and His Companions 3 vols. 4 00. 
V. ) 

VI. 'Bracebridge Hall 
VII. TaJes of a Traveller 
VIII. Astoria, (pp. 510 with map) - 
IX. The Crayon Miscellany - 
X. Capt. Bonneville 's Adventures, map 1 vol 
XI. Oliver Goldsmith, a Biography 

XII ? 

Yjtt' ( Mahomet and his Successors 

*XIV. The Conquest of Granada - 
*XV. The Alhambra 
*XVI. [A new volume.] - 

* Those marked thus are not yet ready. 

*.* Either volume, or complete sets may also be had substantially bound in half calf, 75 eta. 
extra ; half morocco $1 extra ; full calf, SI 25 extra. 

NOTICES OF TnE NEW EDITION OF IRVING. 

"The typography of this series is all that could be desired. Nothing superior to It has issued 
from the "American press. Irvine will be anion!: American classics what Goldsmith is among 
those of the Fatherland. His works have not been crowded from our shelves by i! 
claimants for puJ.ic favor, who have appeared since 'lie Sketch Hook was in every body's hands. 
We have often wondered in common with other readers, why tin re was l U lerican edition 

of his writings ; but bis place in our literary affections remains as high as ever. The desideratum 
of which we speak, is now to be supplied by Mr. Putnam ; and wo an- now to hare an elegant 
uniform edition of the works of our foremost writer in the belles-lettres department of litera urn." 
— Boston Evening Tt mscript. 

"The announcement that a new edition of the works of this admired author was in progress, 
has led us to revert with pleasure to the delight we enjoyed in our first acquaintance with him 
through his charmine books. He was the first of Ann rican writers m the department of elegant 
literature who obtained a wide name ami lam.' in the old world. (Jreat Britain Pi Northern 

and Southern Europe, are alike familiar with his delightful and most healthful writii 
doubtless his own good standing abroad has done more than any other single cause to mtrodnrn 
the names and works of others of our countrymen. There is a charm about his writings to which 
old and young, the educated and the simple, bear cheerful witni " ' J new works 

have not yet'seen the light. Among these Is announced a Life ol Mohammed, ami a Life of 
Washington As to the latter subject for a volume, we c another Life of M 

inj-ton needs be written— which 'we doubt— we should prefer, of all men. to hare Washington 
Irving undertake it. The other promised biography, the Life ol Mohammed, is a grand, an unn 
hausted, and a most invitine theme. It has never yn been well treated, nor is ii probable that 
there is a man on this Continent better qualified to treat it with discrimination and powi 
with faithfulness to the truth, than Washington Irvine. If our country cai ' with a 

large issue of his writings, it will ma*9 some amends for the flood of trumpery which the Press 
has poured over it." — Christian Register. 

"The most tasteful and elegant books which have ever issued from the American Press. "—Tri b. 

19 



1 vol. 


1 25. 


1 vol. 


1 25. 


1 vol. 


1 50. 


1 vol. 


1 25. 


1 vol. 


1 25. 


1 vol. 


1 25. 


2 vols. 


2 50. 


1 vol. 


1 25. 


1 vol. 


1 25. 


1vol. 


1 25. 



G. p. putnam'* stew publications. 



Mm Xrttru — ^bm Itfork 

FENIMORE COOPER'S EARLY WORKS. 

THE AUTHOR'S REVISED EDITION. 

Tlie Spy : a Tale of the Neutral Ground. 

New Edition. Revised, &c, with Introduction and No.es, handsomely 
printed, uniform with the Sketch-Book, &c. 12mo, cloth, $1 25. 



The Pilot : a Tale of the Sea. 

12mo, cloth, $1 25. 



The Red Hover. 

12mo, cloth, $1 25. 



The Water Witch. 

12mo, cloth, $1 25. (In presa.) 



The Tvjo Admirals. 

12mo, cloth, $1 25. (In press.) 



Whig and Wmg. 

12mo, cloth, $1 25. (In press.) 



MR. COOPER'S NEW WORK. 
The Ways of the Hour. 

l2mo, uniform with " The Spy." 

" The public will cordiallj welcome a new and complete e lition of this author's admirable tales, 

i illustrated with note bj him i If. This is Nh. I oi the new series, and is 

got up in the si I works, which we have over and over again commended. As fur the 

ere is no i peal of it. It has a place on every shelf, and at once made the fame 

i in absolute pleasure to the lover ni books to find the ultra i heap > tern going 

-N. Y. Albion. 

"Wi \ii Putnam bring i American da* ii-s. the works of Cooper 

and Irving, to i ion a they amused the la t. We belong, as their two 

fine authors do, to both.il n ripei md an unflagging pirit ever pass from one 

W e remei with what ei ic we drank in the tale 

<ii -'I'll. - it first saw the light; and hovi we admired I ol Iti author, from the 

beauty IVi ■ •■ ill '''TV Airmni-an who lias laslr i -ihhi-Ii 

to appn so well by an American writer." Washington Union. 

14 ' The Spy ' is the most trulj national ficl rei produci I in America. ' * It is esteemed 

. .i! 1 i t ii ii i bei ii translated into almost every European language, 

the Worth British Review have almost consented to give it rank with 
itiquary ' and ' Old Mortality.'" Richmond 7 

20 



g. p. putnam's new publications. 

3klb Xrttrrs—iiJctii itaks. 

CONTINUED. 

MISS SEDGWICK'S WORKS. 

THE AUTHOR'S REVISED EDITION. 
Elegantly printed, uniform with the new editions of Irving, Cooper, &c. 

Clarence ; or, Twenty Years Since. 

With Portrait and Vignette. l2mo, cloth, $1 25. 



Redwood: a Tcde. 

With a new Portrait of Miss Sedgwick, from a Drawing by Miss Bremer. 
12mo, cloth, $1 25. 



A New England Tale. 

1 vol. 12mo, cloth. (In press.) 
"It gives us great pleasure to announce that the works of Miss C. M. Sedgwick an 
mg in a dress worthy of their exalied worth. The author ol Redwood. Hope Li ' 

<fcc, &c, is popular, not only in this country, but in Great Britain ; and her works, when 
culated, do essential service to the cause of American letters." 

" This series is designed to embrace the complete works of Miss Sedgwick, who has not been 
inaptly called ' the American Edgeworth.' Clarence possesses a very high degree ol m 
well deserves to be widely known and admired, as a picture of American life at a remote period 
of our national career." 

" It is now nearly twenty years since ' Clarence ' first made its appearance, and it was then re- 
ceived with great favor. Since that tune the public taste litis undergone a considi 
and perhaps not for the better. The licentious novels of Geo. Sand, and others oi the French 
school, with their sophistical philosophy, shallow philanthropy, and attractive rice, have i 
a morbid desire for excitement, that has mure or less vitiated the public taste, and we fear, 
ed less attractive the American spirit, moral tone, and amiable philosophy, which distinguish the 
works of Miss Sedgwick, clothed though they are with a erace of style, the want of which, 

of the foreign works to which we allude, is supplied with rose-col d rice. We trust, n 

that the picturesque delineations of New England manners will not, in our i! and sober-mind- 
ed community, be abandoned for the tinsel of British society, or the glare of Parisian vice."— 
Democratic Review. 



Biograpliia Literaria / 

Or, Biographical Sketches of my Literary Life and Opinions. 
BY SAMUEL TAYLOR COLERIDGE. 

From the Second London Edition, prepared for publication by the Hon. Henry 
Nelson Coleridge. 2 vols. 12mo. $2. 
"His mind contains an astonishing mass of all sorts of knowledge, while u od man- 

aer of putting it to use, he displays more of what we mean by the term genius than any mortal I 
ever saw or ever expect to se« " — John Foster. 

Hood's Poems. 

Poems. 

BY THOMAS HOOD. 

1 vol. l2mo, cloth, 75 cts. ; cloth gilt, $1. 
This is a companion volume to Hood's " Prose and Verse," compri*insr nil the 
Poems not in that volume. The two volumes together contain all Hood'a 
Poems and the best of his Prose writings. 
21 



g. p. putnam's new publications. 



Stllu Irtto— JJtui Btorks. 

CONTINUED. 

MISS BREMER'S WORKS, 



THE AUTHOR S EDITION. 

The NeujUors: a Tale of Every Day Life. 

A New and Revised Edition, with an Introduction written expressly for this 
Edition by Miss Bremer. l2rao, cloth. Uniform with Irving s Coopers, 
and Sedgwick's Works; and Illustrated with Portrait, and Viewot the 
Author's Residence. $1. 



Home. 

1 vol. l2mo, $1. (To be followed by other volumes at intervals ) 

« Miss Bremer's Works have found a home and a fireside welcome in the United WMm 
any other author of late in the field of literature, and we are ^glad »^*»*"g| 

p ,„, is about to give them a more permanent form than that in which they were hist presented 

'". '.'!'..,' ",','mv, trerj best domestic novels thai we have ever read. A good library edition of Miss 
long been wanted."— N. Y. Mirror. 
"The chiel excellence and attraction of Miss Bremer's writing, '^^.fJ^MflK 

, hl -h has been enlivened by her graceful and instructive stories o Swedish Me, and will 
eiated by the public."— /ndependewr. 

GOLDSMITH'S WORKS. 
2 7 Zte IPbrfo of Oliver Goldsmith; 

Including a Variety of Pieces now first collected. 
BY JAMES PRIOR. 

Complete in 4 vols. l2mo, elegantly printed, uniform in style with Irving, 
Cooper, &c. With Vignettes engraved on steel. Cloth, fi>. 

-'The book will embrace quite a library in itself; and the polished style of the »««£pUd>^ 

author should 1,-c ,■ a mndrltmhrr.irlr,.., ■,■,!,!, Irrso! .Iir. present du>. Hit typo,iaphy ol 

the work is beautiful."— N. V Mirror. , 

„,„,. ;i!1 American edition of Prior's Miscellaneous Works of Goldsmih, Mr. Put- 
nan wil tadunkri by mi letters throughou. the country. "-Boston Post. 

« ln3 , ry thing writtc wid Goldsmith i , n ^r^ffiS 

onou! raluableasai lelol , i English and classic beauty. -Newarh DdyAdv 

in ..row and verse no writer can be more fitly placed among the English classics, tha» 
Goldsmith TetK SSSSd" we are by so m'any worthless publications, to see so ex 
Ml'tnl an edition of his collected works."— Christian Inquirer. 

22 



G. P. PUTNAM'S NEW PUBLICATIONS. 



%i[\m Xtttrrs— jlJciu Works. 

CONTINUED. 

Orations, and Occasional Discourses. 

BY REV. GEORGE W. BETHUNE, D.D. 

1 vol. l2mo, cloth, $1 25. 

" Every admirer of true and fervid eloquence, devoted to practical and elevated purpose, will 
hail this volume with unqualified pleasure. * ' * This elegant volume meets Dur want and 
general desire : and oftentimes will the intelligent young man, atid the man of more mature expe- 
rience, take it from the library-shelf, and revive the heart at its perusal."— Comcrcial Adv. 

" Containing an illustration of American Literature, of which our countrymen may feel justly 
proud, and as furnishing rich intellectual repasts for leisure hours."— JV. Y. Recorder. 

"We would wish that they might be read attentively by all in our country."— N. Y. Evangelist. 

"Noaffectation, no transcendentalism, but the most manly good sense expressed in a style as 
pure and transparent as it is fresh and vigorous."— Methodist Quarterly Review. 



The Shakspeare Calendar ; 

Or, Wit and Wisdom for Every Day in the Year. 
EDITED BY W. C. RICHARDS. 

In a very neat volume, 32mo, cloth, 38 cts. ; cloth gilt, G3 cts. 



The Fathers of Neio England: 

An Oration before the New England Society, New- York, Dec. 21, 1849. 
BY REV. HORACE BUSHNELL, D.D. 

12mo, paper, 12^ ; cloth limp, 25 cts. 



Awricidar Confession in the Prot. Episcopal Church. 

A Series of Letters to a Friend in North Carolina. 

BY A PROTESTANT EPISCOPALIAN. 

l2mo, paper, 25 cts. ; cloth limp, 31 cts. 



The Iliad of Homer ; with Flaxmarfs Designs. 
Homer's Iliad. 

TRANSLATED BY WILLIAM COWPER. 

Edited by Robert Southey, LL.D. With Notes by M. A. Dwight. A splen- 
did edition on large paper. Illustrated with Twelve fngrav.ngs m Out- 
line, from Designs by Flaxman. Royal Svo, cloth, $3 ; cloth gilt, 
$3 50; also a cheaper edition for schools, §1 25. 

Rural Hours : Aspects of Nature in the Four Seasons 

l2mo, cloth. 
23 



G. P. PUTNAM'S NEW" PUBLICATIONS. 



iWlrs XrttrpH— %m ftJnrks. 



CONTINUED. 

American Historical and Literary Cariosities; 

Consisting of Fac-similes of original Documents relating to the Events of th^ 
Revolution, &c, &c. ; with a Variety of Reliques, Antiquities, and Modern 
Autographs. Collected and edited by John Jay Smith and John J. Wat- 
son. 1 vol. small folio, half morocco, gilt edges, $6. 

"This rare and curious book consists of a great variety of historical and literary curiosities, suet; 
as would delight the antiquary, collected with care and labor, and arranged with taste in a splendid 
volume." — Providence Journal. 



St. Leger; o?\ The Threads of Life. 

SECOND EDITION. 

1 vol. 12mo, cloth, $1. 

"We have read it with a more absorbed interest than has been awakened by any fiction that 
has come under our notice for a long time. * " tt is a strange, wild narrative. ' " Theinci- 
dents 8tru ild, striking, and original. ' ' The most successful debut in 

that has occurred in thi country for many years." — Phi la. Evening Bulletin. 

"Tin- identlj well schooled in German metaphysics, but holds that the proper study 

of mankind is man: he isaihinker. and has not only the power to set others to thinking, but of 
uttering for others thoughts tor which they have never found a tongue." — Boston Transcript. 

" It is a book of power. Its author has genius ; genius for description, for character, and dia- 
logue."— Boston Post. 

" Full of thought and sentiment, of a thoroughly original cast, and will make a permanent im- 
pression on the public mind." — Commercial Adv. 

" Abounding in the most thrilling interest in narrative and maxim."— Metropolis. 

" The book exhilu: r on the part of the author."— Boston Times. 

" Coniains many beautiful thoughts, expressed in an agreeable manner." — Cambridge Chronicle. 



The LCing of t-he Hurons. 

By the Author of "The First of the Knickerbockers.' 
12mo, cloth, $1 ; paper, 75 cts. 

"The best strictly American novel we have read fora long while. As leaf after leaf of p] 

lion, happy narrative, ami quiel humor was turned backwards beneath our Gngers, we 
ini est ol the tale, ind oon found ourselves Boating buoyantly and 
swiftly a >i imagination, as, when twenty years younger, one ol Coop i - besi bio- 

our gravest duties to wander with him ivei So we read on 

more our youth's paradise, 'a ofabj ind the last new novel,' 

until we reached that worst of all pages in it— the final one." — Literary World. 
" I" '"■ i i y re peel a clever and spirited book"—" destined to be read with pleasure wherever it 
Imittance." — Boston I'ost. 
i which will be read with unflagging interest to the end, and will leave the impres- 

sion on the mind ol the reader thai tin- an hoi enti ahigb uuk among the writers of ro- 

mantic Si i Patriot. 

. the most stirring events, described in the most graphic manner."— Prov. Journal 



(by the same author) 

The I?irst of the Knicfa rboch rs. 

Second edition. 12mo, 75 ct» 

The Young Latroon. 

12mo, 50 cts. 
24 



g. p. putnam's new publications. 



Stilts Xtftrrs— %m JVnrks. 

CONTINUED. 

EXTRAORDINARY AND ROMANTIC ADVENTURES. 

"Kaloolah will be the biok." 

Kaloolali / or, Journeyings to the Djebd Kumri. 

An Autobiography of Jona. Romer. 

EDITED BY W. S. MAYO, M. D. 

12mo, cloth, $1 25 ; also a cheap edition, double columns, paper covers, 50 cts. 

" The most singular and captivating narrative since Robinson Crusoe."— Home Journal. 

"'Kaloolah will be 'The Book.' If it does not excite ;i sensation in the reading public we will 
De perfectly contented to distrust our judgment in such matters in future."-^ Mercnant'a Journal 

" Bv far the most attractive and entertaining book we have read since the days we were fasci 
nated"by the chef d'ocuvre of Defoe or the graceful inventions of the Arabian Nights. It is truly an 
American novel— not wholly American in scenery, but American in character and American ip 
sentiment " — U. S. Magazine and Democratic Review. 

"We have never read a work of fiction with more interest, and we may odd, profit— combining 
as it does, with the most exciting and romantic adventures, a greal deal ol information of various 
kinds. The heroine, Kaloolah, is about as charming and delicate a specimen of feminine nature, 
as we recollect in any work of imagination or fancy. We will answer for it thai all readers will 
be perfectly delighted with her." — Tournal of Education. 

"We have met with no modern work of fiction that has so entranced us. The former part of 
Kaloolah carries the reader captive by the same irresistible charm thai is found in the pages of 
Robinson Crusoe, than which imperishable work, however, it presents a wider and more varied 
field of adventure ; while the latter part expands into scenes of splendor, magnificence, and eor 
Chantment, unsurpassed by those of the Arabian Nights' Entertainment."— Com. Advertiser. 



Letters from the Alleghany Maintains. 

BY CHARLES LANMAN, 

Librarian of the War Department ; Author of "A Summer in the Wilderness," 9rc. 

l2mo, 75 cts. 

* * These letters are descriptive of one of the mosl interesting regions in the old states of the 
Union, which has never before been described by any traveller, and they will be found to contain a 

great amount of valuable information, as well as many character] tic i cdotes and legends or 

the western -)arts of North and South Carolina, Georgia, and 'I ennessee. 



The Turkish Evening Entertainments: 

The Wonders of Memorials and the Rarities of Anecdotes. By Ahmed Beh 
Hemden, the Kiyaya. Translated from the Turkish. 

BY JOHN P. BROWN. ESQ. 
Dragoman of the Legation of the United Stati -: at < Mmatantittoph. 
l2mo. cloth, $1. 

"It is by far the most interests book that has been i [Mied at Constantinople lora '''*J '»r>e. 

• • • The historical and amusing interest of the two hunt) ■ *Mch! 

might call anecdotes, is so obvious," &c, -Von Hammer, • to tin 

Translator. 
'•This book is one of the most interesting and amusing which has appeared "— Jour. Asi'tiion* 

25 



g. p. putnam's new publications. 



Bidwer and Forbes on the Water Treatment. 

Edited, with additional matter, by Roland S. Houghton, A. M., M. D. One 
volume, 12mo, cloth, 75 cts. 

CONTENTS. 

I Bulwer's " Confessions of a Water Patient." II. Dr. Forbes on Hydropathy. III. Re»"" k « 
on Bathing and the Water Treatment, by Erasmus Wilson, M. p., F U.S., author of "Wi Nona 
Anatomy/' " Wilson on Healthy Skin," &c. IV. Medical Opinions, by Sir Charles Scudamore, 
Herbert Mayo, I)rs. Cooke, Freeman, Heathcote, &c. V. Observations on Hygiene and the Water 
Treatment, by the Editor. 

The object of this work is to interest literary and professional men, and all other persons of se- 
dentary habits or pursuits in the subject of Hygiene and the Water Treatment, to attract tneu 
attention to the importance of acquiring a cornet knowledge ot Health, with a view to he J ie- 
vention and cure of disease by Hygienic management, ard to define those leading general princi- 
ples which lie at the basis of genuine Water Cine. 



Essays and Orations. 

By Rev. George W. Bethunf, D. D. 
One volume, l2mo. cloth, $1 25. 

This volumjs will comprise all the popular occasional Orations and Discourses of the distin- 
guished author; and the variety and importance of the subjects discussed are such as to render IM 
volume exceedingly interesting and attractive to the general reader. 

Coleridge's Biographia Literaria. 

Biographia Literaria ; or Biographical Sketches of my Literary Life and Opi- 
nions. By Samuel Taylor Coleridge. From the 2d London edition, pre- 
pared for publication by the late H. N. Coleridge 2 vols. l2mo. $2. 

"His mind contains an astonishing map of all sorts of knowledge, while in his power and man- 
ner of putting it to use, he displays more of what we mean by the term genius than any mortal J 
ever saw, or ever expect to see." — John Foster. 



A Lift for the Lazy ; 

Second edition, revised and enlarged, neatly printed in duodecimo, 75 cts. 

"They have been at a great feast of languages and stolen the scraps."— Shakspeare. 

* " This volume, printed in a novel style, comprises comprehensive and original materials fo? 
" Table Talk" — such as literary anecdotes and statistics, origin of words, philological curiosities, 
quaint scraps from old authors, 6trange customs, odd sayings; in short, as a commonplace book 
of ar. extensive reader and shrewd observer- it is a most acceptable " lilt" for those who are too 
lazy or too busy to read whole libraries for themselves. 



The Fountain of Living Waters. 

BY A LAYMAN. 

In a neat and elegant presentation volume, with a Vignette. Neat 32mo p 
cloth gilt, 75 cts. 

" And the Spirit and the Bride say, Come ; 
And let him that heareth say, Come : 
And let him that isaihiret, Come ; 
And whosoever will, let him take of the water of life freely." 

IUv. 23: 17 

26 



g. p. Putnam's new publications. 



Cfjolre Kllustrafeb 98ook& 

Tlie Illusifr cited Knickerbocker • 

The History of Neiv-York, 

From the Beginning of the World to the end of the Dutch Dynasty: containing, 
among many surprising and curious matters, the Unutterable Ponderinga 
of Walter the Doubter ; the Disastrous Projects of William the Testy, and 
the Chivalric Achievements of Peter the Headstrong — the Three Dutch 
Governors of New- Amsterdam : Being the only authentic History of tha 
Times that ever hath been or ever will be published. 

BY DIEDRICH KNICKERBOCKER. 

Illustrated with 15 superior engravings on wood, by the most eminent artists, 
from Designs by Darley, viz : 



Oloffe Van Kortland measuring the land icith 
Tenbroeck' s breeches. 

Vision of Oloffe the Dreamer, of the future 
city of New- Amsterdam. 

The Peach War. 

Portrait of Wouter Van Twiller,from authen- 
tic sources. I Kiddcrmeisten in his Coffin. 

Gen. Van Poffenburg, practicing tear on the Battle at Fort Christina. 

Sunflowers. I Knickerbocker raging at the crying children 



Portrait of Diedrich Knickerbocker, from an 
original, painting lately discovered by the 
Expedition to Holland. 

The Dutch Exploring Expedition cast away 
at Hurlgate. 

Dutch Lover. 



Knickerbocker making hi* bote to ike public. \ 

And a larger illustration on stone, from a drawing by Heath, of London ; 
a humorous representation of Peter Stuyvesant's Army. 

Elegantly printed in Royal Octavo. Price in cloth, $3 50 ; extra dark cloth, 
gilt edges, $4 ; morocco extra, $6 ; morocco and calf, bevelled an- 
tique, $7. 



The Illustrated Sketch-Booh. 

The Sketch-Booh. 

BY WASHINGTON IRVING. 
Illustrated with a series of highly-finished Engravings on Wood, from Designs 
by Darley and others, Engraved in the best style by Childs, Herrick, &c. 
One volume, square octavo, cloth extra, $3 50 ; cloth gilt, $4 ; morocco 
extra, $6. 
"We confess that we know of none in this country so competent to the task of illustrating this 
work as the young artist selected for the purpose, Felix Darley, some of whose designs we have 
had the pleasure of seeing. They are full of the quiet, Crayonish Immor peculiar lo the author, 
»nd drawn witn the same elegant finish and freedom from blemish which distinguish all his works. 
Until we saw these designs we were incredulous as to the ability of any O f POT nauve aruatfl to 
properly illustrate the humorous passages of Irving's writings."— Evening Mirror. 

The Illustrated Tales of a Traveller. 

Tales of a Traveller. 

BY WASHINGTON IRVING. 
Illustrated with 15 designs by Darley, engraved on wood in tht first style by 
Childs, Herrick, Leslie, Bobbet, Edmonds, &c. One volume, Royal 8vo, 
same style and prices as the Knickerbocker. 
• It is intended that the engravings in this volume and in the Knickerbockfr shall exceed in 
excellence any thing of the kinrTyet produced in this country. 

27 



g. p. putnam's new publications. 



CONTINUED, 

jTA^ Illustrated Goldsmith. 

Oliver Goldsmith, a Biography. 

BY WASHINGTON IRVING. 

With about 40 Illustrations selected by the publisher from Forster's Life of 
Goldsmith, beautifully engraved on wood by W. Roberts. 8vo, cloth, 
$2 50 ; cloth, gilt, $3 ; morocco, $6. 

Family Pictures from tJie Bible. 

EDITED BY MRS. E. F. ELLETT. 

Comprising original articles by Rev. Dr. Bethune, Rev. H. Field, Rev. Mr. 
Burehard, and other Eminent Divines. 

l2ino, cloth, 75 cts. ; gilt extra, $1 25. 



Tlie Ilhi&frated Monuments of Egypt. 

Egypt and Its Monuments. 

As Illustrative of Scripture History. 

BY REV. DR. HAWKS. 

With Architectural and other Views finely executed on stone, and numerous 
engravings on wood, from the works of Rossellini, Champollion, Wilkin- 
son, &c. Royal 8vo. half morocco, $3 50. 



The Illustrated Nineveh. 

Layard 1 s Nineveh and its Remains. 

With 103 Illustrations on wood and on stone. 2 vols, in one, handsomely 
bcund in half morocco, gilt edges, $5 ; calf extra, antique style, $6. 



Hie Illustrated Italy. 

The Genius of Italy, 
Or Sketches of Italian Life, Literature and Religion. 

BY REV. ROBERT TURNBULL. 

With views of Milan Cathedral, the Roman Forum, Pompeii, St. Peters, and 
the Lake of Como, beautifully engraved on wood, elegantly bound in 
extra cloth, gilt edges, $2. 

28 



d&ljoirc MttstnM Hanks. 



CONTINUED. 



The Illustrated Pilgrim's Progress. 

New and beautiful edition of Pilgrim's Progress, (in an elegant volume, uni- 
form with Tilt's Illustrated Milton, &c.) To be published simultaneously 
by David Bogue, London, and Geo. P. Putnam, New-York, a new and 
beautifully Illustrated Edition of Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress ; with a 
new, original Life of Bunyan, written expressly for this Edition, by Rev. 
George B. Cheever, D.D. The whole containing from 250 to 300 I 
trations, exquisitely Engraved on Wood, by the best Engravers in London, 
from Original Drawings by an Eminent Artist, and Printed in the best 
Style of the Art. In one elegant volume. 

PROSPECTUS. 

In introducins, -o public notice a new edition of The Pilgrim's Process— the most popular book 
in the English Language— it is unnecessary to expatiate on the merits bo universally admitted as 
those of the 

" Ingenious dreamer ! in whose well-told tale 
Sweet fiction and sweet truth alike prevail." 

The publisher, therefore, confines himself to a simple enumeration of the mam features by which 
the present edition will be distinguished. 
This distinction is threefold : 

1st. In the Purity of the Text. It will be printed from the latest editions published in the 
author's lifetime, containing his last revisions and alterations. For this purpose the extremely 
rare edition of the first part, published in 1688, has been placed at the publisher's disp i al by the 
diligent researches of George Offor, Esq. of Hackney, whose library contains, amongst other Urea- 

smres, an unrivalled collection of early editions of Bunyan. Most of the ordinary edit 

divine allegory are very erroneous ; and printed as they have been lrom one another, without 
reference to the originals, show alterations and omissions altogether at variance with the Author a 
text.t 

2d In the absence of Notes. With very few exceptions, all the recei 
are encumbered with tedious doctrinal notes, overlaying the text, and distracting the attention Ol 
the reader from the original narrative. From these this edition will be altogether free I 
will be laid before the reader as Bunyan left it ; the only variations will consist in 
and verification of the marginal references, which, lrom errors oi the press, arc in the early 
editions frequently inaccurate. 

3d. In the Illustrations. In the present edition these are greatly more numm... i and pi a higher 
class, than have ever been given with the work. They will range from 1 wo Hundred and Fifty 
to Three Hundred in number, engraved by the Brothers DaJziel, from Drawings by WiUmm Har- 
vey, the most graceful and imaginative of modern designers, and will consul ol Head a 
Vignettes, and Border Illustrations in all that variety ol pictorial arrangement for which r 
is to celebrated. A beautifully engraved Portrait of the Author will also be given from i the origi- 
nal drawin", by R. White, preserved in the British Museum ; from which v, he like- 
aess attached to the first edition of the Holy W, r (now extremely rare). This will be engiu edon 
Heel, in the line manner, by Mr. H. Bourne, forming at once the finest and most authentic 1 ortrait 
of Bunvan ever published. 

The Work will be printed in crown octavo, in the best manner, and will be published in Monthly 
Parts, price 25 cents each. Part I. will appear in a lew days. 

Each Part will contain Forty pages of Letterpress, and from Twenty-five to Thirty Engraving* 
on Wood. 
The Work will be complete in about Ten, but not exceeding Twelve, Parts. 
• • A few Copies, printed on Large Paper (price 21. 2s. or 810), with the finest impressions of 
the Cuts ir their best state. As these will be issued only in a complete form, persons desirous to 
possess them should at once forward their names to the publisher. 

t A few specimens of these inaccuracies are given in a separate Prospcetus, with a specimen of 
the work, which will be supplied (gratis) en application. 

2V..B. TO THE TRADE. — The first number will be forwarded generally as 

a Specimen, on sale ; but no future number will be sent unless actually ordered. 

29 



g. p. putnam's new publications. 



Cjjnto 3llttstrntrii %mh. 



CONTINUED. 



Lays of the Western World. 



Contents :—" Love's Requiem," by Charles Fenno Hoffman ; " The Mother of Moses," by Mrs. 

1 , •■ The J, ami of" Dreams," by Wm. C. Bryant ; " Lees in the Cur of Life," by Mrs. S. G. 

Howe: "The NiL'h! Cometh." by Mis. Lmbury ; " The Tournament at Acre," by I?. W. Her- 

bert; "Greenwood" by Miss Pindar ; " Worship," by Miss Bayard; "The Child's Mission," by 

Mrs. Embury. 

Small folio, illuminated in the most superb manner by Mapleson, with Borders and Visnettes — 
printed in Gold. Silver, and Colors — bound in morocco, in a massive style— forming the most 
elegant and recherche book of the kind ever produced in this country. $12. 



Oriental Life Illustrated: 



Being a New Edition of " Eothen," or, Traces of Travel Brought Home from 
the East. Blustrated with fine Steel Engravings. l2mo, cloth, extra 
gilt, $1 50. 



Illustrated Grecian and Roman Mythology. 

BY M. A. DWIGHT. 

With Preface by Prof. Tayler Lewis, of the University of New-York. 17 
Illustrations. 1 vol. 8vo, cloth extra, half morocco, top edge gilt, $3 75 ; 
cloth, gilt edges, $3 50 ; plain $3. 



Poems. 

BY ANNE CHARLOTTE LYNCH. 

Illustrated by Durand, Huntington, Darley, Dugan, Rothermel, <tc. &c. 
One volume, 8vo. Elegantly printed on superfine paper, uniform with 
the Illustrated Editions of Willis. Bryant, Longfellow, &c. Cloth, $1 50 ; 
gilt extra, $2 ; morocco extra, $3. 



A Booh of tlie Hudson ; 

Collected fron. the Various Writings of Diebrich Knickerbocker. Edited by 
Geoffrey Crayon. New edition in large type, with four Illustrations. 
■•Brno, 50 cents. 
The draper Edition, without plates, smaller type, 37J cents. 
"One of the most delightful W"Tks in the language."— Boston Transcript 
"Summer Tourists on the Hudson can find no pleasanter companion than this," 
■A happy idea this of brimrimr tosether in a volume, for the pocket, the ca ti red tales and 

Hud ■■■■' , attractive pages in the different volumes of Washmg- 

i ing The mania to be envied who. with a r ammer Jp/ before him, embarks on one of 

icesol the river with this choice volume for hj ,a he isbornealong 

pli breadth ol the Tappan Sea, by the walk ol the Pali ade . or threads the grand defile* 

hi Highland He will be put in a m I I bi thi most exquisi',e enjoyment of book and land- 

ices from one to the other. " — Lit. I ' 

30 



g. p. Putnam's new publications. 



n papular Mumis for tywmb. 

ELEGANTLY BOUND IN EXTRA CLOTH, GILT EDGES. 
Those marked thus * are New Editions, with illuminated title-pages 

* Chaucer : Selections, by Deshler - 

* Fouque's Uridine and Sintram 

* Gil/nail's Sibyl; or, New Oracles from Poets 

* Goldsmith's Vicar of Wakefield, illustrated 

* Hervey's Book of Christmas - 

* Howitt's [Mary) Songs and Ballads, with portrait 1 25 

* Hood's Prose and Verse - - - - 

* Hunt's Italian Poets - 

* Hunt's Imagination and Fancy 
Irving 's Sketch-Book - 
Irving's Bracebridge Hall - 
Irving's Tales of a Traveller 
Irving's Oliver Goldsmith, a Biography 

* Keats' Poetical Works - 

* Keats' Life and Letters - - - - 

* ^Lamb's Dramatic Poets - 

* Lamb's Essays of Elia - 

* Oriental Life Illustrated, plates - 



Each 12mo. 


$1 


00. 


1 


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1 


50. 


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1 


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t\ 


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1 


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1 


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75. 


1 


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JBWtaL 

Green on Bronchitis. 

SECOND EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED. 

A Treatise on Diseases of the Air-Passages; Comprising an Inquiry into th« 
History, Causes, and Treatment of those Affections of the Throat, called 
Bronchitis, Chronic Laryngitis, Clergyman's Sore Throat, &c. &c. 

BY HORACE GREEN, A.M., M.D., &C. 

Plates improved and carefully Colored. Royal 8vo, gilt tops, $3. 

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Bional reader." — N. Y. Eve. Post. 

"Without doubt the remedy over all others."— N. Y. Ere. Mirror. 

"Ably written, and shows a man thoroughly master of his profession."— .Y Y Obiervtr. 

31 



O. P. PUTNAM S NEW PUBLICATIONS. 



<fct-$foob for €nlk$w anb M$ $t(pntli. 

27^ Practical Elocutionist, 

For Colleges, Academies, and High Schools. 

BY JOHN W. S. HOWS, 

Professor of Elocution in Columbia College. 

* ' This work is confidently recommended to the attention of the Teaching Public, and intelli- 
gent students, tor its thorough practical character. 

It comprises the Author's system of Elocutionary Instruction, which, during a long course of 
successful professional practice, has been most satisfactorily tested and stamped by public ap- 
proval. 

A close analytical dissection of the sense and construction of language is made the leading prin- 
ciple of instruction, rather than a servile adherence to elaborate mechanical rules. Nature is at 
all times followed as die only sure Teacher. The perceptive and reasoning powers of the Pupil 
are constantly brought into action, and the few essential rules of the art are so simplified and 
adapted on these principles, as to become only the subordinate auxiliaries in the acquirement of an 
earnest, natural, and unaffected mode of delivery. 

A copiou i .mil ( aried selection of Examples, from the best Authors, are given for practice in the 
illustration ol the Bystem,the larger portion of which have never before been incorporated into 
any similar work. They will bo round of an uniform high-toned character, and will furnish to the 
youthful Pupil a vocabulary of thought and information on topics of general importance and in- 
Large 12mo. SI. 



Tlie Crayon Heading Book ; 

Comprising Selections from the various Writings of 

WASHINGTON IRVING. 

Prepared for the use of Schools. l2mo. 75 cts. 

* * This volume comprises a series of scenes, adventures, sketches of character, and historical 
pictures from the Life of Columbus, Astoria, Tour on the Prairies, Granada, Braeebridge Hall, 
Sketch Book, &C., arranged so as to form an acceptable and useful reading book for the higher 
classes in schools and academies. 



The Botanical Text-Book. 

BY PROF. A. GRAY, 

Of Harvard College. 

With 1000 Engravings on wood. New edition, 12mo, $1 75. [See page 11.] 

"The best elementary view of the vegetable kingdom."— Sillitnan's Journal. 



Prof. Dana's System of Mineralogy ; 

Comprising the most recent discoveries. New edition, 8vo, $3 50. [See p. 13. 



A Cln i !.</<■( il 1) it- Hook. 

BY WOLCOTT GIBBS. 

Prof et$or of Chemistry m the Fret Axulemy, Neie-York. 

12mo. In preparation. 
32 



g. p. Putnam's new publications. 



tet-$nniv5 fnr Cnllrgrs nni lugij f rljaais. 

CONTINUED. 

A Mythological Text-Booh : 

With original illustrations. Adapted to the use of Universities and High S. -hoots, 
and for popular reading. 

BY M. A. DWIGHT. 

With an Introduction by Tayler Lewis, Professor of Greek in the Uin\. r-ity 

of New- York. I2mo, half bound $1 50. 
Also, a fine edition in octavo, with illustrations, cloth, $3 ; cloth gilt, $3 50 ; 

half morocco, top edge gilt, .$3 75. 

V This work has been prepared with great care, illustrated with effective outline drawings, 
and is designed to treat the subject in an original, comprehensive, and unexceptionable mannerTeo 

as to fill the place, as a text-book, which is yet unsupplied; while i ,,,. .',,,,1 

readable table book lor general use. It is introduced as a text-book tany oi the li 

and schools. 

" As a book of reference for the general reader, we know not its equal. The information it con- 
tains is almost as necessary to the active reader of modern literature, as for thi holar." 
— Home Journal. 

"A valuable addition to our elementary school books, being mitten in good taste and with 
and well adapted to popular instruction.— Prof. Webster, Principal of 'the Free Academy, N. Y 



Cods Drawing Cards. 



Studies in Drawing, in a Progressive Series of Lessons on Cards ; beginning 
with the most Elementary Studies, and adapted for use at Home and in 
Schools. 

BY BENJAMIN H. COE, 
Teacher of Drawing. 

In ten Series — mamed 1 to 10 — each containing about eighteen Studies. 
25 cents each Series. 

The design is : 
I. To make the exercise in drawing highly interesting to the pupil. 
II. To make drawings so simple, and so gradually progressive, as to enable any teacher, whethu 

acquainted with drawing or not, to instruct his pupils io ;id\ a 
HI. To take the place of one half of the writing lessons, with confidence that the lasi 

acquirea knowledge of writing in less time than is usually required. 
IV. To give the pupils a bold, rapid, and artist-like style of drawing. 

They are executed with taste and skill, and form, in mir judgment, one of the beet series of les- 
sons in drawing, which we have met with. The author justly remarks, Oi.n •■ the whole i- 
pllfied as to enable any teacher, without previous study, to instruct his pupils with adv.uitage." 



% & % 3Stlitartj tint-Sink. 

An Elementary Treatise on Artillery amd Infantry, 

Adapted for the Service of the United States. Designed for the use of Cadets 
of the U. S. Military Academy, and for the Officers of the independent 
Companies and Volunteers. 12mo. 

BY C. P. KINGSBURY, LIEUT. U. S. A. 

*," This volume is used as a text-book in the I - Military Academy, and will he intro- 

duced in the other military schools. It is 'he mosl useful and comprehensive treating In either 
French or English; and is equally adapted for use in the militia service and in the army. 

33 



g. p. putnam's new publications. 



Slnglo-fiim 



Anglo-Saxon Course of Study. 

A Compendious Anglo-Saxon and English Dictionary. 

By the Rev. Joseph Boswokth, D.D., F.R.S., &c, &c. 1 vol., 8vo, 
cloth, $3. 
A Grammar of tJie Anglo-Saxon Language. 

By Louis F. Klipstein, A.M., LL.M., and Ph. D., of the University of 
Giessen. l2mo, cloth, $1 25. 
Tlui Halgan Godspel on Englisc. 

The Anglo-Saxon Version of the Holy Gospels. Edited by Benjamin 
Thorpe, F.S.A. Reprinted by the same. 12mo, cloth, $1 25. 

Analecta Anglo- Saxonica, 

With an Introductory Ethnological Essay, and Notes, Critical and Ex- 
planatory. By Louis F. Klipstein, A.M., LL.M., and Ph. D., of the 
University of Giessen. 2 vols., 1200 pages, $3 50. 

Natale Sancti Gregorii Papa. 

iElfric's Homily on the Birthday of St. Gregory, and Collateral Ex- 
tracts from King Alfred's Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History 
and the Saxon Chronicle, with a full Rendering into English, Notes 
Critical and Explanatory, and an Index of Stems and Forms. By 
Louis F. Klipstein, A.M., LL.M., and Ph. D., of the University of 
Giessen. 12mo, 50 cts. 

A Glossary to tJie Analecta Anglo- Saxonica, 

With the Indo-Germanic and other Affinities of the Language. By 
Louis F. Klipstein, A.M., LL.M., and Ph. D., of the University of 
Giessen. In preparation. 

« There is no doubt that a few years hence, the persevering and ill-rewarded toils of this learned 
echolar wi 1 1" lonk ,1 back upon with sincere gratitude, by all who love the study of our incom- 
mr , e Ui 'ua£ in i.s better and more sinewy part. If Dr. K. a, t 

KTa^Samastery of English which is maWelli rns, and which, by the by. shows the advantage 
fobe dir • Cn AnLdo-Saxon. Th. « rolumi taken in connection with and he 

ford'r m in ' ''o an. wil make iteasy i private student to make himsell acquainted I with 

ongue.towhichweowi aim ■ rword of endearment, such as home, 

% ill- v nkr brothe?, sister; almost all our names of English flowers, as daw, cowslip, prtm- 
W^~?aXbundance'of th, i, fe, pungent nduns. which .Uta^b 

wSdbmerawOTfor sesq I'''] ^ 1^ 

C !rult churl. , touL The prejiminary essay prepares the waj , by uar . ng_ very 

SVihe^^ofaeAnglo-Saxon language: it is a valuable contribution to Ethnology."- 
l'rttliylerian. 

-Surely it is a matter of concern to know and understand well our own tongue. How much 

hotter Th en would ii he if in our puhUc and private schools, as much I n . r- siven 

nd Latin, that our youth, mighi bring home with them a 

^MtoSSSfwaTO ' ndwrii beirowr, "Greek 

indi- mi whi.-h.'. years' time. ' Fm th is, 

J5g*Sf g after all, it has bequeathed to us by far die 

largest storl. '■ '" l « n - 

"The most valuable portion ol oui ?« directly through the Anglo-Saxon ; find 

to make the it. ly of it a part of Oil ducation, would be to administer tho most 

^, ,. to he le erior;, mld-be fine speakers and writers, which » 

gradually robbing ™ English speech of much of its *ar..-e energy and precision.-/,.*. World. 

34 



G. P. PUTNAM'S NEW PUBLICATIONS. 



Chaucer's Poems. 

Selections from the Poetical Works of Geoffrey Chaucer. By Charles D. 
Deshler. 1 vol., l2mo, green cloth, 63 eta. 



Chaucer and Spenser. 



Selections from the Poetical Works of Geoffrey Chaucer. By Charles D. 
Deshler. Spenser, and the Faery Queen. By Mrs. C. M. Kiiti. ■ 
1 vol., 12mo, cloth, $1 25. 

" A mine of wealth and enjoyment, a golden treasury of exquisite models, of graceful fancies, of 
fine inventions, and of beautiful diction." — Cincinnati Herald. 



Fouque. — Undine and Sintram. 



Undine, a Tale ; and Sintram and his Companions, a Tale. From the Ger- 
man of La Motte Fouque". 1 vol., 12mo, green cloth, 50 cts. 

" Undine is an exquisite creation of the imagination, and universally regarded as a masterpiece 
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Oilman^ Mrs. —The Sibyl ; 



Or, New Oracles from the Poets ; a Fanciful Diversion for the Drawing- 
Room. 1 vol., l2mo, cloth, extra gilt, $1 50. 

"A sweet book of short and most pleasant quotations from the poets, illustrative of ch.irncter 
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designed, beautifully executed, and beautifully robed for the gift-dispensing Christmas and New- 
Year public." — Evangelist. 



Goldsmith. — The Vicar of Wah full. 

By Oliver Goldsmith. 1 vol., l2mo, neatly printed, cloth, 50 cts. 

The same, illustrated with designs by Mulready, elegantly bound, gilt 

edges, $1. 

" This tale is the lasting monument of Goldsmith's genius, his great legacy of pleasure lo genera- 
tions past, present, and to come." 



Hervey. — The Booh of Christmas : 



Descriptive of the Customs, Ceremonies, Traditions, Supfstitions, Fun, Feel- 
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12mo, green cloth, 63 cts. 

The same, gilt extra, $1. 

"BTery leaf of this book affords a feast worthv of the season." — Dr. Hawks' Church Record. 

35 



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r M\m Ertta. 

CONTINUED. 

Hood. — Prose and Verse. 

Bv Thomas Hood. l2mo, green cloth, $1. 
The same, gilt extra, $1 25. 

" A very judicious selection, designed to embrace Hood's more earnest writings, those which 
were written from the heart, which reflect most faithfully his life and opinions."— Broadway 
Journal. 



Howitt. — Ballads and other Poems. 

By Mart Howitt. 1 vol., 12mo, green cloth, 75 cts. 
The same, with fine portrait, gilt extra, $1. 

u Her poems are always graceful and beautiful. — Mrs. S. C. Hall. 

" We cannot commend too highly the present publication, and only hope that the reading public 
will relish ' Mary Howitt's Ballads and other Poems,' now for the first time put forth in a collected 
form." — Albion. 



Himt. — Imagination and Fancy ; 



Or, Selections from the English Poets, illustrative of those first requisites 

of their Art ; with markings of the best Passages, Critical Notices 

of the best writers, &.c. By Leigh Hunt. 1 vol., 12mo, green cloth, 
62 cts. 

The same, gilt extra, $1. 



11 One of those unmistakable gems about which no two people differ. It is really and truly an 
exquisite selection of lovely passages, accompanied with critical notices of unusual worth ; and it 
would be difficult to select a work on the subject so beautifully, earnestly, eloquently written."— 
Westminster Review. 

" This volume is most justly to be called a feast of nectared sweets where no crude surfeit reigns." 
London Examiner. 



Hunt. — Stories from the Italian Poets : 



Being a Summary in Prose of the Poems of Dante, Pulci, Boiardo, Ariosto, 
and Tasso ; with Comments throughout, occasional passages Versified, and 
Critical Notices of the Lives and Genius of the Authors. By Leigh 
Hunt. l2mo, cloth, $1 25 

The same, fancy gilt, $1 75. 



" Mr. Hunt's book has been aptly styled, a scries of exquisite engravings of the magnificent pifr 
turw painted by these great Italian masters."— Journal of Commerte. 

3G 



g. p. Putnam's new publications. 



CONTINUED. 

Tfo History of New- York, 

From the Beginning of the World to the End of the Dutch Dynasty. 
12mo, cloth, $1 25. 

Tlie Sketch Book of Geoffrey Crayon, Gent. 
12mo, cloth, $1 25. 

Bracebridge Hall ; or, Tlte Humorists : 

A Medley. 12mo, cloth, $1 25. 

Tales of a Traveller. 

12mo, cloth, $1 25. 

The Conquest of Granada. 

12mo, cloth, $1 25. 

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12mo, cloth, $1 25. 

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l2mo, cloth, $1 25. 

Oliver Goldsmith : a Biography. 

12mo, cloth, $1 25. 

Miscellanies. 

12mo, cloth, $1 25. 

," See " History," " Travels," &c. 
N. B. Any of the above may be had in extra bindings : half calf, 75 eta extrm ; half morocco, tl 
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Keats. — Poetwal Works. 

The Poetical Works of John Keats. 1 vol., 12mo, cloth, $1. 
The same, gilt extra, $1 25. 

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flowers of poetry, that, even while perplexed and bewildered in their labyrinths, it is impn*«ible 
to resist the intoxication of their sweetness, or to shut our hearts to lha enchantment th«y so 
lavishly present — Francis Jeffrey. 



Keats. — Life, Letters, <&c. 

The Life, Letters, and Literary Remains of John Keats. Edited by Richard 
Moncton Milnes. Portrait and fac-simile. 1 vol., 12mo, cloth, §1 25. 

The same, gilt extra, $1 50. 



" A volume which wiT. take ita place among the imperishable ones of the ago." " It to 

leplete with interest." 

37 



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Splits litirn. 

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Lowell. — A Fable for Critics : 

Or A Glance at a Few of Our Literary Progenies. By a Wonderful Quiz. 
1 vol., 12mo, boards, 50 cents ; cloth, G3 cts. 

" Beneath its unpretending drab cover lies hid a w«rld of polished satire, keen subtle humor, 
Hid manly vigorous seMiment, interspersed with touches of genuine pathos." — Knickerbocker 
Magazine. 

" Showing the power of a master in verse, the heart of a true man, the learning of a scholar, the 
nind of a philosopher, and the wit of a satirist, without the gall which too often accompanies it." — 
Uolden's Mag. 

" Nothing abler has ever come from the American press in the form of satire." — Prov. Jour. 



Lamb. — Essays of Elia. 

By Charles Lamb. 1 vol., 12mo, cloth, $1. 

The same, gilt extra, $ 1 25. 

" Shakspeare himself might have read them, and Hamlet have quoted them ; for truly was our 
excellent friend of the genuine line of Yorick." — Leigh Hunt's London Journal 



Lamb. — Specimens of the English Dramatic Poets. 

By Charles Lamb. 1 vol., l2mo, grsen cloth, $1 25. 

The same, gilt extra, $1 50. 

"Nowhere are the resources of the English tongue, in power, in sweetness, terror, pathos, in de- 
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Lynch. — Poems, &c. 

By Anne C. Lynch. 1 vol. Elegantly illustrated from designs by Durand, 
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gilt extra, $2. 

"The many beautiful and sublime thoughts that are scattered through this volume will amply 
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Montagues Selections from Old English Writers. 

Selections from the Works of Taylor, Latimer, Hall, Milton, Barrow, Lowth, 
Brown, Fuller, and Bacon. By Basil Montagu. 1 vol., 12mo, green 
cloth, 50 cents ; cloth gilt, $1. 

"This volume contains choice extracts from some of the noblest of the old English writers."— 
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" A book of delight. It is for the head, the heart, the imagination, and the taste, all at once," 

38 



Q. P. PUTNAM'S NEW PUBLICATIONS. 



3follrs iCrttrrs. 

CONTINUED. 

Peacock — Headlong Hall and Nightmare Alley. 

1 vol., 12mo, green cloth, 50 cts. 

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account of them in the space at our conn. id; 1 wide weepi 
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plative in its turn, but keenly alive to the absurdity of human 

topic which is not here embodied or glanced at ; and modern philosophy is pretty seven ■ 
may be inferred from the motto of Headlong Hall : 

'All philosophers, who find 
Some favorite system to their mind, 
In every point to make tl fit. 
Will force all nature to .submit.' " 

Cincinnati Alias. 



Tasso. — Godfrey of Bulloigne ; 

Or, the Recovery of Jerusalem : done into English Historical Verse, from 
the Italian of Tasso, by Edward Fairfax. Introductory Essay, by Leigh 
Hunt ; and the Lives of Tasso and Fairfax, by Charles Knight. I 
12mo, $1 25. 
"The completest translation, and nearest like its original of any we have seen."— Lr-ieh Hunt. 
" The Jerusalem Delivered is full, to the last stanza, of the most delightful inventions, of the 

most charming pictures, of chivalric and heroic sentiment, oi \ ■ai ol brave man and beautiful 

women — in fine, a prodigal mine of the choicest resources and ejects of poetry. So it has been 
always known to the world, so Fairfax brings it to us." — Mirror. 



Taylor. — Poems and Ballads. 

The Poems and Ballads of J. Bayard Taylor. With Portrait painted 
by T. Buchanan Read, Esq. 12mo, cloth, 75 cents ; cloth gilt extra, 
$1 25. 

" A spiri' of boldness and vigor pervades the volume." 

" ' The Picturesque Ballads of California ' have a dash of boldness and adventure in them, which 
contrasts pleasantly witli the more purely sentimental poems." 



Walton. — The Lives of Bonne, Wcilton^ II>«>]>,r y 

Herbert, and Sanderson. By Izaak Walton. New edition. 1 vol., 12mo, 

green cloth, $1. 

"The Lives are the most delightful kind of reading. Walton possesses an inimitable simplicity 
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Billiotheca Americana. 

A Catalogue of American Publications, including Reprints and Originnl Works, 
from 1820 to 1848, inclusive. Compiled by 0. A. Roorbach. Royal 8vo, 
pp. 359, $4. 
.* A very useful book to all librarians and booksellers. 

39 



g. p. Putnam's new publications. 



ibratiDtt— ^jnjsirnl unit J&v&sL 

The Nursery Booh for Young Motlwrs. 

BY MRS. L. C. TUTHILL. 

18mo, 50 cents. 

*.* This volume will be a welcome present to young mothers. It comprises familiar letters on 
all topics connected with the medical and educational departments of the Nursery, and is just 
such a book as every mother will find practically useful ; and all the more so as it is written by a 
competent and experienced person of their own sex. 

"There is much excellent counsel in this volume, with occasional toucnes of nature, which 
shows that the author is observant, and has accustomed herself to note the errors of physical and 
domestic education. Indeed there are some happy hits at the mistakes of this sort which are as 
common as children, and graver admonitions that ' young mothers,' and some assuming to have 
more experience, might greatly profit by." — N. Y. Com. Adv. 

"The title of this neat little volume would not at first seem to indicate any thing new or pecu- 
liarly interesting, but at the very first page the attention is arrested, and from thence to the very 
last note in the Appendix the interest does not flag. It is no dry disquisition upon diet and medi- 
cines, but has for its topic nursery education in every branch. The instruction on these various 
points is communicated in sprightly letters from an aunt to her niece, who, desponding like all 
young mrthers when first left to the care of their infants, applies to her for assis'ance. The niece, 
Mrs. Ilaston, is extremely well drawn. From the moment that she first attempts the child's bath, 
and sits 'shivering and trembling, afraid to touch the droll little object,' to hur anxious inquiries 
with regard to the mental and moral training of her children, she is a true woman, and a true mo- 
ther. The circumstances which call forth the various points of instruction from her aunt are 
most naturally developed, and, on the whole, we regard it as the best book of the kind ever pub- 
lished. Its peculiar excellence is the sprightly and agreeable style which we have before alluded 
to, and which would arrest the attention of many a giddy ' girl-mother,' who would throw aside a 
dry treatise in despair. Mrs. Tuthill quotes the most unexceptionable authorities for her nursery 
rules for health." — Phila. Sat. Gazette. 



Centre %nh far ^nmig ^taons auit Irjjonl Xiknm 

MRS. L. C. TUTH I L L. 

Success in Life : The Merchant : 

A Biography ; with Anecdotes and Practical Application for New Beginnera. 
12mo. half bound, 62 cts. ; gilt, extra, $1. 

" We fare on earth as other men have fared : 
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Success in Life ; Tlie Laivyer : 

A Biographical Example. l8mo. 
[To be followed by " The Artist^** The Mechanic," &c] 

*.* The aim of this Series is to develop the talent and energy of boys just merging into man- 
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" Success I How the heart bounds at the exulting word 1 Success! Man's aim from the mo- 
ment he places his tiny foot upon the floor till he lays his weary gray head in the grave. Suc- 
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Evenings with the Old Story Tellers. 

One volume, 12mo, green cloth, 50 cents. 

" A quiet humor, a quaintness and terseness of style will strongly recommend them."— English 
Churchman. 

40 



g. p. putnam's new publications. 



(Cjjnirt Snnks far ^ottiig -jtanii; 

DISTRICT, SUNDAY SCHOOL, AND FAMILY LIBRARIES. 

PUTNAM'S ORIENTAL SERIES: 

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I. Layard's Nineveh and its Remains. 

2 vols. 12mo, half bound, without the larger Illustrations, $1 75. 

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Or, Sketches of Travel in Egypt and the Holy Land. 
12mo, half bound, without the Illustrations, $1 50. 

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2 vols. 12mo, half bound, $1 25. 
• • This series is prepared with special reference to school and circulating libraries, ami 
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more expensive illustrated editions. 

The Game of Natural History : 

« c»ri» a of Pardo carefully drawn, represents the most important and mterestine of the 
A Series .1 Car K c, r \ > < r I Mn , u ,.,,l ra as to form a pleasant and Interesting Ln- 

l S I m 1 e C n"raiu^m.?pany"vin 1 e ualso gives destrable informauon. 50c. macase; 

colored, 75 cts. 

Robinson Crusoe's Farm- Yard : 

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The Game of Anna : • 

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Young American's Primer. 

Attractively Illustrated. 12mo, paper, 25 CU. 

41 



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CONTINUED. 

Glimpses of the Wonderful. 

** ^? ■ e ? a L ning account of Curiosities of Nature and Art. First, Second, and 
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bquare lOmo tloth, each, 75 cents. 



MISS SEDGEWICK. 

The Morals of Manners; 

° r 'c£lh 8 2 f 5 , ce ^ YOUng Pe ° Ple * NewEdition - S( J uare IGmo, with cute, 

Facts and Fancies, 

F ^°cts D 5 y centf^ * *^ * " ^^ ° f lfam »" S ^ Uare 16mo « 



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Young Naturalist's Rambles through Many Lands; 

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The Ocwne of Natural History. 

A Series of Cards, Carefully Drawn and Colored re D resentin«r the «,«■♦ 
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42 



SUPPLIED BY G-. P. PUTNAM. 



The JRevue des Deux Mondes. 

Nouvelle Pe"riode avec la Collaboration des Sommites Litteraires et Scien- 
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The American Journal of Science and Arts. 

Conducted by Professors B. Silliman, B. Silliman, Jun., and James D. Daha. 
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The Journal of the American Oriental Society. 

Comprising Original Papers relating to the East. Nos. I. to IV. The rVth 
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Orientalists. Price $1 50. 



The May Society (Natural History) Publications. 

*.* The Ray Society in London publish three volumes each year, of important and costlr 
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The Annals of the Lyceum of Natural History of 
Neio- York. 

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Tredgold on the Steam Engine. 

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INDEX TO 
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Those marked *, a special discount. 



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•American Historical and Literary Curiosi- 
ties. Folio. li;i_l f morocco, SO. ■ - 24 
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12mo, clpth. 26 

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PROSPECTUS FOR 1850. 

THE NEW-YOM WEEKLY MIRROR, 

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New- York, March 4th, 1850. ^^^^^ 



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